#Bill Bauer
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Slipstream (1989)
My rating: 5/10
One of those movies that, for whatever reason, seemed rather impressive when I watched them as a kid, but don't hold up terribly well. Don't get me wrong, it's far from terrible, but it does drag on a bit and pretty much everything in it has been done better elsewhere.
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C'est comme le challenge waca avec les chats gris aux yeux bleus mais avec des hommes blancs et bruns à bebar
Template par @earl-goupil <3
#art challenge#rpz#gta rpz#my art#commu rpz#marcello capone#bill boid#harry bauer#*approche un bloc note tout proche de mon visage et lis avec les yeux plissés :*#“note à moi même : ”bon on repassera pour les body type“”#j'aurais vraiment dû faire avec mon artstyle plus cartoon là 😭
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Rod Bauer and Bill Proper Uncensored series 6 photos
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The full trailer for season 2 of "Heels" is finally out and it looks great!!! :D Jack's dealing with his wife having left and estranged relationship with his brother Ace, Ace is struggling too, Crystal is now an actual wrestler and the DWL are actually adding more female wrestlers, Bobby seems to be now a ref and one of the announcers as well as it exploring more of his and Crystal's relationship, Rooster has a new wrestling persona, there's new cast additions like Emmy Raver Lampman from "Umbrella Academy", and looks like CM Punk is a series regular now too as Ricky. Excited to watch and it's back July 28th.
#heelsstarz#jack spade#ace spade#staci spade#crystal tyler#bobby pin#willie day#rooster robbins#wild bill hancock#ricky rabies#stephen amell#alexander ludwig#alison luff#kelli berglund#mary mccormack#trey tucker#allen maldonado#chris bauer#cm punk#mike o'malley#wrestling#emmy raver lampman
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Intersex Support Resources
Intersex 101:
http://4intersex.org/#yourself
Intersex Organizations
Intersex Organizations by Country
Intersex Variations
Intersex Variations Glossary by InterACT
Intersex History, Art, and Politics
Compilation Post
Intersex Flag
Morgan Carpenter on the Intersex Flag
Intersex Surgery
“I Want to be Like Nature Made Me” Report from Human Rights Watch
Intersex Human Rights by Bauer et al, 2020
Legal Discrimination
US Anti-trans bills also harm intersex Children by Human Rights Watch
Intersex Legislative Toolkit by InterACT
Medical Records
InterACT Guide to accessing medical records
Intersex Health
Intersex affirming hospital policies from InterACT
Intersex affirming Primary Care from National LGBTQIA Health Education Center
Intersex and osteoporosis from Intersex Support Australia
Sexual Health
Intersex Inclusive information for Sex Ed from Puberty Curriculum
Scarleteen Sex Ed
What Intersex People Want you to Know about Sex by Maddie Rose
I’m Intersex. Here’s How That Affects My Sex Life by Mark Hay
Intersex and Disability
Liberating All Bodies: Intersex Justice and Disability Justice in Conversation
Intersex Mental Health
Mental Health
Intersex Justice and the Care We Deserve: “I Want People to Feel at Home in Their Bodies Again” by Zena Sharman
A national study on the physical and mental health of intersex adults in the U.S. by Rosenwohl-Mack et al., 2020
Crisis lines that don’t call the cops:
Trans Lifeline
Thrive Lifeline
For Parents of Intersex Children
Supporting your intersex Child by IGLYO
#resources#intersex#actuallyintersex#lgbtq#lgbtqia#intersex resources#you can also find these resources as a stable page at intersex-support.tumblr.com/resources
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Letting Someone Go - Part 2
Benny Cross X Female Reader A/n: part 1 is here! Word Count: 2014 Warnings: cursing, alcohol use Taglist: @real-lana-del-rey @putherup
Fifteen months. That was all it took for you to find Benny, love him, and lose him. The easy version of your story went like this: it was Kathy Bauer’s fault. Simple as pie, like your mama used to say.
The truth was a lot different. The truth was messy and it hurt a hell of a lot more. Because the truth was that you hadn’t lost Benny at all. To lose something, you have to have it in the first place. And when you were being really honest with yourself, you knew that you never had Benny Cross. You had as much of a claim to him as a kite does to the wind. That was to say, none at all.
You didn’t like the truth. But, you weren’t the kind of girl who could live a lie either. So, you did the only thing you could think of: you ran away. Kathy Bauer’s first night in the Vandals bar was early November, Benny broke it off with you in early December. You spent Christmas drunk and stoned. And by New Years, you were gone.
You thought putting Chicago - and Benny - in the rearview mirror would help. You’d banked on it helping. Running was your only plan. There wasn’t any other choice, really. Sure, some of the Vandals had pitched you on sticking around, club president Johnny among them. Your waitressing pal Sheila had asked you to move in with her, given that you were now two months’ behind on rent without Benny’s side-hustle cash around to help pay the bills. Hell, Cal had even offered you a soft place to land on the left side of his queen sized mattress.
None of those offers had tempted you for even an instant. So, while the rest of America was counting down the final seconds of 1965 from their couches, you were sitting on the back of your fully customized Sportster, driving like a bat out of hell on the back roads leading west out of Chicago. Your only destination was the fuck out of here.
It took you fifteen months to figure out what love was and to lose it again. You weren’t sure how long it was going to take you to do something approximating move on, but you figured it would be a lot longer than fifteen months. And you were right.
***********************
Your phone rang at 3:13am in the morning on September 19th, 1969. The first thing you thought was that your daddy must have finally died. Sonofabitch had been fighting a chainsmoker’s strain of lung cancer for almost six months now, and damn had it been a hard fight. Your mama had actually begged you not to come home and see him. Nothin’ you can do here, baby she said in her soft, sad voice each time you called and asked if you should come home. Your daddy, for his part, couldn’t talk anymore, on account of the laryngectomy the doctors gave him a few weeks prior. He’d declined one of those robotic voice boxes. Figured he’d said all he needed to at this point. Nobody wanted to hear the ramblings of an old biker on death’s door at this point. Especially himself.
But it wasn’t your mama’s voice on the other end. It was Johnny Davis.
“Hey, kid.” Not a question, not a hey, how are ya. It had been almost four years since the last time you’d talked to Johnny. Four years since you’d last seen a Vandals cutte. You wished you could say it had been that long since you’d thought about the club, but that would be a damn lie. Your mind drifted back to a certain handsome blonde-haired blue-eyed biker almost every day.
It took you a minute to place the voice on the other end. It was familiar in the way a dream is familiar, but between the fog of leftover whiskey, a deep sleep, and buried memories, it didn’t come to you quickly.
“Who’s this?” you asked, wiping the tired out of your eyes.
“Oh, uh, well. It’s Johnny.”
There it was.
“Johnny? Johnny Davis?”
“Yeah, yeah it’s me, kid. Listen. How you been?”
You couldn’t help but let out a short, sad chuckle. The easy answer to that question was oh, I been alright Johnny, you? But the truth was something more like, well Johnny, let’s see, since I last saw you in Chicago I’ve been on the road pretty much constantly for four years, running for so long I can’t tell if I’m running to or away from something, much less what that thing is. I’ve picked up about a dozen bad habits, like drinking too much and riding too fast and going home with the first guy who’ll buy me a brew at a bar. Oh, and by the way, my daddy’s dying.
But Johnny didn’t deserve your bitterness. Especially not at 3:14 in the morning.
“You know me, Johnny, I’ve been doin’ just fine. Why’re you callin’ so early?”
There was a heavy silence on the other end of the line. An image of Johnny, taking a deep drag on one of those Pall Malls he loved to smoke, came to you in the darkness. In the quiet of his reply, you heard a dense grief. You braced yourself for what you were sure was bad news and flicked on the bedside lamp on your nightstand. Next to you, the latest biker boy of the week stirred grumpily and waved at you to turn the light off. You ignored him, throwing off the covers and dangling your feet over the side of your mattress.
“Well, kid. It’s Brucie.”
Brucie. It took the air out of your lungs. You could have named a half-dozen Vandals you’d expect to kick the bucket before Brucie. Zipco, Wahoo, Corky. Hell, even Johnny himself. And Benny, of course. You couldn’t help but feel the knot in your chest relax an inch to know that Johnny wasn’t calling to tell you that it was Benny. But damnitall, Brucie? Careful, pragmatic, thoughtful Brucie? What the fuck was Gail gonna do?
“Brucie? What the fuck happened?”
Another jagged inhale on the other end. Johnny was crying, you realized. It gutted you.
“Oh, you know. 1967 Pontiac came outta nowhere, you know, just caught him in a bad way. It’s always the ones you don’t see comin’, y’know? Fuckin’ Pontiac.”
“Jesus, Johnny. Brucie? Shit.”
You lit a cigarette of your own as you let your mind wander back to your time in Chicago. Brucie was solid, Johnny’s right-hand man and a kind, gentle sorta guy. You’d liked him instantly, and Gail too. Real good folk.
“Yeah, yeah, it’s been hard, y’know, I mean, club is real beat up over it.”
“Fuck, Johnny, I don’t even know whatta say. I’m so sorry.”
You and Johnny took matching drags and tried to swipe away your tears. The guy in your bed next to you rolled over and fixed you with a bleary-eyed glare. You couldn’t remember his name - Steve, maybe. You covered the receiver with your hand, told him to get the fuck out, and drank down the last swallow of whiskey in the only upright glass on your nightstand.
“Yeah, well, I ‘preciate that, kid, I really do. Listen, we’re havin’ a get together for Brucie. Next weekend. Entire club, all charters gonna be there. Invited a few others, too. Ones that knew Brucie. I know he’d want you there.”
Of all the things Johnny had said to you tonight, this was the one that stole the air from your lungs. Go back to Chicago, to the Vandals? You weren’t sure how you’d do that. Or if you physically could.
“Aw, shit Johnny. I dunno…”
“I know you got history here,” Johnny interrupted quickly. “I know you got… I know you got a lot you’re tryin’ not to come back to. I get it.”
Lots of people might have tried to tell you they understood how you felt. You’d opened up about Benny to a few people since you’d left Chicago. Most people you met on the road were a little bit broken, like you. They were running, just like you, and they weren’t strangers to heartbreak and dead-endings and being fucked over. But, no matter how many times you tried to tell your story, you just never felt like you got it right. So nobody really understood it, because you weren’t sure you did. But Johnny? Johnny didn’t need to hear you tell it. He’d watched it happen. Maybe he really did get it.
Still, was that enough for you to go back? Unsure of what to say, you just stayed silent. Behind you, maybe-Steve was dragging himself out of bed, untangling his clothes from yours, and doing a shitty job of trying to stay quiet.
“You think about it, aight? But I know you’ll come. For Brucie.”
You let out a breath you hadn’t realized you’d been holding. Johnny was right. ‘Course you’d go back for Brucie.
“Aight well, I’ll let ya go then. Sorry for wakin’ you up.”
“Johnny, wait.”
He hesitated. “Yeah, kid?”
“How’d you get my number?”
There were about a million questions you wanted to ask Johnny, although you knew yourself enough at this point to know that you wouldn’t want the answers. So you asked the safest one you could think of.
He chuckled softly. “I keep an eye on my friends,” he replied cryptically before he said goodnight again, and the line went dead. You wished you knew what that meant, although just knowing that there was someone out there in the darkness who cared for you enough to go to the trouble of checking in with whatever backwater charters you shacked up with (because realistically that was the only way Johnny would ever be able to keep up with you) made your heart warm.
“Who the fuck was that?” demanded maybe-Steve. He was halfway out the door of the dingy room you’d rented in this roadside motel, hoping you might still ask him to stay.
“Old friend,” you said brusquely as you stood up and threw an old tshirt over your bare chest, heading for the door behind him. “Time for you to hit the road,” you told him by way of invitation, pointing towards his bike in the parking lot.
“It’s fuckin’ 3:30 in the mornin’, you sure I can’t just sleep it off here?”
“Nah, fuck that. Get lost.”
He grimaced and spat thickly on the ground. For an instant you wondered if he was going to give you trouble, but he just shook his head in disgust and left you there to curl up on the rickety plastic chair outside your motel room with plans to chain-smoke until sunrise. You watched him go, his tail light streaking across the long, dark, flat expanse of Iowa farmland until it melted with blackness around it. Your mind was fluttering with all kinds of memories and thoughts that Johnny’s voice had stirred up. Rather than try and fight it, you let yourself sink beneath the surface and zone out, wading through a chapter of your life that you’d deluded yourself into believing was over. The sun had climbed up over the horizon by the time you came back to yourself with a bleak glance around the ramshackle motel. Your Sportster was gleaming like a lighthouse over in the corner of the lot under the only tree around for miles, a huge black walnut that seemed to be holding up its branches and asking the sky to sweep it up and take it away from here. Exactly how you felt.
Unable to fight against yourself anymore, you splashed cold water on your face, tied your hair up, shoved your belongings into the leather saddlebags you’d been living out of for the last four years, and got on the back of your Sportster. As soon as you kickstarted your bike, you knew where you were going. Straight back to Chicago, back to the Vandals, to Benny. Straight back home.
read part 3 here **let me know if you want to be tagged in future parts!
#the bikeriders imagine#the bikeriders#benny cross x reader#benny cross x you#benny cross x y/n#benny cross imagine#bikeriders imagine#austin butler x you#austin butler x y/n#austin butler x reader#austin butler imagine
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For the last couple weeks I've been drawing logos / designs for local-ish (mostly NJ, some PA and NY) bands as warmups in the morning. Here's what I've come up with! Massive post below the break explaining each logo + where to find each band and listen to their music.
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Teenage Halloween- a staple of New Jersey basements for probably about a decade now and finally getting wider recognition in the last couple years. Pop punk / power pop with a killer horn section. First time I saw them was in New Brunswick playing with Walter Etc. and Blowout. They played a killer cover "Build Me Up Buttercup" and my wife got a black eye in the pit. Recommended tracks: "Brain Song," "666," "Clarity." Their first EP is on a separate bandcamp page btw, check it out here it's great.
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Sweet Pill - They will call themselves a Philly band but in my heart they'll always be from Glassboro. Definitely one of the more recognizable names on this list. Emo revival - early stuff is more twinkly, more recent stuff is heavier. All of it's great. Recommended tracks "Nephew," "High Hopes."
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Shark Club - Central Jersey's finest. I'm very biased because I actually know these dudes and they did the music for my wedding. Some of the best pop punk you'll hear and the nicest people you'll meet. Recommended tracks: "Game Theory," "Bill Murray," "Heavens to Betsy."
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Rest Ashore - My favorite band for the last (oh God I'm old now) eight years. From gut-wrenching emo ballads to virtuoso math-rock instrumentals they do it all. One time I got to sing vocals on "Lucy's Theme" at a house show- thank you Erica! Recommended tracks: "Hjarta," "Chinese Opera," "Devotion," "Soyuz Sweetheart." Too many bangers to name honestly, just deep dive their discography.
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Morus Alba - First band I ever went to see at a house show and still one of my absolute favorites. Their music feels like the bridge between the best pitchfork, /mu/ alt rock bands and high energy basement emo. I mean that as a compliment and I hope it comes off as one lol. I should note that since 2019 Morus Alba has morphed from a band into an experimental hip-hop project so later releases sound radically different and basically disconnected from the earlier stuff. Also my favorite release from them, Live at Isabelle's, has been scrubbed from the internet but if you'd like the files just email me. Recommended tracks: "Skyscraper," "Human Resources," "The Goodnight Waltz."
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Have a Good Season - another Jersey mainstay that's still going strong. Emo revival in their earlier releases, now with more 70s power pop influences in their newer stuff. See them live, they put on a fantastic show and usually play some great covers in addition to their original music. HaGS guys if you're reading this, please put your version of "Since You've Been Gone" online, I'm begging you. Recommended tracks: "Joseph / Shel Silverstein," (you have to listen to them together for the drop, so good) , "Gum, "Gleaux / Scab." Also, frontman Nic Palermo interviewed me once.
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Elephant Jake - If you see any of these bands live make it EJ, they put on such a damn good show. Electrifying indie punk from the Empire State. Recommended tracks: "F.D.C." "Sarah Moyer," "Goodness to Honest," and of course you gotta learn "Sebastien Bauer" for the singalongs.
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Blind Lion - Sadly one of the greats that we lost along the way. Defunct since about 2017. I only got to see them once but it was a great performance. Alongside their own stuff they played some killer covers of "Bad Moon Rising" and "Moonage Daydream." I had trouble doing a logo design for them because I actually really like the composition, if not the "Ed Hardy-ness," of their existing logo so what you see here are two separate attempts, neither of which feels entirely satisfying to me. Frontperson Larry Flately currently plays in Nematode and also handled production of Bradley Gardens joke hiphop group The Breakfast Boiz under the moniker "DJ Ova EZ." Recommended tracks: "Brumous," "Dinner."
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Fighting Seasons - A band that I sadly found out about too late (via a sticker under the bridge in my town which has since been painted over). 2010s pop punk that packs a helluva punch, especially considering that I'm pretty sure the members were high schoolers for most of the band's existence. I think some members may have gone on to form Sawce (FFO Chon, Polyphia, that type of music) but I can't remember where I read/heard that so ¯\_(ツ)_/¯. Recommended tracks: "Fighting Seasons," "Oil on Canvas"
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Milkmen- Another fallen giant, officially disbanded in 2019. Like Morus Alba, they played the very first house show I attended and their few releases remain on constant rotation in my home. Used to put on a great show and were one of the bands I always thought would make it big until suddenly they weren't around anymore. Frontman Ben Thieberger contributed guitar and vocals to Covid quarantine project Kin if you're looking for a bit of an extra fix but beyond that I don't know what these guys are up to these days, sadly. Recommended tracks: "Ramus," "Johnny Dangerously," "how sieves catch breeze," "K.O.T.H."
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Stand and Wave - New York (now Philly) pop punkers delivering instant dopamine hits with every track. Another great live act, see them with EJ if you can! They often play shows together. Recommended tracks: "Convos," "Mrs. Dash," "Splashton Kutcher," "Michael Collins."
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My Chemical Romance - You know who they are. While I was drawing all these other logos I ran a poll on Patreon to decide which famous New Jersey band should also be graced with a drawing from me. MCR won the poll by a hefty margin so unfortunately you won't get to see me do an illegible black metal take on Hoboken's Yo La Tengo. I ended up doing two versions: the one with the halo is the first, the one with the bats was the second. I tried to do something kind of thin and elegant with the first one and I don't think it's terrible but I also wasn't quite satisfied with it. For the 2nd attempt I tried to lean into the kind of pulpy, almost horror punk aesthetic of early MCR and I think that one looks better even if it's less original.
Anyway if you took the time to read through all this, thank you very much! And please support these bands! Also If any of the links aren't working please let me know.
-Logan
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Best StarCanWreckedPulp Parents Poll Round 1 Matchups
Bill Woodward Vs Papa Ed
Duke Keane Vs Tony Green
Bob Cratchit Vs Mr Clark
Ebenezer Scrooge Vs Gareth
Emily Cratchit Vs Molag
Quirrell Vs Molly Weasley
Voldemort Vs Ja'far
Tom Houston Vs Martha
Becky Barnes Vs Stewart
Lex Foster Vs Elizabeth Van Tassel
Mrs Mega Vs Jane Perkins
TTO Grandpa/Titty Mitty Vs Ethan Green
TTO Father/Jack Bauer Vs Cliff Irons
Rocky Irons Vs TTO Mother
Worst StarCanWreckedPulp Parents Poll Round 1 Matchups
Pamela Foster Vs Mr Foster
The Evil Stepmother Vs Tom Riddle Sr
Boy Jerry Vs Mark Chasity
Dr Spaceclaw Vs Little Match Girl's Father
Girl Jeri Vs Karen Chasity
Gwen Barrywood Vs Baltus Van Tassel
Nicholas Barrywood Vs King Itzal
Solomon Lauter Vs Mr Jägerman
Linda Monroe Vs Watcher World Mom
Sheila Young Vs William Herschel
Lucius Malfoy Vs Gerald Monroe
The Sultan Vs Jane Perkins
Scrag's Dad Vs TTO Father/Jack Bauer
Agent Curt Mega Vs Roman Murray
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Scream Wardrobe HCs Pt. 1- Stu Macher
IDK if anyone will care about this but I've spent so much time thinking about wardrobe so here's some popular 90s clothes and brands I think Stu would have worn
One of those hypercolour shirts that change colour with different temperatures
He wears it to parties, it lets everyone know when he hooked up with someone (because brightly coloured handprints)
Also he can draw on himself when he's bored
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2. Vans, Timberlands & hush puppies
this feels self explanatory
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3. Those surprisingly short umbro soccer short
his legs are so skinny and he's so tall they only come to like halfway down his thigh
Billy loves hates them
3. Carhartt jeans
he just has a buch of different cuts and colours of these
he likes the extra pockets for snacks and swiss army knives and sharpies
4. Skate brands like spitefire and thrasher
Especially when he was younger, the dude looked like he stepped out of thrasher magazine, it was a bit much
he probably still has some of that stuff by late high school but definitely less
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5. BUCKET. HAT.
Tatum bought this for him and he actually looks really cute in it
6. Just like, a bunch of Quicksilver
He got that fake surfer bro vibe
Are you kidding? This man has a Hawaiian shirt
7. One of those multicolour vertical stripe shirts
this one is Eddie Bauer but Tommy Hilfiger had stuff like this too
Tatum steals it and wears it tied up
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8. The ridiculous joe boxers with the smiley face logo
he thinks he's hilarious
all of his underwear has some sort of atrocious print on it
Billy hates these full stop
help why are bill and hillary clinton in this actual underwear ad
More:
Billy
Sidney
Randy
#I dont know why I did this#stu macher#scream headcanons#scream 1996#stuilly#Stu machers wardrobe#scream wardrobe hcs
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Fun things I get to say because I named my baby cows after fictional characters:
- "Awwww Arthur Morgan and Jack Bauer are cuddling in the hutch together :)"
- "BAUER STOP TRYING TO STEAL ARTHUR'S BOTTLE"
- "Mr. Hickey really just be cuddling with everyone"
- "Bill S. Preston Esq... you do realize to get out of the rain you have to be in the hutch, not next to it, right?"
Picture of Mr. Hickey
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Who's your favorite non-Joey Starcanwrecked character? :]
I’ll go for one of each since I wouldn’t be able to choose!
For starkid it’s probably either Bill or jack Bauer!
For tin can bros it’s definitely Tatiana or Esther!
For shipwrecked it could be ANYONE I love all of their characters dearly but my favourite as of currently is black Phillip!
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"An Art Tribute To The Disney Films Of Ron Clements & John Musker" at Gallery Nucleus
This was an exhibit held from November 19 to December 6, 2016. There are several pieces dedicated to The Great Mouse Detective.
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Elementary, Dawson, by Alexandria Neonakis
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He's a peg-legged bat with a broken wing, by Keiko Murayama
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The World's Greatest Criminal Mind, by Keiko Murayama
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Rattigan [sic], by Betsy Bauer
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Ah, ha! Evidence!, by Nicole Gustafsson
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Ratigan's Plan, by Tom Matousek
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Ratigan, by Bill Schwab
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Olivia Flaversham, by Eric Goldberg
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Basil sat for some time in silence, by Julieta Colás
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Confrontation, by Alexander Lee
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Investigation, by Alexander Lee
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Promise Keepers (PK) puts forward a public relations image of bringing men together to support each other in taking on more responsibility for their families. In reality, however, PK is using religion to promote a “kinder, gentler” version of white male domination. Its leadership is fiercely homophobic, anti-choice, misogynistic and has close ties to far-right organizations and individuals.
PK is Anti-Woman
In the group’s founding text The Seven Promises of a Promise Keeper, Rev. Tony Evans advised men that, “The first thing you do is sit down with your wife and say something like this: ‘Honey, I’ve made a terrible mistake. I’ve given you my role. I gave up leading this family, and I forced you to take my place. Now I must reclaim this role.’ Don’t misunderstand what I’m saying here. I’m not suggesting that you ask for your role back. I’m urging you to take it back.” He went on to say, “If you simply ask for it back, your wife is likely to refuse...Unfortunately, there can be no compromise here.” This book also instructs women to submit to their husbands “for the sake of your family and the survival of our culture.”
At a PK event in 1996, speaker Gary Smalley advised the crowd to view their wives as “weaker vessels.” At yet another PK rally, Rev. Tony Evans stated, “Women were intended by God to be helpers to men.”
PK founder Bill McCarthy has made numerous statements in support of Operation Rescue. McCarthy and other PK leadership are opposed to abortion, in part because they espouse reproduction and care of children as the proper role of women.
PK is Anti-Gay
While lobbying extensively for a statewide anti-gay ballot measure in Colorado in 1992, PK founder Bill McCarthy stated that homosexuality is “an abomination of God.” He also stated that gays and lesbians do not deserve equal rights because they “do not reproduce.” PK received its initial funding from Gary Bauer’s far-right organization Focus on the Family, which is well-known for its homophobic politics.
PK is Pro-Theocracy
At all of its rallies, PK sells a book by Bill Bright, far-right leader of Campus Crusade for Christ. In this book, The Coming Revival: America’s Call to Fast, Pray and Seek God’s Face, Bright promotes the notion that Christians must take over country, including the government. He states, “Unless our nation returns to God from the top down, where our laws are made, permanent change will be extremely difficult.” In recent rallies, men have been exhorted to “prophesy” to their wives and children in preparation for the time they will take the country back for God. In 1995, McCarthy told a rally of clergy that they need to prepare to “take this nation for Jesus Christ!”
Rev. James Ryle, Bill McCarthy’s personal pastor and PK board member has expressed the belief that PK is part of a Biblical prophesy in which men will form an army to destroy nonbelievers. During an interview, he stated “Never have 300,000 men come together throughout human history except for the purposes of war.”
PK has Right-Wing Ties
In addition to receiving start-up funds from Focus on the Family, PK got start-up help from Bill Bright’s Campus Crusade for Christ. This organization practices shepherding, a type of religious mentoring in which the individual is heavily controlled by their spiritual leader and must submit all major decisions to their shepherd (mentor) for approval. Many college students have related incidents of abuse by their shepherds or likened the experience to being indoctrinated into a cult.
The Christian Coalition has been very active in promoting the events of PK. They are currently promoting a national level event in Washington, DC through a series of six shows on the 700 Club. When a magazine printed an unflattering article about PK, the Christian Coalition organized a massive letter-writing campaign to the magazine.
PK is Big Money
In 1996, PK took in over $117 million dollars in revenue. $14 million of this was in product sales alone. The organization had at that time 452 paid staff members. Bill McCarthy must be proud to have started an organization that rivals a mid-sized corporation in financial success. Yet when two men from a ministry that serves homeless people showed up at a recent PK rally with signs that pointed out their belief that Christians should help the poor, they were roughed up by PK staffers and forced to move far from the area of the rally.
PK Offers No Real Solutions, Only Oppression
What does the U.S. in the ‘90s look like? It remains the country with more people held in jail per 100,000 than any police state in the world. The criminalization of Black and Latino youth continues unabated. The death penalty has become an accepted “liberal” position. There is an escalating war on immigrants...and the declaration that millions are “illegal.” The actual ability of women to obtain abortion is methodically [being] stripped away...The mean spirited, openly racist, misogynist, homophobic, Christian-fundamentalist demands for ‘family values’ and preparation for Armageddon continue to fester in growing organized networks.
PK does not challenge the status quo. It exists to reinforce old stereotypes and sex roles. It scapegoats women and gays who have struggled for equality, blaming them for society’s problems. Their pledge of ‘racial reconciliation’ is paternalistic at best and fails to recognize or challenge institutional racism.
Rather than helping men to stand up against corporate greed, PK blames men for their economic woes. In The Seven Promises of a Promise Keeper, Rev. Tony Evans wrote that “Families today lack roots because they lack purpose and direction. They jump from place to place, job to job, looking for the good life. Their plans for the future are a muddle of self-centered whims.” Nowhere is there a mention of corporate downsizing or exporting jobs overseas as the reason families are forced to move to find work.
In short, PK promotes a return to a version of ’50s family life in which the man is the breadwinner and makes all of the decisions, the woman stays home and minds the kids, and the kids are servile and obedient, especially to the father.
This form of oppression has been tried before. During the Nazi period, women were rewarded with Honor Cross of German Motherhood medals for producing children for the fatherland. They were reminded constantly to be “good German wives” with the phrase “kinder, küche, kirche” (children, kitchen, church). Women who chose to practice reproductive freedom or who did not comply with their role were punished severely by the state. Is this what PK has planned for us if they “take over the nation for God?”
#feminism#GLBT#racism#promise keepers#christianity#fascism#right-wing#us politics#xtians#United States of America#christians#religion#anarchism#anarchy#anarchist society#practical anarchy#practical anarchism#resistance#autonomy#revolution#communism#anti capitalist#anti capitalism#late stage capitalism#daily posts#libraries#leftism#social issues#anarchy works#anarchist library
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2024 in memoriam (part 17)
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David McCarty, 54
Bill Tobin, 83
Sam Whittingham, 97
Roman Gabriel; Jr., 83
KODA, 45
Terry A. Anderson, 76
Pete Woolley, 94
Katherine Porter, 82
Al Shaver, 96
Arthur Whittington, 68
Ed Chadwick, 90
Mai Raud-Pähn, 103
Tom Tischinski, 79
Bob Cole, 90
Roy Cross, 100
Donald Petersen, 97
Mike Pinder, 82
Korey Cunningham, 28
Ho-Nien Au, 89
Marla Adams, 85
Bishop Peter Ingham, 83
Lyle Bauer, 65
Joe Sims, 55
Aaron Thomas, 86
Bob Tyler, 91
Lesley Hazleton, 78
Mary Lentaigne, 103
Prof. Charlotte F. Muller, 103
Duane Eddy, 86
Prof. Peter Demetz, 101
#Religion#Tributes#Celebrities#Sports#Baseball#Texas#Football#Missouri#Indiana#North Carolina#South Carolina#Music#Ghana#Ohio#New York#Canada#Ontario#Art#Iowa#New Mexico#TV Shows#Hockey#British Columbia#Estonia#Sweden#Newfoundland#U.K.#Cars#Minnesota#Michigan
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The second anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, on February 24th, and the continuing menace Vladimir Putin, Russia’s president, presents to Europe, were always going to overshadow this year’s Munich Security Conference. But as the annual gathering of bigwigs got under way, a series of additional blows fell. First came the death of Alexei Navalny, Russia’s foremost opposition leader, in a Siberian gulag on February 16th. The next day Ukraine’s army withdrew from the town of Avdiivka, handing Mr Putin his first military victory in almost a year. America’s Congress, meanwhile, showed no sign of passing a bill to dispense more military aid to Ukraine, which is starved of ammunition and therefore likely to suffer more setbacks on the battlefield. The auguries could scarcely have been more awful.
The deadlock in Congress reflects the baleful influence of Donald Trump, whose opposition to aid for Ukraine has cowed Republican lawmakers. It was the spectre of Mr Trump’s potential return to office in November’s presidential election that cast the darkest pall over Munich. A week earlier Mr Trump had explained what he would say to an ally in nato that had not spent as much as the alliance urges on defence and then suffered an invasion: “You’re delinquent? No, I would not protect you. In fact, I would encourage them [the invaders] to do whatever the hell they want.”
Combined harms
Russia’s ever-deepening belligerence, Ukraine’s deteriorating position and Mr Trump’s possible return to the White House have brought Europe to its most dangerous juncture in decades. The question is not just whether America will abandon Ukraine, but whether it might abandon Europe. For Europe to fill the space left by America’s absence would require much more than increased defence spending. It would have to revitalise its arms industry, design a new nuclear umbrella and come up with a new command structure.
In Munich the mood was fearful, but determined rather than panicked. American and European officials remain hopeful that more American munitions will eventually get to Ukraine, but they are also making contingencies. On February 17th Petr Pavel, the Czech president, said his country had “found” 800,000 shells that could be shipped within weeks. In an interview with The Economist Boris Pistorius, Germany’s defence minister, insisted that European arms production was increasing “as fast as possible” and said he was “very optimistic” that Europe could plug any gaps left by America.
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Not everyone is so sanguine. If American aid were to evaporate entirely, Ukraine would probably lose, an American official tells The Economist. Mr Pistorius is correct that European arms production is rising fast; the continent should be able to produce shells at an annual rate of 1m-2m late this year, potentially outstripping America. But that may come too late for Ukraine, which needs some 1.5m per year according to Rheinmetall, a European arms manufacturer. A sense of wartime urgency is still lacking. European shell-makers export 40% of their production to non-EU countries other than Ukraine; when the European Commission proposed that Ukraine should be prioritised by law, member states refused. The continent’s arms firms complain that their order books remain too thin to warrant big investments in production lines.
A Ukrainian defeat would inflict a psychological blow on the West while emboldening Mr Putin. That does not mean he could take advantage right away. “There is no immediate threat to NATO,” says Admiral Rob Bauer, the head of NATO’s international military committee. Allies disagree over how long Russia would need to rebuild its forces to a pre-war standard, he says, and the timing depends in part on Western sanctions, but three to seven years is the range “a lot of people talk about”. The direction of travel is clear. “We can expect that within the next decade, NATO will face a Soviet-style mass army,” warned Estonia’s annual intelligence report, published on February 13th. The threat is not just a Russian invasion, but attacks and provocations which might test the limits of Article 5, NATO’s mutual-defence clause. “It cannot be ruled out that within a three- to five-year period, Russia will test Article 5 and NATO’s solidarity,” Denmark’s defence minister recently warned. But the concern is less the timing than the prospect of confronting Russia alone.
Change of station
Europe has thought about such a moment for years. In 2019 Emmanuel Macron, France’s president, told this newspaper that allies needed to “reassess the reality of what NATO is in the light of the commitment of the United States”. Mr Trump’s first term in office, in which he flirted with withdrawing from NATO and publicly sided with Mr Putin over his own intelligence agencies, served as a catalyst. The idea of European “strategic autonomy”, once pushed only by France, was embraced by other countries. Defence spending, which began rising after Russia’s first invasion of Ukraine in 2014, has increased dramatically. That year just three members of NATO met the alliance’s target of spending 2% of GDP on defence. Last year 11 countries did, ten of them in Europe (see chart 1). This year at least 18 of NATO’s 28 European members will hit the target. Europe’s total defence spending will reach around $380bn—about the same as Russia’s, after adjusting for Europe’s higher prices.
Those numbers flatter Europe, however. Its defence spending yields disproportionately little combat power, and its armed forces are less than the sum of their parts. The continent is years away from being able to defend itself from attack by a reconstituted Russian force. At last year’s summit, NATO leaders approved their first comprehensive national defence plans since the cold war. NATO officials say those plans require Europe to increase its existing (and unmet) targets for military capability by about a third. That, in turn, means Europe would have to spend around 50% more on defence than today, or about 3% of GDP. The only European members of NATO that currently reach that level are Poland and Greece, the latter flattered by bloated military pensions.
Anyway, more money is not enough. Almost all European armies are struggling to meet their recruitment targets, as is America’s. Moreover the rise in spending after 2014 delivered alarmingly little growth in combat capability. A recent paper by the International Institute of Strategic Studies (IISS), a think-tank in London, found that the number of combat battalions had barely increased since 2015 (France and Germany each added just one) or had even fallen, in Britain by five battalions. At a conference last year, an American general lamented that most European countries could field just one full-strength brigade (a formation of a few thousand troops), if that. Germany’s bold decision to deploy a full brigade to Lithuania, for instance, is likely to stretch its army severely.
Even when Europe can produce combat forces, they often lack the things needed to fight effectively for long periods: command-and-control capabilities, such as staff officers trained to run large headquarters; intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance, such as drones and satellites; logistics capabilities, including airlift; and ammunition to last for longer than a week or so. “The things that European militaries can do, they can do really well,” says Michael Kofman, a military expert, “but they typically can’t do a lot of them, they can’t do them for very long and they’re configured for the initial period of a war that the United States would lead.”
Poland is an instructive case. It is the poster boy for European rearmament. It will spend 4% of its GDP on defence this year, and splurges more than half of that money on equipment, far above NATO’s target of 20%. It is buying huge numbers of tanks, helicopters, howitzers and HIMARS rocket artillery—on the face of it, just what Europe needs. But under the previous government, says Konrad Muzyka, a defence analyst, it did so with little coherent planning and utter neglect of how to crew and sustain the equipment, with personnel numbers falling. Poland’s HIMARS launchers can hit targets 300km away, but its intelligence platforms cannot see that far. It relies on America for that.
One option would be for Europeans to pool their resources. For the past 16 years, for instance, a group of 12 European countries have jointly bought and operated a fleet of three long-range cargo aircraft—essentially a timeshare programme for airlift. In January Germany, the Netherlands, Romania and Spain teamed up to order 1,000 of the missiles used in the Patriot air-defence system, diving down the cost through bulk. The same approach could be taken in other areas, such as reconnaissance satellites.
The hitch is that countries with big defence industries—France, Germany, Italy and Spain—often fail to agree on how contracts should be split among their national arms-makers. There is also a trade-off between plugging holes quickly and building up the continent’s own defence industry. France is irked by a recent German-led scheme, the European Sky Shield Initiative, in which 21 European countries jointly buy air-defence systems, in part because it involves buying American and Israeli launchers alongside German ones. When Olaf Scholz, Germany’s chancellor, recently called for Europe to adopt a “war economy”, Benjamin Haddad, a French lawmaker in Emmanuel Macron’s Renaissance party, retorted, “It’s not by buying American equipment that we’re going to get there.” European arms-makers, he argued, will not hire workers and build production lines if they do not get orders.
These twin challenges—building up military capability and revitalising arms production—are formidable. Europe’s defence industry is less fragmented than many assume, says Jan Joel Andersson of the EU Institute for Security Studies in a recent paper: the continent makes fewer types of fighter jets and airborne radar planes than America, for instance. But there are inefficiencies. Countries often have different design priorities. France wants carrier-capable jets and lighter armoured vehicles; Germany prefers longer-range aircraft and heavier tanks. Europe-wide co-operation on tanks has consistently failed, writes Mr Andersson, and an ongoing Franco-German effort is in doubt.
The scale of the required changes raises broader economic, social and political questions. Germany’s military renaissance will be unaffordable without cutting other government spending or junking the country’s “debt brake”, which would require a constitutional amendment. Mr Pistorius says he is convinced that German society backs higher defence expenditure, but acknowledges, “We have to convince people that this might have an impact on other spending.” Thierry Breton, the EU commissioner in charge of defence, has proposed a €100bn ($108bn) defence fund to boost arms production. Kaja Kallas, Estonia’s prime minister, backed by Mr Macron and other leaders, has proposed that the EU fund such defence spending with joint borrowing, as it did the recovery fund it established during the covid-19 pandemic—a controversial idea among the thriftiest member-states.
Perhaps the hardest capability for Europe to replace is the one everyone hopes will never be needed. America is committed to using its nuclear weapons to defend European allies. That includes both its “strategic” nuclear forces, those in submarines, silos and bombers, and the smaller, shorter-range “non-strategic” B61 gravity bombs stored in bases across Europe, which can be dropped by several European air forces. Those weapons have served as the ultimate guarantee against Russian invasion. Yet an American president who declined to risk American troops to defend a European ally would hardly be likely to risk American cities in a nuclear exchange.
During Mr Trump’s first spell in office, that fear revived an old debate over how Europe might compensate for the loss of the American umbrella. Britain and France both possess nuclear weapons. But they have only 500 warheads between them, compared with America’s 5,000 and Russia’s nearly 6,000 (see chart 2 ). For advocates of “minimum” deterrence, that makes little difference: they think a few hundred warheads, more than enough to wipe out Moscow and other cities, will dissuade Mr Putin from any reckless adventure. Analysts of a more macabre bent think such lopsided megatonnage, and the disproportionate damage which Britain and France would suffer, give Mr Putin an advantage.
Nuclear posturing
This is not just a numerical problem. British nuclear weapons are assigned to NATO, whose Nuclear Planning Group (NPG) shapes policy on how nuclear weapons should be used. The deterrent is operationally independent: Britain can launch as it pleases. But it depends on America for the design of future warheads and draws from a common pool of missiles, which is kept on the other side of the Atlantic. If America were to sever all co-operation, British nuclear forces “would probably have a life expectancy measured in months rather than years”, according to an assessment published ten years ago. In contrast, France’s deterrent is entirely home-grown and more aloof from NATO: uniquely among NATO’s members, France does not participate in the NPG, though it has long said that its arsenal, “by its existence”, contributes to the alliance’s security.
Within NATO, nuclear issues were long on the “back burner”, says Admiral Bauer. That has changed in the past two years, with more and wider discussions on nuclear planning and deterrence. But NATO’s plans hinge on American forces; they do not say what should happen if America leaves. The question of how Britain and France might fill that gap is now percolating. On February 13th Christian Lindner, Germany’s finance minister and head of the pro-business Free Democratic Party, called in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, a German newspaper, for a “rethink” of European nuclear arrangements. “Under what political and financial conditions would Paris and London be prepared to maintain or expand their own strategic capabilities for collective security?” he asked. “And vice versa, what contribution are we willing to make?”
Such musings have a long history. In the 1960s America and Europe pondered a “multilateral” nuclear force under joint control. Today, the idea that Britain or France would “share” the decision to use nuclear weapons is a non-starter, writes Bruno Tertrais, a French expert involved in the debate for decades, in a recent paper. Nor is France likely to join the NPG or assign its air-launched nuclear forces to NATO, he says. One option would be for the two countries to affirm more forcefully that their deterrents would, or at least could, protect allies. In 2020 Mr Macron stated that France’s “vital interests”—the issues over which it would contemplate nuclear use—“now have a European dimension” and offered a “strategic dialogue” with allies on this topic, a position he reiterated last year.
The question is how this would be made credible. In deterrence, the crucial issue is how to make adversaries (and allies) believe that a commitment is real, rather than a cheap diplomatic gesture that would be abandoned when the stakes become apocalyptic. Mr Tertrais proposes a range of options. At the tame end, France could simply promise to consult on nuclear use with its partners, time permitting. More radically, if the American umbrella had gone entirely, France could invite European partners to participate in nuclear operations, such as providing escort aircraft for bombers, joining a task force with the eventual successor to the Charles de Gaulle aircraft-carrier, which can host nukes, or even basing a few missiles in Germany. Such options might ultimately require “a common nuclear planning mechanism”, he says.
Mr Lindner’s talk of a European deterrent was largely dismissed by German officials who spoke to The Economist in Munich. But the nuclear question, involving as it does the deepest questions of sovereignty, identity and national survival, points to the vacuum that would be left if America abandons Europe. “There will be a European nuclear doctrine, a European deterrent, only when there are vital European interests, considered as such by the Europeans, and understood as such by others,” pronounced François Mitterrand, France’s president, in 1994. “We are far away from there.” Today Europe is closer, but not close enough. The same doubt that drove France to develop its own nuclear forces in the 1950s—would an American president sacrifice New York for Paris?—is replicated within Europe: would Mr Macron risk Toulouse for Tallinn?
The seemingly dry question of military command and control brings such issues to the fore. NATO is a political and diplomatic body. It is also a formidable bureaucracy that spends €3.3bn annually and operates a complex network of headquarters: a Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE) in Belgium, three big joint commands in America, the Netherlands and Italy, and a series of smaller ones below. These are the brains that would run any war with Russia. If Mr Trump withdrew from NATO overnight, Europeans would have to decide how to replace them.
An “EU-only” option would not work, says Daniel Fiott of the Elcano Royal Institute, a Spanish think-tank. In part that is because the EU’s own military headquarters is still small, inexperienced and incapable of overseeing high-intensity war. In part it is because this would exclude Britain, Europe’s largest defence spender, as well as other non-EU NATO members such as Canada, Norway and Turkey. An alternative would be for Europeans to inherit the rump NATO structures and keep the alliance alive without America. Whatever institution was chosen, it would have to be filled with skilled officers. Officials at SHAPE acknowledge that much of the serious planning falls on just a few countries. Among Europeans, says Olivier Schmitt, a professor at the Centre for War Studies in Denmark, only “the French, the Brits and maybe the Germans on a good day can send officers able to plan operations at the division and corps level”, precisely those needed in the event of a serious Russian attack.
The question of command is also intrinsically political. Mr Fiott doubts that EU member states could agree on a figure equivalent to the Supreme Allied Commander Europe, the alliance’s top general and, by custom, always an American. That epitomises how American dominance in Europe has suppressed intra-European disputes for decades, as captured in the cold-war quip that NATO’s purpose was to keep “the Americans in, the Russians out and the Germans down”. Sophia Besch of the Carnegie Endowment observes caustically that Europeans still defer to America on the biggest questions of European security: “My impression is that Americans often think more strategically about EU membership for Ukraine than many Europeans.” She sees little hope that Europe will bring bold new ideas to this year’s NATO summit in Washington in July, which will mark the alliance’s 75th anniversary.
It is certainly possible that the shock to European security will be less dramatic than feared. Perhaps America will pass an aid package. Perhaps Europe will scrape together enough shells to keep Ukraine solvent. Perhaps, even if Mr Trump wins, he will keep America in NATO, claiming credit for the fact that a majority of its members—and all of those along the eastern front, and thus most in need of protection—are no longer “delinquent”. Some European officials even muse that Mr Trump, who is fond of nuclear weapons, might take drastic steps such as meeting Poland’s demand to be included in nuclear-sharing arrangements. For the moment, there are still intense debates over how far Europe should hedge against American abandonment. Jens Stoltenberg, the secretary-general of NATO, has repeatedly warned that the idea is futile. “The European Union cannot defend Europe,” he said on February 14th. “Eighty per cent of NATO’s defence expenditures come from non-EU NATO allies.”
Forward-operating haste
Advocates of European self-sufficiency retort that building up a “European pillar” within NATO serves a triple purpose. It strengthens NATO as long as America remains, shows that Europe is committed to share the burden of collective defence and, if necessary, lays the groundwork in case of a future rupture. Higher defence spending, more arms production and more combat-capable forces will be necessary even if America remains in the alliance and under current war plans. Moreover, even the most Europhile of presidents could be forced to divert forces away from Europe if, for instance, America were to be pulled into a big war in Asia.
The difficult questions around command and control, and its implications for political leadership, are probably here to stay. In the worst case of a complete American exit from NATO, a “messy” solution would be needed, says Mr Fiott, perhaps one that would bring Europe’s overlapping institutions into greater alignment. He suggests some radical options, such as giving the EU a seat on the North Atlantic Council, NATO’s main decision-making body, or even a fusion of the posts of NATO secretary-general and president of the European Commission. Such notions still seem otherworldly. But less so with every passing week.
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