#Irish Economy

[goldgro]

Ireland’s Tax Treaty Advantages for Overseas Investors

Many overseas investors seeking opportunities in Ireland will benefit significantly from the strong tax treaty. This treaty aims to prevent double taxation and eliminate tax barriers that could deter cross-border investment. Here are some of the key advantages:

1. Reduced Withholding Tax Rates

One of the most compelling benefits of the tax treaty is the reduced withholding tax rates on dividends, interest, and royalties. For some overseas investors, this means potential savings on tax payments when repatriating income from their investments in Ireland. Under the treaty, the withholding tax on dividends can be as low as 15% or even 5% in certain cases, providing a considerable tax incentive compared to the higher rates that might apply in the absence of the treaty.

2. No Capital Gains Tax for Certain Investments

Another attractive feature of the treaty is that overseas investors typically are not subject to Irish capital gains tax on the sale of shares in Irish companies, provided that these investments do not exceed a specific threshold. This exemption can enhance the return on investment for those looking to enter the Irish market.

3. Tax Credits for Cross-Border Investments

The tax treaty allows for foreign tax credits, which can enable overseas investors to offset taxes paid in Ireland against their home country’s tax obligations. This crediting mechanism can alleviate the impact of double taxation, allowing for a more favorable overall tax position for investors engaging in long-term business ventures or property investments in Ireland.

4. Enhanced Certainty and Stability

In an ever-changing global tax environment, the clarity provided by the tax treaty fosters a sense of stability and predictability for overseas investors. Knowing the specific tax obligations and avoidances in their investment strategy allows for better financial planning and risk assessment.

5. Access to a Favorable Business Environment

While not directly a tax treaty benefit, Ireland’s reputation as a business-friendly environment enhances the attractiveness for overseas investors. With a low corporate tax rate of 12.5%, strong legal frameworks, and a skilled workforce, investors can leverage the tax advantages facilitated by the treaty to maximize growth and profitability.

In summary, the tax treaty serves as a vital tool for many overseas investors, offering a range of benefits that streamline taxation and improve the attractiveness of cross-border investment. By taking advantage of reduced withholding taxes, capital gains exemptions, and enhanced certainty, investors can effectively navigate the Irish market, ensuring their investments yield optimal returns. For high-net-worth individuals considering relocation or investment in Ireland, engaging with expert advisors can further optimize the financial advantages available under the treaty.

Disclaimer:

This analysis is for informational purposes only and does not constitute financial or legal advice. Readers should conduct their own research and consult with qualified professionals before making any financial decisions.

[gideonisms]

trying with every bone in my body not to use this as a notes app and still kinda failing. anyone else feeling Tolerated but not liked irl on this fine night

[vyorei]

Hey guys maybe if the West gets money-scared they'll stop the genocide

[just-ray]

“I just had a rap battle with an ai on the budget”

“Only you could say that”

@is-maith-liom-tae

[lurks-no-more]

That dude had never heard of Táin Bó Cúailnge, I see.

The problem with discussing anything complicated is that it's a real roulette whether you're going to have an intelligent, nuanced and practical conversation, or end up hearing some of the worst takes of your life.

I once had an economic conversation with a guy who was adamant that we should eliminate currency and go back to a barter system for world peace because "lots of people kill over money, but I've never heard of someone getting killed over a cow."

This was a real man who was actually serious and I had to see him every week to play Dungeons and Dragons.

[iishmael]

bought a new book even tho I’m still 3 books behind on my goodreads goals. Help

[heritageposts]

Ask an older generation of white South Africans when they first felt the bite of anti-apartheid sanctions, and some point to the moment in 1968 when their prime minister, BJ Vorster, banned a tour by the England cricket team because it included a mixed-race player, Basil D’Oliveira. After that, South Africa was excluded from international cricket until Nelson Mandela walked free from prison 22 years later. The D’Oliveira affair, as it became known, proved a watershed in drumming up popular support for the sporting boycott that eventually saw the country excluded from most international competition including rugby, the great passion of the white Afrikaners who were the base of the ruling Nationalist party and who bitterly resented being cast out. For others, the moment of reckoning came years later, in 1985 when foreign banks called in South Africa’s loans. It was a clear sign that the country’s economy was going to pay an ever higher price for apartheid. Neither of those events was decisive in bringing down South Africa’s regime. Far more credit lies with the black schoolchildren who took to the streets of Soweto in 1976 and kicked off years of unrest and civil disobedience that made the country increasingly ungovernable until changing global politics, and the collapse of communism, played its part. But the rise of the popular anti-apartheid boycott over nearly 30 years made its mark on South Africans who were increasingly confronted by a repudiation of their system. Ordinary Europeans pressured supermarkets to stop selling South African products. British students forced Barclays Bank to pull out of the apartheid state. The refusal of a Dublin shop worker to ring up a Cape grapefruit led to a strike and then a total ban on South African imports by the Irish government. By the mid-1980s, one in four Britons said they were boycotting South African goods – a testament to the reach of the anti-apartheid campaign. . . . The musicians union blocked South African artists from playing on the BBC, and the cultural boycott saw most performers refusing to play in the apartheid state, although some, including Elton John and Queen, infamously put on concerts at Sun City in the Bophuthatswana homeland. The US didn’t have the same sporting or cultural ties, and imported far fewer South African products, but the mobilisation against apartheid in universities, churches and through local coalitions in the 1980s was instrumental in forcing the hand of American politicians and big business in favour of financial sanctions and divestment. By the time President FW de Klerk was ready to release Mandela and negotiate an end to apartheid, a big selling point for part of the white population was an end to boycotts and isolation. Twenty-seven years after the end of white rule, some see the boycott campaign against South Africa as a guide to mobilising popular support against what is increasingly condemned as Israel’s own brand of apartheid.

. . . continues at the guardian (21 May, 2021)

[newyorkthegoldenage]

Rian James, Dining in New York, 1929. Dust jacket artist unknown.

This is a New York booklet written for New Yorkers. James offered a unique slice of the New York dining scene just before the October 1929 stock market crash and the onset of the Great Depression. The good times were to end soon after.

While there were a ton of contemporary guidebooks published about New York City, very few delved into the restaurant scene. James’s punchy one-line descriptions tell you a lot more than many a detailed review. The writing has some jazz age jargon such as “Beeway” for Broadway and “black and tan” for an establishment that has race mingling between Blacks and Caucasians.

Some excerpts:

MAXL’S – 86th St. near 3rd Ave. Tyrolean Sausage and Sauer Kraut and Tyrolean high jinks after theatre.

THE BLUE RIBBON-145 W. 44th St. German. German cuisine, and plenty of German celebs.

HENRY’S – 69 W. 36th St. Swedish. Roll your own hors d’oeuvres, from a huge center table.

CEYLON INDIA – 148 W. 49th St. East Indian. Curried dishes that are hotter than a Sophie Tucker finale.

DINTY MOORE’S-46th St. west of Beeway. Irish Corned beef and marv lemon pies and giant baked potatoes. Favorite of Ziegfeld, Berlin, Will Rogers, et al.

HOTEL ALGONQUIN – 44th St. bet. 5th and 6th Aves. The snootier of the literati lunch here. The pastry is grand.

GYPSY TEA SHOP – 435 Fifth Ave. Your fortune, from tea leaves, gratis, and all you want to eat, for 75¢.

GREENWICH VILLAGE INN – 6 Sheridan Sq. What customers from Hoosick Falls would he disappointed at not finding.

THE EVERGLADES – Beeway at 48th St. An extravagant floor show with considerable costume economy, and ex-Vanities girls to sit it out with you.

THE MADHOUSE – 169 W. 133rd St. All the name implies. For colored whoopsters chiefly, but whites admitted. Come here after all the others have closed, and SEE things!

For more excerpts and more about the author, see Stuff Nobody Cares About.

Photo: The Cary Collection Text: Stuff Nobody Cares About

[deansawthetvglow]

you heard it here first, folks.

#amvaugust is ON.

the point of this event is to stimulate the supernatural amv economy, if you will, so all prompts and music eras are suggestions. feel free to make a million little fancams, or a full length manifesto that takes you all month.

all you have to do is: make an spn amv. post it with the hashtag #amvaugust . repeat.

week one (aug 1-7)

Mini AMV.

use this week to warm up, make a short amv that gets you back into the swing of things. focus on timing, music selection and trimming unnecessary fat.

alternate theme: focus on a certain color in supernatural and follow it!

music era: 1960-1970

week two (aug 8-14)

Here and Queer.

use this week as an ode to queer characters and ships. consider using music created by queer people! tell us a story!! tell us Your story!

alternate theme: silly music (think weird al, comedy music, etc.)

music era: 2010-2020

week three (aug 15-21):

Creep.

whether it's an ode to a monster, or a bloody battle, lean into the dark side of spn this week.

alternate theme: eldernatural (odes to aging (think bobby and rufus, mildred baker, that one irish guy etc.))

music era: 1990-2000

week four (aug 21-30):

The AMV You've Been Missing.

use this week (or month) to make the AMV you've been wanting to see in the world. let this be your motivation to MAKE IT!!!!

alternate themes: sleeper characters or crack ships

music era: 1970-1980

GOOD LUCK!

HAVE FUN!

💗SEE YOU IN A FEW💗

[goldgro]

North and South: A Tale of Two Economies on One Island

The Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI), in collaboration with the Shared Island Unit of the Department of the Taoiseach, has recently released a comprehensive report comparing the economies of Ireland and Northern Ireland. This research provides a valuable, high-level overview, using a range of economic and social metrics to explore the similarities, differences, and evolving trends between the two jurisdictions.  

It's crucial to remember the distinct contexts: Northern Ireland operates as a regional part of the UK economy, while Ireland is an independent EU Member State. Furthermore, recent years have seen strong growth in Ireland alongside the impacts of Brexit across the UK and periods without a functioning Executive in Northern Ireland. These factors shape the comparisons drawn in the report.  

Demographics and the Labour Market: Diverging Paths?

Population: Ireland's population (5.1 million in 2022) grew significantly faster than Northern Ireland's (1.9 million) between 2010 and 2022, largely fueled by strong net migration into Ireland. Ireland also maintains a younger population structure, resulting in a lower old-age dependency ratio compared to Northern Ireland.  

Participation & Employment: Labour market participation rates (ages 16-64) are higher in Ireland, and the gap has widened over time (4.4 percentage points higher in Ireland by 2022). While Northern Ireland had higher employment rates in 2010 following the financial crisis, Ireland's strong recovery means its employment rate (73.3% for 16-64s in 2022) now surpasses Northern Ireland's (by 3 percentage points).  

Volatility: Ireland's economy shows more pronounced business cycle effects, with indicators like unemployment, migration, and NEET rates exhibiting greater volatility than in Northern Ireland. Recently, unemployment has been lower in NI, while the rate of young people Not in Employment, Education or Training (NEET) has been lower in Ireland.  

Living Standards: A Widening Gap

The report highlights a significant and growing divergence in living standards:

Household Income: Using a reliable measure adjusted for household size and purchasing power, household disposable income was found to be 18.3% higher in Ireland than in Northern Ireland in 2018, with this gap widening over the 2011-2018 period.  

National Income: Comparing modified GNI* per capita (a measure adjusting for globalisation effects in Ireland) with GDP per capita in NI shows a 57% gap in favour of Ireland in 2022. GNI* per capita also grew significantly faster in Ireland between 2015 and 2022, indicating increasing divergence.  

Wages: Hourly earnings (PPP-adjusted) were 36% higher in Ireland than in Northern Ireland in 2022.  

Economic Structures: Tax, Spend, and Trade Shifts

Taxation: Per capita, personal income tax payments in NI are less than half those in Ireland, likely due to higher average incomes and a more progressive tax system in Ireland. Corporation tax receipts per capita are over five times higher in Ireland, forming a much larger share of total tax revenue (21% vs 6% in NI).  

Spending: Government spending priorities differ. Ireland allocates a higher share of its expenditure to health (26.3% vs 17.3% in NI) and capital investment (13.4% vs 8.7% in NI). Northern Ireland allocates a higher share to social protection (30.1% vs 27.9% in Ireland).  

Trade: While Great Britain remains NI's largest trading partner, trade between NI and GB declined between 2015 and 2022, particularly services imports from GB. Conversely, trade between NI and Ireland increased, especially NI's goods exports to Ireland and services imports from Ireland. Brexit is cited as a likely important driver of this shift.  

Sectoral Performance and the Productivity Divide

Employment Structure: Public sector employment remains higher in NI (29.2% vs 25.3% in Ireland in 2019), though the gap has narrowed. Ireland shows higher employment concentration in high-productivity sectors like 'information and communication' and 'financial insurance'.  

Productivity: A significant productivity gap exists, favouring Ireland. Labour productivity in Ireland was higher in 8 out of 10 sectors in 2021. This is particularly stark in manufacturing and ICT, heavily influenced by Ireland's strong foreign direct investment (FDI) sector. Productivity in foreign-owned firms in Ireland was almost four times higher than in NI in 2021, pointing to a sharp divergence. Employment in foreign-owned firms also grew much faster in Ireland between 2015 and 2021.  

Well-being Indicators: Education and Health Concerns

The report flags concerns regarding key well-being indicators, particularly in Northern Ireland:

Education: NI lags significantly in educational enrolment rates compared to Ireland, the UK, and the EU27, especially in early years (3-5) and among 15-19 year olds. Alarmingly, the 15-19 enrolment rate in NI fell between 2018 and 2022, and early school leaving rates increased over the same period, contrasting with falling rates in Ireland.  

Healthcare: While waiting lists for 0-6 months are similar, NI has much higher rates of people waiting longer (over 18 months) for inpatient and outpatient procedures. Infant mortality rates, previously similar, diverged significantly by 2021, falling in Ireland and the UK but rising in NI.  

Life Expectancy: Life expectancy from birth in Ireland (82.4 years in 2021) surpassed NI (80.4 years) and the UK average (80.7 years), having converged around 2006 and diverged since. This divergence likely reflects the widening gaps in living standards, education, and healthcare access.  

The ESRI's report paints a picture of increasing economic divergence on the island of Ireland. While Northern Ireland has recently experienced lower unemployment rates, Ireland shows significantly higher and faster-growing living standards, higher productivity levels (particularly driven by FDI), and concerningly, widening advantages in key education and health outcomes. Factors like Brexit, differing economic structures, investment priorities, and policy choices appear to be contributing to these distinct trajectories. This research provides crucial evidence for policymakers North and South as they address the challenges and opportunities for the shared island.  

Sources

The Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI): Comparative Analysis of Economies of Ireland and Northern Ireland

Disclaimer: This analysis is for informational purposes only and should not be considered financial or legal advice. Readers should conduct their own research and consult with qualified professionals before making any financial decisions.  

[blueiscoool]

1,000-Year-Old Viking Coins Deemed Treasure

Most of the coins were minted during the reign of England's first king.

A trove of 1,000-year-old Viking coins, unearthed on the Isle of Man, a British island territory located in the Irish sea, is officially treasure. Variously intact and fragmented, the coins had been discovered by John Crowe and David O’Hare while using metal detectors on the private land in May. The artifacts were later studied by the U.S.-based researcher Kristin Bornholdt Collins, an expert on Viking Age coins from the Isle of Man.

“This new hoard might be compared to a wallet containing all kinds of credit cards, notes, and coins, perhaps of different nationalities, such as when you prepare to travel overseas, and shows the variety of currencies available to an Irish Sea trader or inhabitants of Man in this period,” Bornholdt Collins said in a statement.

“Combined, the hoards provide a rare chance to study the contents side by side, right down to the detail of the dies used to strike the coins,” she added. “Having this much closely dated comparative material from separate finds is highly unusual.”

The coins, which date between between 1000 and 1065 C.E., are being described as a “a good size savings account,” according to Manx National Heritage curator of archaeology Alison Fox. The majority of the coins that were found were minted during the reign of Edward the Confessor (1042 to 1066 C.E.), one of the first kings to rule England, when the country was regularly invaded by Vikings. They relics also represent two earlier rulers: Edward’s father, Aethelred, and the Viking king Cnut.

The Isle of Man once boasted strong ties to Viking culture. During the 9th century, Norseman first came to this area in the Irish Sea where they fished, traded, and cultivated the land eventually settling there. The Island of Man which is located in the center of the British Islands, was also an important base for Vikings of this era.

The unique find—the second discovery of ancient coins made on the island this year—has now been declared treasure by the Isle of Man Deputy Coroner of Inquests.

“This is a wonderful find which helps further our understanding of the complex Viking Age economy in the Isle of Man, where more Viking Age silver has been discovered per square kilometer than in England, Ireland, Scotland, and Wales,” Fox noted.

The coins will be displayed at the Manx Museum through 13 October where viewers will be able to see this piece of Viking history up close and personal.

By Anni Irish.

[vyorei]

I would love to hear how Israeli economy is suffering pls <3

Well I have these so they might be worth taking a look:

[just-ray]

*Irish politician with years of experience and probably a degree of some sort makes a legitimately good decision*

Me, a 16 year old economics student with one certificate in something vaguely politics ish: ha, rookie mistake. What a complete fool. The estimated downturn from this will be catastrophic. Ha. Haha.

[afurtivecake]

doing my part in adding to the fem!aftg-characters economy 🫡

Would fem!kevin still be called Kevin? Or would she have a cute Irish name like Caoimhe? Not sure. Anyway, Kevin/Caoimhe enjoys explaining history to people as she’s reading. Riko DOES NOT listen but if she’s in an indulgent mood, she lets her talk anyway.

Also bonus fem!jean:

yeah…she hasn’t heard a word kevin/caoimhe has said either, sorry

[blackstarlineage]

Afro-Caribbean Migration and the Windrush Generation: A Garveyite Perspective

The Windrush Generation, the wave of Afro-Caribbean migrants who arrived in Britain between 1948 and the early 1970s, represents one of the most significant movements of Black people in the 20th century. These migrants came with hopes of economic opportunity, stability, and full participation in British society—only to be met with racism, systemic exclusion, and second-class citizenship. From a Garveyite perspective, this migration was not a success story of integration but a continuation of colonial exploitation, where Black labour was welcomed, but Black people were never truly accepted.

Marcus Garvey warned Black people that seeking equality in white-dominated societies was a trap—one that would always position them as outsiders, no matter how much they contributed. The true path to liberation, according to Garveyism, was not integration but self-determination, economic independence, and repatriation to Africa. Through this lens, the Windrush Generation’s struggles with racism, economic marginalization, and political betrayal were predictable outcomes of a system designed to exploit, not uplift, Black people.

1. The Colonial Roots of the Windrush Migration

The British Empire spent centuries enslaving, exploiting, and underdeveloping the Caribbean, extracting wealth while keeping Black people in a state of economic dependency. After World War II, Britain faced a labour shortage and turned to its former colonies for cheap labour.

A. The Illusion of British Citizenship

Caribbean people were legally British subjects, yet this citizenship was conditional on their usefulness to the empire.

Britain actively recruited Caribbean workers to rebuild its economy, presenting the idea that they were coming to a “motherland” that welcomed them.

This was a lie—they were only seen as labourers, not equals.

Example: The arrival of the HMT Empire Windrush in 1948 was symbolic of how Black people were invited to contribute to Britain’s economy but denied full participation in its society.

Key Takeaway: The British Empire never intended to treat Caribbean migrants as equals—it only needed their labour, not their presence.

2. Betrayal and Racism: The Windrush Experience in Britain

Upon arrival, Afro-Caribbean migrants were met with hostility, racism, and segregation, contradicting the British promise of inclusion.

A. Employment and Economic Exploitation

Windrush migrants were given low-paying, undesirable jobs in public transport, the NHS, and manufacturing.

White workers resented their presence, despite their essential contributions.

Discrimination in hiring and promotions kept many in poverty, despite their skills and qualifications.

Example: Many Black professionals, such as teachers and nurses, had their qualifications dismissed and were forced into menial labour.

B. Housing Discrimination and Social Rejection

Black migrants were refused housing by landlords with “No Blacks, No Irish, No Dogs” signs.

Many were forced into overcrowded, poorly maintained accommodations in segregated areas.

The government did nothing to address racial inequality, leaving Black people in economic and social isolation.

Example: Notting Hill Riots (1958)—White mobs attacked Black communities, proving that Britain’s “inclusion” was a lie.

Key Takeaway: Black people were brought in to serve Britain, not to be part of it. Their contributions were necessary, but their presence was unwanted.

3. The Windrush Scandal: The Final Betrayal

Decades after their arrival, the British government launched the Windrush Scandal (2018), deporting and stripping the rights of the very people who built modern Britain.

A. How Britain Used and Discarded the Windrush Generation

In the 2010s, the UK government began deporting Afro-Caribbean elders, claiming they were illegal immigrants.

Many lost jobs, homes, and access to healthcare due to racist immigration policies.

The same people who were invited to rebuild Britain were now being exiled from it.

Example: Elderly Windrush migrants who had lived in Britain for 50+ years were suddenly detained and deported, despite being legal residents.

Key Takeaway: This was proof that Black people would never be considered truly British, no matter how much they contributed.

4. The Garveyite Perspective: Afro-Caribbeans Must Prioritize Self-Determination Over Integration

Marcus Garvey predicted this long ago—integration into white nations is not liberation, but subjugation.

A. The Failure of Seeking Acceptance in White Societies

Windrush migrants spent decades building Britain, only to be discarded when they were no longer needed.

Assimilation into a white nation will never lead to true equality—Black people will always be second-class citizens.

Relying on white governments to recognize Black contributions is a mistake.

Example: Garvey warned that Black people must never beg white nations for rights but must build their own institutions instead.

B. The Need for Economic Independence and Pan-Africanism

Caribbean nations remain economically dependent on Britain, just as Windrush migrants remained dependent on a racist state.

The solution is Pan-African economic self-sufficiency—building Black-owned businesses, schools, and governments free from European control.

Caribbean people must stop seeing Britain as a future and look toward Africa, the Caribbean, and Black nations for their destiny.

Example: Garvey’s UNIA movement aimed to create a Black nation built by Black people, not dependent on white acceptance.

Key Takeaway: Afro-Caribbean people must stop seeking approval from Britain and instead build economic and political power for themselves.

5. The Future: Reparations, Repatriation, and Black Sovereignty

The Windrush Generation’s story is not just one of migration—it is a warning about the dangers of Black dependence on white systems.

Britain owes reparations for the exploitation, racism, and betrayal of Afro-Caribbean migrants.

Afro-Caribbean youth must shift their focus away from Britain and toward Black economic and cultural independence.

Repatriation to Africa, economic investment in the Caribbean, and Pan-African unity must replace the outdated belief that integration into European society is the path to freedom.

Example: Marcus Garvey’s dream was a self-sufficient Black world, where no Black person had to beg a white government for survival.

Final Takeaway: The Windrush Generation’s suffering proves that Black people must build for themselves—because white nations will always turn their backs on them.