#DSAs

[vierss-herondale]

I HAD FORGOTTEN ABOUT THE EXISTENCE OF THIS VIDEO!!!

It's the Jace and Clary alley scene from City of Fallen Angels

Let me get you in context sharing with you what Cassie said about it maaaany years ago on 2011:

Hey folks. You’re at part one of the treasure hunt for what we like to call the DSAS, or the Dirty Sexy Alley Scene. You see, when my videographer was shooting scenes for the book trailer for City of Fallen Angels, well, she shot a scene deemed “too hot for TV” by my publisher. So the footage was cut. What to do with it? Vania, ever resourceful, made a little mini-movie out of it, added some effects, and voila, the DSAS.

Now nothing happens in the DSAS that would be inappropriate in a PG-13 movie. It’s just … a bit passionate. But to make sure you really want to see it we decided to create a little treasure hunt across the blogosphere, featuring some of today’s top YA writers and their unwavering commitment to “makey-outy scenes.” You start here. Each blog leads you to the next blog, which will give you a letter. At the end, you’ll have all the letters and can unscramble them into the password that will allow you to watch the video. The password is Mortal Instruments-related, keep that in mind when figuring it out.

And then the "treasure hunt" led you to forming the word "Wayland" and long story short, you got access to this video and now i'm bringing it back!

I almost fell from my chair when I watched it again! I swear I didn't even remember it existed

Can you hear my fangirl screams?

BECAUSE I’M SCREAMING!!!

And just because, here I leave you a link from the book scene but in Jace's pov The act of Falling

[cyber-techs]

How to Implement Effective Data Sharing Agreements in Your Company

In today's data-driven world, businesses generate and collect vast amounts of data. Whether it's customer information, operational metrics, or market research, data is a valuable asset that can provide crucial insights and drive decision-making. However, sharing this data effectively while ensuring privacy, compliance, and security can be challenging. Implementing robust data sharing agreements (DSAs) is essential to navigate these complexities and harness the full potential of your data. Here’s a guide to help you establish effective data sharing agreements in your company.

1. Understand the Importance of Data Sharing Agreements

Data sharing agreements formalize the terms and conditions under which data is shared between parties. These agreements are vital for ensuring that data sharing is conducted legally, ethically, and securely. They protect the interests of all parties involved, safeguard sensitive information, and ensure compliance with relevant laws and regulations, such as GDPR, CCPA, or HIPAA.

2. Define the Purpose and Scope

Before drafting an agreement, clearly define the purpose and scope of the data sharing arrangement. Ask yourself:

What data will be shared?

Why is the data being shared?

Who will have access to the data?

How will the data be used?

A well-defined scope helps prevent misunderstandings and ensures that the data sharing aligns with business objectives.

3. Identify and Engage Stakeholders

Identify all stakeholders involved in the data sharing process, including internal teams, external partners, legal advisors, and compliance officers. Engaging stakeholders early in the process ensures that their perspectives and concerns are addressed, fostering a collaborative environment.

4. Draft Clear and Comprehensive Terms

A robust data sharing agreement should include:

Purpose and Scope: Clearly state the purpose, data types, and the duration of the agreement.

Data Ownership and Usage Rights: Specify who owns the data and the rights of each party to use the data.

Data Security and Privacy Measures: Outline security protocols, data encryption standards, and privacy practices to protect sensitive information.

Compliance and Legal Requirements: Ensure the agreement complies with relevant regulations and industry standards.

Responsibilities and Liabilities: Define the responsibilities, liabilities, and obligations of each party, including breach notification procedures and remedies for non-compliance.

Termination Clause: Include conditions under which the agreement can be terminated and the process for data return or destruction.

5. Ensure Data Privacy and Security

Data privacy and security are paramount. Implement robust security measures, such as:

Data Encryption: Use strong encryption protocols for data at rest and in transit.

Access Controls: Implement role-based access controls (RBAC) to limit data access to authorized personnel only.

Regular Audits: Conduct regular audits and assessments to ensure compliance with security standards and identify vulnerabilities.

6. Establish Data Governance Policies

Develop and enforce data governance policies that define how data should be managed, protected, and shared. These policies should cover data classification, access management, data quality standards, and incident response procedures. A strong data governance framework ensures consistency, accountability, and compliance across the organization.

7. Communicate and Train

Effective data sharing requires clear communication and training. Educate employees and stakeholders about the data sharing agreement’s terms, responsibilities, and best practices. Regular training sessions and workshops can help build awareness and promote a culture of data privacy and security.

8. Monitor and Review

Once the data sharing agreement is in place, continuous monitoring and periodic reviews are essential. Track data usage, compliance with the agreement’s terms, and any changes in regulations. Regularly update the agreement to reflect new business needs, technological advancements, and regulatory changes.

9. Foster Trust and Collaboration

Building trust and fostering collaboration with data-sharing partners is crucial. Maintain open lines of communication, address concerns promptly, and work together to resolve any issues that arise. Trustworthy relationships enhance data sharing efficacy and drive mutual benefits.

Conclusion

Implementing effective data sharing agreements is a strategic initiative that can unlock the full potential of your company’s data assets. By defining clear terms, ensuring compliance, safeguarding data privacy, and fostering collaboration, you can create a solid foundation for secure and productive data sharing. Start by laying the groundwork with these best practices, and watch your business leverage data more effectively, driving innovation and growth in today’s competitive landscape.

[finwayblogs]

Join the Finway FLAP partnership program and secure your financial future by working independently and earning wealth. Take advantage of this golden opportunity! Download the app now and get started https://bit.ly/3hHaMHc https://apple.co/3IwTF9a

[smellslikepopcorn69]

Un total de 3.941 personas murieron por suicidio en España en 2021

Un total de 3.941 personas murieron por suicidio en España en 2021

Cerca de 4.000 españoles se quitaron la vida en 2021 según la asociación de supervivientes del suicidio Un total de 3.941 personas murieron por suicidio en España en 2021, un 7,12 % más que en 2020 según la DSAS Un total de 3.941 personas murieron por suicidio en España en 2021, un 7,12 % más que en 2020, según datos difundidos por la entidad Después del Suicidio-Asociación de Supervivientes…

[mysharona1987]

Literally the dude is pulling a Bond villain and explaining the evil plan beforehand.

And the press will still fall for it.

[thestrawberrypimp]

Blitzo's fucking bag says HONSE i can't with this show 😂

[bunnyhugs22]

(X)

[mostlysignssomeportents]

The new globalism is global labor

For the rest of May, my bestselling solarpunk utopian novel THE LOST CAUSE (2023) is available as a $2.99, DRM-free ebook!

Depending on how you look at it, I either grew up in the periphery of the labor movement, or atop it, or surrounded by it. For a kid, labor issues don't really hold a lot of urgency – in places with mature labor movements, kids don't really have jobs, and the part-time jobs I had as a kid (paper route, cleaning a dance studio) were pretty benign.

Ironically, one of the reasons that labor issues barely registered for me as a kid was that my parents were in great, strong unions: Ontario teachers' unions, which protected teachers from exploitative working conditions and from retaliation when they advocated for their students, striking for better schools as well as better working conditions.

Ontario teachers' unions were strong enough that they could take the lead on workplace organization, to the benefit of teachers at every part of their careers, as well as students and the system as a whole. Back in the early 1980s, Ontario schools faced a demographic crisis. After years of declining enrollment, the number of students entering the system was rapidly increasing.

That meant that each level of the system – primary, junior, secondary – was about to go through a whipsaw, in which low numbers of students would be followed by large numbers. For a unionized education workforce, this presented a crisis: normally, a severe contraction in student numbers would trigger layoffs, on a last-in, first-out basis. That meant that layoffs loomed for junior teachers, who would almost certainly end up retraining for another career. When student numbers picked up again, those teachers wouldn't be in the workforce anymore, and worse, a lot of the senior teachers who got priority during layoffs would be retiring, magnifying the crisis.

The teachers' unions were strong, and they cared about students and teachers, both those at the start of their careers and those who'd given many years of service. They came up with an amazing solution: "self-funded sabbaticals." Teachers with a set number of years of seniority could choose to take four years at 80% salary, and get a fifth year off at 80% salary (actually, they could take their year off any time from the third year on).

This allowed Ontario to increase its workforce by about 20%, for free. Senior teachers got a year off to spend with their families, or on continuing education, or for travel. Junior teachers' jobs were protected. Students coming into the system had adequate classroom staff, in a mix of both senior and junior teachers.

This worked great for everyone, including my family. My parents both took their four-over-five year in 1983/84. They rented out our house for six months, charging enough to cover the mortgage. We flew to London, took a ferry to France, and leased a little sedan. For the next six months, we drove around Europe, visiting fourteen countries while my parents homeschooled us on the long highway stretches and in laundromats. We stayed in youth hostels and took a train to Leningrad to visit my family there. We saw Christmas Midnight Mass at the Vatican and walked around the Parthenon. We saw Guernica at the Prado. We visited a computer lab in Paris and I learned to program Logo in French. We hung out with my parents' teacher pals who were civilian educators at a Canadian Forces Base in Baden-Baden. I bought an amazing hand-carved chess set in Seville with medieval motifs that sung to my D&D playing heart. It was amazing.

No, really, it was amazing. Unions and the social contract they bargained for transformed my family's life chances. My dad came to Canada as a refugee, the son of a teen mother who'd been deeply traumatized by her civil defense service as a child during the Siege of Leningrad. My mother was the eldest child of a man who, at thirteen, had dropped out of school to support his nine brothers and sisters after the death of his father. My parents grew up to not only own a home, but to be able to take their sons on a latter-day version of the Grand Tour that was once the exclusive province of weak-chinned toffs from the uppermost of crusts:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grand_Tour

My parents were active in labor causes and in their unions, of course, but that was just part of their activist lives. My mother was a leader in the fight for legal abortion rights in Canada:

https://www.flickr.com/photos/doctorow/8882641733

My dad was active in party politics with the New Democratic Party, and both he and my mother were deeply involved with the fight against nuclear arms proliferation, a major issue in Canada, given our role in supplying radioisotopes to the US, building key components for ICBMs, testing cruise missiles over Labrador, and our participation in NORAD.

Abortion rights and nuclear arms proliferation were my own entry into political activism. When I was 13, I organized a large contingent from my school to march on Queen's Park, the seat of the Provincial Parliament, to demand an end to Ontario's active and critical participation in the hastening of global nuclear conflagration:

https://www.flickr.com/photos/doctorow/53616011737/

When I got a little older, I started helping with clinic defense and counterprotests at the Morgentaler Clinic and other sites in Toronto that provided safe access to women's health, including abortions:

https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/morgentaler-honoured-by-order-of-canada-federal-government-not-involved-1.716775

My teens were a period of deepening involvement in politics. It was hard work, but rewarding and fundamentally hopeful. There, in the shadow of imminent nuclear armageddon, there was a role for me to play, a way to be more than a passive passenger on a runaway train, to participate in the effort to pull the brake lever before we ran over the cliff.

In hindsight, though, I can see that even as my activism intensified, it also got harder. We struggled more to find places to meet, to find phones and computers to use, to find people who could explain how to get a permit for a demonstration or to get legal assistance for comrades in jail after a civil disobedience action.

What I couldn't see at the time was that all of this was provided by organized labor. The labor movement had the halls, the photocopiers, the lawyers, the experience – the infrastructure. Even for campaigns that were directly about labor rights – campaigns for abortion rights, or against nuclear annihilation – the labor movement was the material, tangible base for our activities.

Look, riding a bicycle around all night wheatpasting posters to telephone poles to turn out people for an upcoming demonstration is hard work, but it's much harder if you have to pay for xeroxing at Kinko's rather than getting it for free at the union hall. Worse, the demonstration turnout suffers more because the union phone-trees and newsletters stop bringing out the numbers they once brought out.

This was why the neoliberal project took such savage aim at labor: they understood that a strong labor movement was foundation of antiimperialist, antiracist, antisexist struggles for justice. By dismantling labor, the ruling class kicked the legs out from under all the other fights that mattered.

Every year, it got harder to fight for any kind of better world. We activist kids grew to our twenties and foundered, spending precious hours searching for a room to hold a meeting, leaving us with fewer hours to spend organizing the thing we were meeting for. But gradually, we rebuilt. We started to stand up our own fragile, brittle, nascent structures that stood in for the mature and solid labor foundation that we'd grown up with.

The first time I got an inkling of what was going on came in 1999, with the Battle of Seattle: the mass protests over the WTO. Yes, labor turned out in force for those mass demonstrations, but they weren't its leaders. The militancy, the leadership, and the organization came out of groups that could loosely be called "post-labor" – not in the sense that they no longer believed in labor causes, but in the sense that they were being organized outside of traditional labor.

Labor was in retreat. Five years earlier, organized labor had responded to NAFTA by organizing against Mexican workers, rather than the bosses who wanted to ship jobs to Mexico. It wasn't unusual to see cars in Ontario with CAW bumper stickers alongside xenophobic stickers taking aim at Mexicans, not bosses. Those were the only workers that organized labor saw as competitors for labor rights: this was also the heyday of "two-tier" contracts, which protected benefits for senior workers while leaving their junior comrades exposed to bosses' most sadistic practices, while still expecting junior workers to pay dues to a union that wouldn't protect them:

https://pluralistic.net/2021/11/25/strikesgiving/#shed-a-tier

Two-tier contracts were the opposite of the solidarity that my parents' teachers' union exhibited in the early 1980s; blaming Mexican workers for automakers' offshoring was the opposite of the solidarity that built transracial and international labor power in the early days of the union movement:

https://unionhall.aflcio.org/bloomington-normal-trades-and-labor-assembly/labor-culture/edge-anarchy-first-class-pullman-strike

As labor withered under a sustained, multi-decades-long assault on workers' rights, other movements started to recapitulate the evolution of early labor, shoring up fragile movements that lacked legal protections, weathering setbacks, and building a "progressive" coalition that encompassed numerous issues. And then that movement started to support a new wave of labor organizing, situating labor issues on a continuum of justice questions, from race to gender to predatory college lending.

Young workers from every sector joined ossified unions with corrupt, sellout leaders and helped engineer their ouster, turning these dying old unions into engines of successful labor militancy:

https://theintercept.com/2023/04/07/deconstructed-union-dhl-teamsters-uaw/

In other words, we're in the midst of a reversal of the historic role of labor and other social justice movements. Whereas once labor anchored a large collection of smaller, less unified social movements; today those social movements are helping bring back a weakened and fragmented labor movement.

One of the key organizing questions for today is whether these two movements can continue to co-evolve and, eventually, merge. For example: there can be no successful climate action without climate justice. The least paid workers in America are also the most racially disfavored. The gender pay-gap exists in all labor markets. For labor, integrating social justice questions isn't just morally sound, it's also tactically necessary.

One thing such a fusion can produce is a truly international labor movement. Today, social justice movements are transnational: the successful Irish campaign for abortion rights was closely linked to key abortion rights struggles in Argentina and Poland, and today, abortion rights organizers from all over the world are involved in mailing medication abortion pills to America.

A global labor movement is necessary, and not just to defeat the divide-and-rule tactics of the NAFTA fight. The WTO's legacy is a firmly global capitalism: workers all over the world are fighting the same corporations. The strong unions of one country are threatened by weak labor in other countries where their key corporations seek to shift manufacturing or service delivery. But those same strong unions are able to use their power to help their comrades abroad protect their labor rights, depriving their common adversary of an easily exploited workforce.

A key recent example is Mercedes, part of the Daimler global octopus. Mercedes' home turf is Germany, which boasts some of the strongest autoworker unions in the world. In the USA, Mercedes – like other German auto giants – preferentially manufactures its cars in the South, America's "onshore-offshore" crime havens, where labor laws are both virtually nonexistent and largely unenforced. This allows Mercedes to exploit and endanger a largely Black workforce in a "right to work" territory where unions are nearly impossible to form and sustain.

Mercedes just defeated a hard-fought union drive in Vance, Alabama. In part, this was due to admitted tactical blunders from the UAW, who have recently racked up unprecedented victories in Tennessee and North Carolina:

https://paydayreport.com/uaw-admits-digital-heavy-organizing-committee-light-approach-failed-them-in-alabama-at-mercedes/

But mostly, this was because Mercedes cheated. They flagrantly violated labor law to sabotage the union vote. That's where it gets interesting. German workers have successfully lobbied the German parliament for the Supply Chain Act, an anticorruption law that punishes German companies that violate labor law abroad. That means that even though the UAW just lost their election, they might inflict some serious pain on Mercedes, who face a fine of 2% of their global annual revenue, and a ban on selling cars to the German government:

https://pluralistic.net/2024/04/10/an-injury-to-one/#is-an-injury-to-all

This is another way reversal of the post-neoliberal era. Whereas once the US exported its most rapacious corporate practices all over the world, today, global labor stands a chance of exporting workers' rights from weak territories to strong ones.

Here's an American analogy: the US's two most populous states are California and Texas. The policies of these states ripple out over the whole country, and even beyond. When Texas requires textbooks that ban evolution, every pupil in the country is at risk of getting a textbook that embraces Young Earth Creationism. When California enacts strict emission standards, every car in the country gets cleaner tailpipes. The WTO was a Texas-style export: a race to the bottom, all around the world. The moment we're living through now, as global social movements fuse with global labor, are a California-style export, a race to the top.

This is a weird upside to global monopoly capitalism. It's how antitrust regulators all over the world are taking on corporations whose power rivals global superpowers like the USA and China: because they're all fighting the same corporations, they can share tactics and even recycle evidence from one-another's antitrust cases:

https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2024/05/big-tech-eu-drop-dead

Look, the UAW messed up in Alabama. A successful union vote is won before the first ballot is cast. If your ground game isn't strong enough to know the outcome of the vote before the ballot box opens, you need more organizing, not a vote:

https://pluralistic.net/2023/04/23/a-collective-bargain/

But thanks to global labor – and its enemy, global capitalism – the UAW gets another chance. Global capitalism is rich and powerful, but it has key weaknesses. Its drive to "efficiency" makes it terribly vulnerable, and a disruption anywhere in its supply chain can bring the whole global empire to its knees:

https://pluralistic.net/2023/09/21/eight-and-skate/#strike-to-rule

American workers – especially swing-state workers who swung for Trump and are leaning his way again – overwhelmingly support a pro-labor agenda. They are furious over "price gouging and outrageous corporate profits…wealthy corporate CEOs and billionaires [not] paying what they should in taxes and the top 1% gaming the system":

https://www.americanfamilyvoices.org/_files/ugd/d4d64f_6c3dff0c3da74098b07ed3f086705af2.pdf

They support universal healthcare, and value Medicare and Social Security, and trust the Democrats to manage both better than Republicans will. They support "abortion rights, affordable child care, and even forgiving student loans":

https://prospect.org/politics/2024-05-20-bidens-working-class-slump/

The problem is that these blue-collar voters are atomized. They no longer meet in union halls – they belong to gun clubs affiliated with the NRA. There are enough people who are a) undecided and b) union members in these swing states to defeat Trump. This is why labor power matters, and why a fusion of American labor and social justice movements matters – and why an international fusion of a labor-social justice coalition is our best hope for a habitable planet and a decent lives for our families.

If you'd like an essay-formatted version of this post to read or share, here's a link to it on pluralistic.net, my surveillance-free, ad-free, tracker-free blog:

https://pluralistic.net/2024/05/20/a-common-foe/#the-multinational-playbook

[oldschoolfrp]

The party sets out for adventure -- Ugurcan Yüce cover for The Dark Eye introductory box set, Schmidt Spiele -- Schmidt France version "L'Œil noir;" originally released in German as "Das Schwarze Auge" (DSA). This art has been attributed to a second alternative version of the 1984 1st edition, and to the 1988 2nd edition.

[sorrowdivine]

I didn't find the time to draw a scene from out last RP session in December, now I finally managed <3

My RP group was allowed to ride on a Skull Owls back to the fairy town we need to reach! Aegir had a lot of fun, while Sanah couldn't hold onto the owl, so my character strapped her on with her belt xD

[pregnantseinfeld]

Finally, AOC recently hosted a public panel with leaders from the Jewish Council for Public Affairs, lobbyists for the IHRA definition of antisemitism. On this panel, she conflated anti-Zionism with antisemitism and condemned boycotting Zionist institutions.  This sponsorship is a deep betrayal to all those who’ve risked their welfare to fight Israeli apartheid and genocide through political and direct action in recent months, and in decades past. A national DSA endorsement comes with a serious commitment to the movement for Palestine and our collective socialist project. We must endorse candidates who enthusiastically seek a relationship with DSA, and the National Political Committee as the highest body of the organization between conventions is responsible for setting the criteria we establish for national endorsements. Chapters have a responsibility to make this clear to their endorsed candidates when applying for a national endorsement.  The NPC is committed to ensuring that all of our elected officials are unabashed in their support for Palestinian freedom. To build a socialist movement that’s capable of defeating capitalism, we must demand more from leaders in our movement.

Interesting things going on in DSA!

[skeletoninthemelonland]

THE FUCKIG

THE AFGUAC FANF MVOEI

THE FNAF ,OVEI

THE FNAF MVOEIWEG

ETHW TFNAF,.

TMOVIE.

[icantalk710]

Why make it hard when you can make it easy (take it easy, take, take it easy) 🚿

[I was feeling my roomie's lighting setting for this shower before a social I'm already fashionably late for welp]

[sl-walker]

Voting third party is absolutely voting for your friends, neighbors and selves to suffer. Never mind the whole world. In case anyone out there thinks it's somehow ambiguous.

[hero-israel]

I feel love I’ve lost a lot of respect for the left these past few days… yes I knew there was always antisemitism, but this has just been. Demoralizing. I know you’re dealing with it too, it just sucks

Half the population of Gaza is under 18. They have literally never known a world beyond its current isolated condition. Most of them have probably never even seen Israel. During the "Great March of Return" in 2018, Hamas leaders told them "The Jews have left Israel, it's abandoned, go in and take it!", and they believed them.

I have NO. SYMPATHY. WHATSOEVER. for well-fed, pathologically online Westerners, ESPECIALLY Americans, who have a world's worth of education and opportunity available to them and who still choose to believe war rape, infanticide, and snuff films are heroic liberation - and as the Americans will happily tell you, something every "colonizer" deserves. These are people who claim to be "anti fascist" and "Nazi punchers"? If I had a button that would instantly teleport all Palestinian civilians to a safe island and also all pro-paraglider leftist American shitlords into Gaza immediately to be bombed, I would have pressed it before writing that sentence. After everything that has happened, they STILL cheer for killing Jews. They are the Spanish and Norwegian fascists who went to Berlin in APRIL 1945 because they believed in the cause THAT MUCH.

[the-garbanzo-annex-jr]

by Corey Walker

A caucus affiliated with the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), a left-wing political organization that counts members of the US Congress among its ranks, has issued a public endorsement of the Palestinian terrorist group Hamas. 

The Red Star Caucus, a self-described “Marxist revolutionary” faction of the DSA, published an article on Friday glorifying the actions of Hamas, an Islamist organization that launched the war in Gaza on Oct. 7 by slaughtering more than 1,200 people throughout southern Israel. The caucus argued that lending support to the terrorist group is necessary to secure “Palestinian liberation.”

“To support a resistance without Hamas is to support something which does not exist. It is to support no resistance at all,” the group wrote. “And in turn, to spend our time on criticism of Hamas as an organization validates the widespread opinion that Hamas is an existential danger (too extreme for even the communists!) and lends credence to Israel’s justification of its onslaught. When we hear every anti-Palestinian group call for the destruction of Hamas, do we lend our voices to those calls, or stand with Palestine and its resistance?”

The group added that support for Hamas’ genocidal ambitions against Israel are necessary to secure a socialist future. 

“We must recognize what our struggle for socialism entails, and who our allies are. Those allies will be the resistance movements which actually exist, the opponents of capitalism and imperialism around the world!” the Red Star Caucus added. 

The Democratic Socialists of America, one of the country’s premier leftist political advocacy organizations, has mobilized in recent years to elect anti-Israel members to Congress. Influential lawmakers such as US Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY), Rashida Tlaib (D-MI), Greg Casar (D-TX), and Cori Bush (D-MO) are all current members of the socialist organization. Others such as Reps. Jamaal Bowman (D-NY) and Summer Lee (D-PA) are former members.

None of these lawmakers responded to The Algemeiner‘s request for comment on the Red Star Caucus’s endorsement of Hamas.

However, Rep. Ritchie Torres (D-NY), a staunch supporter of Israel, slammed the Red Star Caucus as “antisemitic” on X/Twitter.