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fans4wga · 2 years ago

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drew gooden has a pretty good video abt tha writers strike , " The Future of TV is Bleak " . it doesnt go super in depth but i encourage ppl to watch it , and also to show it to ppl who dont support writers

Thank you for sending this in! Mod Ani here. While this video is a decent primer (link here if anyone wants to watch), Drew unfortunately perpetuates some common misconceptions, so here’s some more sourced info if you want to read more.

I’m not calling Drew a liar at all—in fact I’m really glad Youtubers are calling attention to the strike and supporting the WGA publicly. But he said he remembers the strike himself, and to be fair, he was at maximum 14 years old during the strike. His memory might be faulty or he might have misinterpreted sources or found flawed sources in the first place. Anyway, in the spirit of fact-checking…

Did the 2007 WGA strike tank shows?

At the 0:44 mark and later around 1:40, Drew claims the 2007 strike tanked a lot of shows. While a very common misconception, this is mostly untrue! Many of the shows that got canceled/"got worse" were already on a downwards trend before the strike. “Heroes” got bad reviews before the strike; meanwhile, “Lost” and “Pushing Daisies” both got renewed despite the strike, so you can’t really blame the strike for its changes or cancellation. See this Twitter thread for a comprehensive debunking of shows people think "got worse" during the 2007 strike, written by someone who covered it (writer Emily St. James @/emilystjams.)

To sum up her thread: “The 2007-08 strike didn't uniformly impact shows. For the most part, the shows on good trajectories stayed on them and vice versa.”

This is an especially pernicious mistruth because it has the potential to turn audiences against the WGA strike; fans are being led to think that the strike will only mean bad news for their shows. But the opposite is true: shows will in fact get better if writers have fair wages and aren’t overworked.

Later in the same Twitter thread linked above, Emily St. James says: “By far the most deleterious effect on young shows at that time was that a bunch of shows that might have gotten time to build more of an audience suddenly had to deal with long hiatuses. Many were canceled. Most never re-found their viewers.”

Yes, that’s what happened with fan-favorite Pushing Daisies (RIP). But this is already happening with no need for a strike intervention with Lockwood & Co., HBO’s canceled Batgirl, First Kill, Willow, Warrior Nun, The Bastard Son and the Devil Himself, 1899, and more. Popular shows are getting canceled after 1-2 seasons, for no good reason—or getting wiped from the streaming service entirely. The worst has already happened for many shows.

…Drew’s absolutely right about Quantum of Solace, though. They were basically working with a rough draft script for the film, which, of course, bad idea.

Did the 2007 WGA strike cause the reality TV boom?

At the 0:58 mark, Drew claims that the 2007 strike led to the reality TV boom and “altered the landscape of television.” While it’s true to an extent that studios filled their programming with reality TV during both the 2007 and 2023 strikes, the reality TV boom definitively predates the 2007 strike.

Again, this is a particularly pernicious mistruth because it could potentially turn people against the WGA and blame them for a trend they dislike. In truth, the reality TV boom that shifted the landscape started in the early 2000s with the enormous success of such shows as Survivor (2000), America’s Next Top Model (2003), The Apprentice (2004), The Biggest Loser (2004), Dancing with the Stars (2005), and more all predating the 2007 strike. This is all years before the strike was even a glimmer in a writer’s eye.

Lots of people have made jokes about the 2007 strike causing Donald Trump’s presidency because The Apprentice was popular during the strike. I tend to think this is a pretty silly correlation—who’s to say he wouldn’t have gotten a gig like that despite the strike?

What is the WGA fighting for now?

At the 4:00 mark Drew claims that the WGA is fighting “to be paid residuals for streaming shows rather than just a day rate.” I see what he’s getting at, but as phrased, this is a nonsensical statement. He means “flat rate”—a pre-determined rate the studios currently pay to writers regardless of how many people watch it. The writers—and I’m quoting this directly from the WGA demands posted by WGA member Adam Conover—want to “establish a viewership-based residual—in addition to existing fixed residual—to reward programs with greater viewership.” (Link to the WGA demands here.) This would make streaming residuals more like network residuals, but it would also require streamers to have transparency about how many people are watching, which they’ve been very nervous about publishing.

Drew also confuses the term “production companies” with the term “studios”, though this is a minor nitpick. The WGA is fighting the studios. A production company like ILM visual effects works with a studio like Paramount (studios are also called “motion picture companies”, because we’re old-timey) to make a movie. Some studios ARE production companies (Studio Ghibli does their own production), but not all production companies are studios. Okay, film school over, next point. (Link to read more about studios vs. production companies vs. publishers)

At the 4:06 mark Drew claims writers are fighting to keep AI out of the writers room entirely. This is just a slight misconception! The WGA is fighting to keep AI from replacing them, but in the current WGA demands, individual writers would still be able to use AI as a tool at their own discretion, but AI couldn’t be used as “literary material” and writers couldn’t be forced to rewrite an AI-generated script. Individual WGA members are not a monolith; some are hardline anti-AI, and some want to see if they can make AI work for them. (Mod Ani is on the anti-AI side of things, just to make my own bias here clear.)

The current WGA stance is, “How do you make sure this is a tool used by writers, like spellcheck and Wikipedia, and not a tool used to replace writers?” (John August, a WGA member and also part of the negotiating committee, wrote that and has some blog posts about it.) I think this part of Drew’s video is in line with a lot of popular anti-AI sentiment, and I do not personally disagree, but anyone talking about the WGA has got to put aside personal biases and report what the WGA is actually doing, not what we want the WGA to do. All in all, this is still a strong position for the WGA, considering the WGA is on the frontline of any business agreement about AI! The main struggle is to make sure it doesn’t replace human labor.

Drew also contradicts himself at 4:43 by saying the previous strike wasn’t about streaming services, when earlier in the same video he said correctly that the 2007 strike was all about gaining residuals for streaming services in the first place. So, uh, fact-checking himself?

Again a small nitpick, “There’s no financial upside for doing a good job” (5:45 mark) is also not quite true. The financial upside is getting a Season 2 renewal. Yes, increased transparency and viewership-based residuals would mean high-performing film/TV shows get paid more. But there’s definite financial upside to getting a renewal!

Production companies/studios shortening employees is absolutely not about “not having to put your name in the credits” (6:14). Everyone in the writers’ room gets their name in the credits. The issue, of course, is that studios are trying to have shorter writers’ rooms so they pay the writers for fewer weeks of work. WGA members not being credited isn’t a negotiating point at all, so not sure where this is coming from.

Miscellaneous things Drew is absolutely correct on and I will reiterate here

Drew’s absolutely correct on how scripts evolve during filming. That’s why writers are so necessary on set! Studios are cutting costs by getting rid of writers earlier in the production timeline, and a consequence of this is that writers aren’t getting the mentorship/training of being on-set for the show’s actual production. This is necessary training to become a producer/showrunner that writers nowadays simply are not getting.

He’s also absolutely right about how little money writers actually make in Hollywood, despite the films and shows they make producing so much more value for the studios. Residuals are lower than ever, writers’ rooms are shorter than ever, and many WGA members work a lot of side hustles to just be able to afford LA rent. So the discourse surrounding “rich spoiled writers” is just totally incorrect and maddening!

Drew is also absolutely correct about the entertainment industry simply being the first place AI is threatening jobs. Without legal challenges, AI will disrupt other industries soon, and the WGA is on the frontline of battling that.

Just for some clarification, around the 12:20 mark, Drew is talking about the common complaint about prequels/sequels/franchises/spin-offs. This is a real industry problem! Writers desperately want to write original stuff (remember the creator of Powerpuff Girls saying he pitched 16 originals to Netflix, with no luck, before doing a reboot?) It’s 100% the studios' fault; no writer wants this industry landscape.

Also at 13:40 mark, Drew makes a very good point that AI is only a small part of the strike, and it’s kind of been blown out of proportion because AI is trending in the news and popular in the discourse. Even the WGA probably wasn’t expecting this to get so much air-time. It’s still a part of the strike, of course, but keep in mind that pay and staffing are more major negotiating points at the moment.

Conclusion!

To sum up, Drew makes some good points, but muddles some too. I’d highly recommend going straight to WGA members instead of Youtuber middlemen… but in the meantime we’re here to fact-check. :)

#drew gooden #wga #fans4wga #wga strike #writers strike

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dailyanarchistposts · 4 months ago

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B.7.1 But do classes actually exist?

So do classes actually exist, or are anarchists making them up? The fact that we even need to consider this question points to the pervasive propaganda efforts by the ruling class to suppress class consciousness, which will be discussed further on. First, however, let’s examine some statistics, taking the USA as an example. We have done so because the state has the reputation of being a land of opportunity and capitalism. Moreover, class is seldom talked about there (although its business class is very class conscious). Moreover, when countries have followed the US model of freer capitalism (for example, the UK), a similar explosion of inequality develops along side increased poverty rates and concentration of wealth into fewer and fewer hands.

There are two ways of looking into class, by income and by wealth. Of the two, the distribution of wealth is the most important to understanding the class structure as this represents your assets, what you own rather than what you earn in a year. Given that wealth is the source of income, this represents the impact and power of private property and the class system it represents. After all, while all employed workers have an income (i.e. a wage), their actual wealth usually amounts to their personal items and their house (if they are lucky). As such, their wealth generates little or no income, unlike the owners of resources like companies, land and patents. Unsurprisingly, wealth insulates its holders from personal economic crises, like unemployment and sickness, as well as gives its holders social and political power. It, and its perks, can also be passed down the generations. Equally unsurprisingly, the distribution of wealth is much more unequal than the distribution of income.

At the start of the 1990s, the share of total US income was as follows: one third went to the top 10% of the population, the next 30% gets another third and the bottom 60% gets the last third. Dividing the wealth into thirds, we find that the top 1% owns a third, the next 9% owns a third, and bottom 90% owns the rest. [David Schweickart, After Capitalism, p. 92] Over the 1990s, the inequalities in US society have continued to increase. In 1980, the richest fifth of Americans had incomes about ten times those of the poorest fifth. A decade later, they has twelve times. By 2001, they had incomes over fourteen times greater. [Doug Henwood, After the New Economy, p. 79] Looking at the figures for private family wealth, we find that in 1976 the wealthiest one percent of Americans owned 19% of it, the next 9% owned 30% and the bottom 90% of the population owned 51%. By 1995 the top 1% owned 40%, more than owned by the bottom 92% of the US population combined — the next 9% had 31% while the bottom 90% had only 29% of total (see Edward N. Wolff, Top Heavy: A Study of Increasing Inequality in America for details).

So in terms of wealth ownership, we see a system in which a very small minority own the means of life. In 1992 the richest 1% of households — about 2 million adults — owned 39% of the stock owned by individuals. The top 10%, owned over 81%. In other words, the bottom 90% of the population had a smaller share (23%) of investable capital of all kinds than the richest 1/2% (29%). Stock ownership was even more densely concentrated, with the richest 5% holding 95% of all shares. [Doug Henwood, Wall Street: Class racket] Three years later, “the richest 1% of households … owned 42% of the stock owned by individuals, and 56% of the bonds … the top 10% together owned nearly 90% of both.” Given that around 50% of all corporate stock is owned by households, this means that 1% of the population “owns a quarter of the productive capital and future profits of corporate America; the top 10% nearly half.” [Doug Henwood, Wall Street, pp. 66–7] Unsurprisingly, the Congressional Budget Office estimates that more than half of corporate profits ultimately accrue to the wealthiest 1 percent of taxpayers, while only about 8 percent go to the bottom 60 percent.

Henwood summarises the situation by noting that “the richest tenth of the population has a bit over three-quarters of all the wealth in this society, and the bottom half has almost none — but it has lots of debt.” Most middle-income people have most of their (limited) wealth in their homes and if we look at non-residential wealth we find a “very, very concentrated” situation. The “bottom half of the population claimed about 20% of all income in 2001 — but only 2% of non-residential wealth. The richest 5% of the population claimed about 23% of income, a bit more than the entire bottom half. But it owned almost two-thirds — 65% — of the wealth.” [After the New Economy, p. 122]

In terms of income, the period since 1970 has also been marked by increasing inequalities and concentration:

“According to estimates by the economists Thomas Piketty and Emmanuel Saez — confirmed by data from the Congressional Budget Office — between 1973 and 2000 the average real income of the bottom 90 percent of American taxpayers actually fell by 7 percent. Meanwhile, the income of the top 1 percent rose by 148 percent, the income of the top 0.1 percent rose by 343 percent and the income of the top 0.01 percent rose 599 percent.” [Paul Krugman, “The Death of Horatio Alger”, The Nation, January 5, 2004]

Doug Henwood provides some more details on income [Op. Cit., p. 90]:

Changes in income, 1977–1999 real income growth 1977–99

Share of total income

1977

1999

Change

poorest 20%

-9%

5.7%

4.2%

-1.5%

second 20%

11.5

9.7

-1.8

middle 20%

16.4

14.7

-1.7

fourth 20%

+14

22.8

21.3

-1.5

top 20%

+43

44.2

50.4

+6.2

top 1%

+115

7.3

12.9

+5.6

By far the biggest gainers from the wealth concentration since the 1980s have been the super-rich. The closer you get to the top, the bigger the gains. In other words, it is not simply that the top 20 percent of families have had bigger percentage gains than the rest. Rather, the top 5 percent have done better than the next 15, the top 1 percent better than the next 4 per cent, and so on.

As such, if someone argues that while the share of national income going to the top 10 percent of earners has increased that it does not matter because anyone with an income over $81,000 is in that top 10 percent they are missing the point. The lower end of the top ten per cent were not the big winners over the last 30 years. Most of the gains in the share in that top ten percent went to the top 1 percent (who earn at least $230,000). Of these gains, 60 percent went to the top 0.1 percent (who earn more than $790,000). And of these gains, almost half went to the top 0.01 percent (a mere 13,000 people who had an income of at least $3.6 million and an average income of $17 million). [Paul Krugman, “For Richer”, New York Times, 20/10/02]

All this proves that classes do in fact exist, with wealth and power concentrating at the top of society, in the hands of the few.

To put this inequality of income into some perspective, the average full-time Wal-Mart employee was paid only about $17,000 a year in 2004. Benefits are few, with less than half the company’s workers covered by its health care plan. In the same year Wal-Mart’s chief executive, Scott Lee Jr., was paid $17.5 million. In other words, every two weeks he was paid about as much as his average employee would earn after a lifetime working for him.

Since the 1970s, most Americans have had only modest salary increases (if that). The average annual salary in America, expressed in 1998 dollars (i.e., adjusted for inflation) went from $32,522 in 1970 to $35,864 in 1999. That is a mere 10 percent increase over nearly 30 years. Over the same period, however, according to Fortune magazine, the average real annual compensation of the top 100 C.E.O.‘s went from $1.3 million — 39 times the pay of an average worker — to $37.5 million, more than 1,000 times the pay of ordinary workers.

Yet even here, we are likely to miss the real picture. The average salary is misleading as this does not reflect the distribution of wealth. For example, in the UK in the early 1990s, two-thirds of workers earned the average wage or below and only a third above. To talk about the “average” income, therefore, is to disguise remarkable variation. In the US, adjusting for inflation, average family income — total income divided by the number of families — grew 28% between 1979 and 1997. The median family income — the income of a family in the middle (i.e. the income where half of families earn more and half less) grew by only 10%. The median is a better indicator of how typical American families are doing as the distribution of income is so top heavy in the USA (i.e. the average income is considerably higher than the median). It should also be noted that the incomes of the bottom fifth of families actually fell slightly. In other words, the benefits of economic growth over nearly two decades have not trickled down to ordinary families. Median family income has risen only about 0.5% per year. Even worse, “just about all of that increase was due to wives working longer hours, with little or no gain in real wages.” [Paul Krugman, “For Richer”, Op. Cit.]

So if America does have higher average or per capita income than other advanced countries, it is simply because the rich are richer. This means that a high average income level can be misleading if a large amount of national income is concentrated in relatively few hands. This means that large numbers of Americans are worse off economically than their counterparts in other advanced countries. Thus Europeans have, in general, shorter working weeks and longer holidays than Americans. They may have a lower average income than the United States but they do not have the same inequalities. This means that the median European family has a standard of living roughly comparable with that of the median U.S. family — wages may even be higher.

As Doug Henwood notes, ”[i]nternational measures put the United States in a disgraceful light… The soundbite version of the LIS [Luxembourg Income Study] data is this: for a country th[at] rich, [it] ha[s] a lot of poor people.” Henwood looked at both relative and absolute measures of income and poverty using the cross-border comparisons of income distribution provided by the LIS and discovered that ”[f]or a country that thinks itself universally middle class [i.e. middle income], the United States has the second-smallest middle class of the nineteen countries for which good LIS data exists.” Only Russia, a country in near-total collapse was worse (40.9% of the population were middle income compared to 46.2% in the USA. Households were classed as poor if their incomes were under 50 percent of the national medium; near-poor, between 50 and 62.5 percent; middle, between 62.5 and 150 percent; and well-to-do, over 150 percent. The USA rates for poor (19.1%), near-poor (8.1%) and middle (46.2%) were worse than European countries like Germany (11.1%, 6.5% and 64%), France (13%, 7.2% and 60.4%) and Belgium (5.5%, 8.0% and 72.4%) as well as Canada (11.6%, 8.2% and 60%) and Australia (14.8%, 10% and 52.5%).

The reasons for this? Henwood states that the “reasons are clear — weak unions and a weak welfare state. The social-democratic states — the ones that interfere most with market incomes — have the largest [middles classes]. The US poverty rate is nearly twice the average of the other eighteen.” Needless to say, “middle class” as defined by income is a very blunt term (as Henwood states). It says nothing about property ownership or social power, for example, but income is often taken in the capitalist press as the defining aspect of “class” and so is useful to analyse in order to refute the claims that the free-market promotes general well-being (i.e. a larger “middle class”). That the most free-market nation has the worse poverty rates and the smallest “middle class” indicates well the anarchist claim that capitalism, left to its own devices, will benefit the strong (the ruling class) over the weak (the working class) via “free exchanges” on the “free” market (as we argue in section C.7, only during periods of full employment — and/or wide scale working class solidarity and militancy — does the balance of forces change in favour of working class people. Little wonder, then, that periods of full employment also see falling inequality — see James K. Galbraith’s Created Unequal for more details on the correlation of unemployment and inequality).

Of course, it could be objected that this relative measure of poverty and income ignores the fact that US incomes are among the highest in the world, meaning that the US poor may be pretty well off by foreign standards. Henwood refutes this claim, noting that “even on absolute measures, the US performance is embarrassing. LIS researcher Lane Kenworthy estimated poverty rates for fifteen countries using the US poverty line as the benchmark… Though the United States has the highest average income, it’s far from having the lowest poverty rate.” Only Italy, Britain and Australia had higher levels of absolute poverty (and Australia exceeded the US value by 0.2%, 11.9% compared to 11.7%). Thus, in both absolute and relative terms, the USA compares badly with European countries. [Doug Henwood, “Booming, Borrowing, and Consuming: The US Economy in 1999”, pp.120–33, Monthly Review, vol. 51, no. 3, pp. 129–31]

In summary, therefore, taking the USA as being the most capitalist nation in the developed world, we discover a class system in which a very small minority own the bulk of the means of life and get most of the income. Compared to other Western countries, the class inequalities are greater and the society is more polarised. Moreover, over the last 20–30 years those inequalities have increased spectacularly. The ruling elite have become richer and wealth has flooded upwards rather than trickled down.

The cause of the increase in wealth and income polarisation is not hard to find. It is due to the increased economic and political power of the capitalist class and the weakened position of working class people. As anarchists have long argued, any “free contract” between the powerful and the powerless will benefit the former far more than the latter. This means that if the working class’s economic and social power is weakened then we will be in a bad position to retain a given share of the wealth we produce but is owned by our bosses and accumulates in the hands of the few.

Unsurprisingly, therefore, there has been an increase in the share of total income going to capital (i.e., interest, dividends, and rent) and a decrease in the amount going to labour (wages, salaries, and benefits). Moreover, an increasing part of the share to labour is accruing to high-level management (in electronics, for example, top executives used to paid themselves 42 times the average worker in 1991, a mere 5 years later it was 220 times as much).

Since the start of the 1980s, unemployment and globalisation has weakened the economic and social power of the working class. Due to the decline in the unions and general labour militancy, wages at the bottom have stagnated (real pay for most US workers is lower in 2005 than it was in 1973!). This, combined with “trickle-down” economic policies of tax cuts for the wealthy, tax raises for the working classes, the maintaining of a “natural” law of unemployment (which weakens unions and workers power) and cutbacks in social programs, has seriously eroded living standards for all but the upper strata — a process that is clearly leading toward social breakdown, with effects that will be discussed later (see section D.9).

Little wonder Proudhon argued that the law of supply and demand was a “deceitful law … suitable only for assuring the victory of the strong over the weak, of those who own property over those who own nothing.” [quoted by Alan Ritter, The Political Thought of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, p. 121]

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beardedmrbean · 11 months ago

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Hey you know that color hat with a fan on it boys wear like in cartoons? Does anyone knows where that trope came from and why? Is it from the 50’s or something?

The name “propeller-head” is used nowadays for a technophile, sometimes disparagingly, for an enthusiast of technology and (according to the Mirriam-Webster Dictionary) especially of computers. In images, the modern geek may be satirized with a cap having one or two toy propellers mounted to spin horizontally above the top of the hat.

So, was this flamboyant hat originated in the flower-powered hippie era of the 1960s? Well, no - decades earlier, in fact. It is generally accepted to have been first improvised in Cadillac, Michigan, using a beanie (a visorless cap) in 1947, made by Ray Faraday Nelson. It quickly became an icon for science fiction fans to identify themselves, and a national fad.

In a published interview1, Nelson described how “In the summer of 1947, I was holding a regional science fiction convention in my front room and it culminated with myself and some Michigan fans dressing up in some improvised costumes to take joke photographs, simulating the covers of science fiction magazines. The headgear which I designed for the space hero was the first propeller beanie. It was made out of pieces of plastic, bit of coat-hanger wire, some beads, a propeller from a model airplane, and staples to hold it together.” Shortly thereafter, it was worn by George Young of Detroit at a world convention, where it was an enormous hit.

Nelson thereafter frequently drew cartoons for fanzines portraying science fiction fans wearing propeller beanies. In 1948, Artist Guy Pène du Bois (1884-1958) painted a “Boy with a propeller beanie” hovering some feet up in the air above what looks like perhaps a sandy beach.

Shortly, it was further popularized by a television program, Time For Beany (video). The show was hugely popular with children, and even adults. The title character was a propeller beanie-wearing puppet named Beany whose sock-puppet friend called Cecil the Seasick Sea Serpent was voiced and controlled by an unknown Stan Freeberg!) Starting in 1949, it ran five times a week for five years. It was hugely popular with children, and even some adults (including Albert Einstein, according to a Stan Freeberg reminiscence) (video). That idea of Bruce Sedley on KTLA in Los Angeles, California, was produced by Disney animator, Bob Clampett, who soon followed up with a syndicated, animated cartoon series of Beany and Cecil, in which Beany's propeller enabled him to fly (video).

Nelson went on to become a professional writer of novels and short stories. He made no profit from the fad of sales of beanie hats that followed from his idea.

In the summer of 1947, while still in high school, science fiction fanzine artist Ray Nelson, per his claim, invented the propeller beanie as part of a "space man" costume on a lark with some friends. He later drew it in his cartoons as emblematic shorthand for science fiction fandom. The hat became a fad, seen in media such as "Time for Beanie", and was sold widely by many manufacturers over the next decade.[11]

The propeller beanie increased in popular use through comics and eventually made its way onto the character of Beany Boy of Beany and Cecil. Today, computer savvy and other technically proficient people are sometimes pejoratively called propellerheads because of the one-time popularity of the propeller beanie.

In 1996, student hackers placed a giant propeller beanie on the Great Dome at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. The scaled-up propeller rotated as the wind drove it like a windmill.

Propeller beanie drew laughs from Belgian workmen as they unpacked display shipments to show “How America Lives” for the U.S. exhibit at the Brussels Fair, as shown in Life magazine (31 Mar 1958). (source)

______________________________ there's a good amount of this I didn't know, the article at the top goes on further and further too if you're interested I just hit the opening point of who's claimed to have originated it and why, which the wiki article has too.

#anonymous

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blurban-form · 1 year ago

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New post: Push-button Toilets

In “Bingo”, we see Mum is having to fix the toilet. The lid of the rear/tank part is off and Mum is fiddling with the toilet’s innards. This is a flush toilet with a button on the top. This is a more recent design than the lever-on-the-front style, which is over 100 years old in terms of the technology.

Here’s another view of the same toilet from the “Easter” episode, clearly showing the button on the top.

I read online that the commercially-viable dual-flush (two-button) toilet is an Australian innovation, dating back to 1982, but also that the idea dates back to Japan in the 1960s. It was developed to save water during drought conditions while retaining the capability to operate with a regular (using more water) flush when needed.

In North America, in most places, like where I live, both the push-button and the older-style lever-flush are still widely available. In some jurisdictions there are restrictions on what kind can be used in new construction, mandating the lower-flow types to reduce water consumption.

Here’s two screenshots showing toilets available at my local Home Depot in Winnipeg, MB, Canada.

And an example of a one-button flush toilet from Bunnings’ website in Australia. (Bunnings is the Australian home improvement superstore that Hammerbarn in “Bluey” is based on.)

Looking at Bunnings’ website, it looks like push-button is the only style of flush toilet used in Australia but both one- and two-button models are available.

A dual flush toilet gives the user the option of flushing either a low amount of water using the small button (e.g. 0.8 - 1.1 gallons per flush (GPF)) or a greater amount of water using the large button (e.g. 1.3 - 1.6 gallons per flush). The lower amount of water is used when flushing liquid waste. A greater amount of water is necessary for flushing down solid waste.

Contrast this water usage with older toilets: Prior to 1994, toilets used more water than today's toilets: from 3.5 GPF to as much as 7 GPF.

In 2019, President Trump said Americans didn’t like low-flow toilets. He claimed that this new technology is forcing Americans to have to flush their toilets "10 times, 15 times, as opposed to once". That’s probably an overstatement.

It appears I could keep writing about toilets… It appears there’s a lot of variation in them around the world. For instance, it appears that many countries have less water in the toilet bowl than is common in North America. It is also the case that in some countries toilet paper doesn’t go down the toilet but instead into a bin.

It appears that push-button toilets aren’t strictly a Commonwealth thing, as they are used in non-Commonwealth countries, but it’s complicated. There are also other types of toilet besides push-button and lever!

But I’ll save that for the next post!

Links/sources

#Bluey toilets #Bluey dunny #Bluey

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dertaglichedan · 6 days ago

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Zillow's price estimates are screwing up homebuying

When Zillow debuted in 2006, the fledgling site bore little resemblance to the real-estate behemoth it is now. There were no options to find an agent, get a mortgage, or request a tour — the search portal couldn't even tell you which homes were actually for sale. There was, however, the Zestimate: a "free, unbiased valuation" for 40 million houses around the US, based on a proprietary algorithm. Half the single-family homes in America suddenly had a dollar figure attached to them, and anyone could take a peek. Zillow's site crashed within hours as a million people raced to ogle at the results.

The initial rush was a sign of things to come. Nowadays, the Zestimate is arguably the most popular — and polarizing — number in real estate. An entire generation of homeowners doesn't know life without the algorithm; some obsessively track its output as they would a stock portfolio or the price of bitcoin. By the time a seller hires a real-estate agent, there's a good chance they've already consulted the digital oracle. For anyone with even a passing interest in the housing market, the Zestimate is a breezy way to take the temperature. Keep tabs on mortgage rates all you want, but they can't tell you that your house has appreciated 20% over the past year, or that your annoying coworker's property is worth more than yours.

Many industry insiders, however, regard the number as a starting point at best and dangerously misguided at worst. Real-estate agents recount arguments with sellers who reject their pricing advice, choosing instead to take the Zestimate as the word of God. One meme likens its disciples to adults who still believe in Santa. Zillow itself lost hundreds of millions of dollars during the pandemic when it relied on its algorithm to buy homes at what turned out to be inflated prices, part of an ill-fated attempt to flip homes at scale.

...

The Zestimate is both everywhere and an enigma. About 104 million homes, or 71% of the US housing stock, have a little dollar figure hovering above them on Zillow's website. One of them is the house in Austin where I was raised until the age of 10. It's not for sale, but right underneath the address, in bold, is the Zestimate. Next to it is a "Rent Zestimate," or the amount the owner could probably charge a tenant each month. You can click to see a graph of its Zestimate over the past decade — the Zillow-fied value of my childhood home rose a staggering 72% from May 2020 to its peak in May 2022 but has since dropped 24% from that top tick thanks to the chill running through the Austin market. In just the past 30 days, the Zestimate has dropped by $4,455. Ouch.

Just how accurate are those numbers, though? Until the house actually trades hands, it's impossible to say. Zillow's own explanation of the methodology, and its outcomes, can be misleading. The model, the company says, is based on thousands of data points from public sources like county records, tax documents, and multiple listing services — local databases used by real-estate agents where most homes are advertised for sale. Zillow's formula also incorporates user-submitted info: If you get a fancy new kitchen, for example, your Zestimate might see a nice bump if you let the company know. Zillow makes sure to note that the Zestimate can't replace an actual appraisal, but articles on its website also hail the tool as a "powerful starting point in determining a home's value" and "generally quite accurate." The median error rate for on-market homes is just 2.4%, per the company's website, while the median error rate for off-market homes is 7.49%. Not bad, you might think.

When you think of the Zestimate, for many, it gives a false anchor for what the value actually is.

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cooltron-fans · 1 month ago

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Cooltron Your Reliable Source for DC Blowers Across North America

When it comes to reliable and efficient DC blower distributors, Cooltron stands out as the premier choice for customers across the United States, Canada, and Mexico. Our commitment to quality and innovation ensures that every product we offer meets the highest standards, designed to exceed your expectations in performance and durability.

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kytamericas · 4 months ago

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KYT Americas: Your Go-To Source for Dirt Motorcycle Helmets

When it comes to off-road adventures, having the right gear is essential, and a quality helmet tops the list. KYT Americas has established itself as a leader in providing top-notch dirt motorcycle helmets that offer both safety and style for riders. Whether you're a seasoned motocross enthusiast or a weekend warrior, KYT Americas has the perfect helmet to meet your needs.

Why Choose KYT Americas?

KYT Americas is known for its commitment to excellence, offering helmets that are designed with the latest technology to ensure maximum protection. Each helmet undergoes rigorous testing to meet industry standards, providing riders with peace of mind as they tackle challenging terrains.

1. Advanced Safety Features

Safety is paramount when riding a dirt bike, and KYT Americas helmets are equipped with advanced safety features that set them apart from the competition. From impact-resistant shells to energy-absorbing liners, these helmets are designed to protect you in the event of a crash. The brand's focus on innovation means you're getting a helmet that not only meets but exceeds safety regulations.

2. Superior Comfort

KYT Americas understands that comfort is crucial for long rides. Their helmets are designed with ergonomic features that provide a snug yet comfortable fit. Ventilation systems ensure that air flows freely, keeping you cool even during intense rides. Additionally, the interior padding is both removable and washable, making it easy to keep your helmet fresh and clean.

3. Stylish Designs

Functionality doesn’t have to come at the expense of style. KYT Americas offers a wide range of designs and colors, allowing you to choose a helmet that matches your personality and riding gear. Whether you prefer bold graphics or a more understated look, there’s something for everyone.

4. Value for Money

Investing in a KYT Americas dirt motorcycle helmet means you’re getting great value for your money. The brand is known for offering high-quality helmets at competitive prices, ensuring that you don’t have to compromise on safety or style.

The Importance of Choosing the Right Dirt Helmet

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KYT Americas has earned its reputation as a go-to source for dirt motorcycle helmets by consistently delivering products that combine safety, comfort, and style. Whether you're gearing up for your next off-road adventure or simply upgrading your current helmet, KYT Americas offers a range of options that cater to all types of riders. Explore their collection today and ride with confidence, knowing that you're protected by one of the best in the business.

#“KYT Americas”#“Dirt Motorcycle Helmets”

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amrutatbrc1 · 4 months ago

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Motorcycle Lead Acid Battery Market 2024-2033 : Demand, Trend, Segmentation, Forecast, Overview And Top Companies

Overview and Scope A motorcycle lead acid battery is a rechargeable battery used in motorcycles to provide the electrical power needed for starting the engine and running the vehicle's electrical systems. These batteries are known for their reliability and cost-effectiveness. They come in various sizes and capacities to match different motorcycle models and requirements.

Sizing and Forecast The motorcycle lead acid battery market size has grown strongly in recent years. It will grow from $5.06 billion in 2023 to $5.39 billion in 2024 at a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 6.3%. The growth in the historic period can be attributed to growing urbanization, increasing consumer awareness and education, growth of ride-sharing and delivery services, increasing electrification of motorcycle fleets for public, and growth in the charging infrastructure.

The motorcycle lead acid battery market size is expected to see strong growth in the next few years. It will grow to $6.91 billion in 2028 at a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 6.4%. The growth in the forecast period can be attributed to increasing focus on improving the energy density and power density, introduction of battery leasing programs for consumers, use of lead acid batteries in conjunction with renewable energy sources, high replacement rates for lead acid batteries in motorcycles, and establishment of battery swapping stations. Major trends in the forecast period include innovations in sealing technologies, adoption of greener manufacturing processes, development of safety features, nanotechnology applications, and advanced thermal management systems.

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Segmentation & Regional Insights The motorcycle lead acid battery market covered in this report is segmented –

1) By Product Type: Valve Regulated Lead Acid Battery (VRLA) Battery, Flooded Lead-Acid (FLA), Absorbed Glass Mat (AGM), Vented Battery, Other Product Types 2) By Technology: Internal Combustion Engine (ICE), Hybrid, Electric 3) By Sales Channel: Original Equipment Manufacturers (OEMs), Aftermarket

North America was the largest region in the motorcycle lead acid battery market in 2023, and is expected to be the fastest-growing region in the forecast period. The regions covered in the motorcycle lead acid battery market report are Asia-Pacific, Western Europe, Eastern Europe, North America, South America, Middle East, Africa.

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Major Driver Impacting Market Growth The increasing demand for two-wheeled EV motor vehicles is expected to propel the growth of the motorcycle lead acid battery market going forward. A two-wheeled motor vehicle, also known as a motorcycle or motorbike, is a motorized vehicle designed to travel on two wheels. The increasing demand for two-wheelers is rising due to affordability, fuel efficiency, ease of navigation in urban congestion, and flexibility in urban and rural settings. Lead-acid batteries benefit two-wheeled electric vehicles by offering a cost-effective, durable, and reliable energy storage solution. For instance, according to the Society Of Manufacturers Of Electric Vehicles, an India-based association representing Indian manufacturers of electric vehicles (EV), in 2021-2022, the number of electric two-wheeler sales was 2,52,641, which rose to 7,28,054 in 2022-2023. Therefore, the increasing demand for two-wheeled motor vehicles drives the motorcycle lead acid battery market growth.

Key Industry Players Major companies operating in the motorcycle lead acid battery market are Panasonic Holdings Corporation, Johnson Controls International plc, Clarios International Inc., Chaowei Power Holdings Limited, GS Yuasa Corporation, EnerSys, East Penn Manufacturing Co., Exide Industries Limited, Leoch Leoch International Technology Limited, The Amara Raja Group (Amaron), Shuangdeng Group Co Ltd , Coslight Technology International Group Ltd., Trojan Battery Company LLC, Power Sonic Corporation, HBL Power Systems Limited, Mutlu Battery and Materials Industry Inc., Hawker Powersource Inc., FIAMM Energy Technology S.p.A., MK Battery International, CSB Energy Technology Co. Ltd., EverExceed Industrial Co. Ltd., Thai Energy Storage Technology PLC, C&D Technologies Inc., Deltran USA LLC, HAZE Power Company Ltd.

The motorcycle lead acid battery market report table of contents includes:

1. Executive Summary

2. Motorcycle Lead Acid Battery Market Characteristics

3. Motorcycle Lead Acid Battery Market Trends And Strategies

4. Motorcycle Lead Acid Battery Market - Macro Economic Scenario

5. Global Motorcycle Lead Acid Battery Market Size and Growth ..........

32. Global Motorcycle Lead Acid Battery Market Competitive Benchmarking

33. Global Motorcycle Lead Acid Battery Market Competitive Dashboard

34. Key Mergers And Acquisitions In The Motorcycle Lead Acid Battery Market

35. Motorcycle Lead Acid Battery Market Future Outlook and Potential Analysis

36. Appendix

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wellnessweb · 6 months ago

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Innovations Driving Drug Discovery Informatics Market Size Growth

The Drug Discovery Informatics Market Size was surveyed at USD 3.56 billion out of 2023 and is supposed to addition to USD 8.52 billion by 2031, stretching out at a CAGR of 11.5% from 2024 to 2031.The Drug Discovery Informatics Market is a rapidly evolving sector that integrates computational techniques, data analysis, and informatics tools to streamline the drug discovery process. This market is driven by the increasing need for efficient and cost-effective drug development, fueled by advances in bioinformatics, machine learning, and artificial intelligence. Companies are leveraging big data analytics to identify potential drug candidates, predict their efficacy, and optimize clinical trials, thereby accelerating the path from laboratory research to market-ready therapeutics. The growing adoption of cloud-based solutions and collaborative platforms further enhances the ability to manage and analyze vast datasets, fostering innovation .

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Market Scope & Overview

In order to analyze and appreciate the Drug Discovery Informatics Market industry, the investigation was conducted out using credible information sources. Market research defines and categorizes the worldwide market while also analyzing and forecasting regional and global market opportunities. Trends, opportunities, and difficulties, as well as market drivers and restraints, are also explored during the target market research.

The Drug Discovery Informatics Market research aims to forecast trends and trends in the coming years, as well as estimate market quantities for key categories and geographical locations. An examination of the industry's top players, an examination of the knowledge market share, an examination of the organization's primary lines of business, product offering, and cost structure, and an examination of current industry trends and patterns are among the comprehensive criteria of the report.

Market Segmentation Analysis

By Workflow Type

Discovery Informatics

Identification, Validation, & Assay Development Informatics

Lead Generation

Development Informatics

Lead Optimization

FHD Preparation

Phase IA

Phase IB/2

By Mode Type

Outsourced

In-house

By Service Type

Sequence Analysis Platforms

Molecular Modeling

Docking

Clinical Trial Data Management

COVID-19 Impact Analysis

The impact analysis of COVID-19 will assist market participants in developing pandemic preparedness strategy. The investigation used both primary and secondary sources of information, in addition to private databases and a paid data source. This research investigates the global and national impact of COVID-19 on the Drug Discovery Informatics Market . This research considers the target market's effects on supply and demand.

Regional Outlook

The research report focuses on freshly emerging regional markets where industry participants can find their next endeavor. The most recent Drug Discovery Informatics Market analysis delves deeply into several geographical areas, with an emphasis on Asia Pacific, North America, Latin America, Europe, and the Middle East and Africa.

Competitive Analysis

With a focus on the target market, the research study provides an in-depth and thorough analysis of the current condition of the Drug Discovery Informatics Market business. As it covers a considerable quantity of market data, businesses and individuals with an interest in the industry can use the report as a source of information and recommendations. The research report begins with a general overview of the industry, including its definition, applications, and production processes. The research report then goes into the key players in the international sector.

Key Questions Answered by the Drug Discovery Informatics Market Report

Who are the leading players in the market, and what are their most recent developments?

How has the crisis between Russia and Ukraine influenced the dynamics of the target market?

What global events have influenced the market's overall growth?

Conclusion

The cost structures, development and policy strategies, and manufacturing methods are all examined in the market research. As it provides vital data on the state of the sector, the Drug Discovery Informatics Market research report is a significant resource for firms and other parties with an interest in the industry.

About Us

SNS Insider is a market research and insights firm that has won several awards and earned a solid reputation for service and strategy. We are a strategic partner who can assist you in reframing issues and generating answers to the trickiest business difficulties. For greater consumer insight and client experiences, we leverage the power of experience and people.

When you employ our services, you will collaborate with qualified and experienced staff. We believe it is crucial to collaborate with our clients to ensure that each project is customized to meet their demands. Nobody knows your customers or community better than you do. Therefore, our team needs to ask the correct questions that appeal to your audience in order to collect the best information.

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bizworldinsights · 10 months ago

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Automotive Oxygen Sensor

The Automotive Oxygen Sensor market, valued at US$ XX million in 2019, is projected to witness a steady CAGR of 3.8% during the forecast period. This electronic device plays a crucial role in measuring the oxygen levels in exhaust sensors, sending signals to the car's processing unit. This ensures optimal fuel-to-air ratio, preventing the engine from running too rich or too lean. Originally discovered in 1960 by Robert Bosch GmbH, the oxygen sensor has become an integral component of automotive exhaust systems.

Key Factors Driving the Global Oxygen Sensor Market Revenue

Technological Advancements: Miniaturization of integrated circuits is paving the way for next-gen oxygen sensors capable of performing in high temperatures. The implementation of microfibration technology is contributing to the development of state-of-the-art sensors for OEMs, fostering overall market growth.

Regulatory Compliance: Stringent regulations mandating proper carbon emission checks from automobiles are driving the demand for oxygen sensors. With transport being a significant source of global carbon emissions, oxygen sensors play a vital role in enhancing overall sustainability.

Market Challenges: While the automotive oxygen sensor market is poised for significant growth, challenges such as contaminants in the exhaust and damage from excessive unburned fuel systems contribute to sensor deterioration. Addressing replacement concerns remains a major focus within the industry.

Global Oxygen Sensor Market Analysis, by Sales Channel

OEM Dominance: OEMs are set to dominate the global market, accounting for 86% market share in 2018. Oxygen sensors are primarily sold to vehicle manufacturers through a B2B-oriented industry. Long-term contracts between sensor manufacturers and OEMs are commonplace. The aftermarket segment is expected to witness impressive growth due to the wear and tear of sensors exposed to high temperatures near the exhaust system.

Global Automotive Oxygen Sensor Market Value Analysis, by Vehicle Type

Passenger Vehicles at the Forefront: The passenger vehicle segment is anticipated to represent 71% of the total market by 2028. As oxygen sensors are fitted across commercial and passenger vehicles, the dominance of the passenger vehicle segment is attributed to robust car sales, particularly in China and India. Advanced safety checks in passenger vehicles are expected to further drive global O2 sensor sales.

Global Automotive Oxygen Sensor Market Size and Forecast: Regional Analysis

Asia Pacific Leading the Way: Accounting for 43% of global sales in 2018, the Asia Pacific region offers significant market opportunities for revenue generation. Unlike North America and Western Europe, which have matured markets, Asia Pacific boasts a flourishing automotive industry, making it the leading manufacturer of vehicles globally. China and Japan are major markets for O2 sensor manufacturers.

North America and Western Europe: Characterized by mature markets, North America and Western Europe are expected to register sluggish growth throughout the forecast period. The introduction of Euro VI norms is anticipated to stimulate the ecosystem in Europe.

Global Automotive Oxygen Sensor Market Size and Forecast: Competition Landscape

The industry is marked by the presence of numerous midsize players operating on a contract-based business model. High competition levels drive global players to focus on product specifications and direct distribution networks for agility. Key Automotive Oxygen Sensor market players include:

Robert Bosch GmbH

Continental AG

NGK Spark Plugs

Delphi Automotive

Infineon Technologies AG

Analog Devices Inc

Denso Corporation

Industry Segmentation

By Vehicle Type:

Passenger Cars

Compact Car

Midrange

Premium

Luxury

SUV

Commercial Vehicle

Light Weight Vehicle

Heavy Duty Vehicle

By Sales Channel:

Aftermarket

OEM

By Product Type:

Zirconia Sensor

Titania Sensor

Wideband Zirconia Sensor

Top of Form

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