#potential chief minister candidate

[townpostin]

Champai Soren's “New Chapter with BJP” Likely Soon

Former Jharkhand CM in capital for talks; decision expected within days Champai Soren’s Delhi visit sparks rumors of potential BJP alliance, with a decision anticipated soon. RANCHI – Former Jharkhand CM Champai Soren’s Delhi trip ignites speculation about joining BJP, decision expected in coming days. Champai Soren, former Chief Minister of Jharkhand, has once again found himself at the center…

[sayruq]

US State Secretary Anthony Blinken said on 4 May that the genocidal actions undertaken by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Gaza are "a reflection of where a large majority of Israelis are in this moment.” “This is a complicated government. It’s a balancing act when you have a coalition. And if you’re just looking at the politics of it, that’s something that he has to factor in,” Blinken said at an event in Arizona. "What’s important to understand is that much of what [Netanyahu is] doing is not simply a reflection of his politics or his policies; it’s actually a reflection of where a large majority of Israelis are in this moment,” the top US diplomat said. Last month, a survey conducted by the Israel Democracy Institute revealed that three-quarters of Jewish Israelis support Netanyahu's much-anticipated ground invasion of Gaza’s southernmost city, Rafah, where about 1.3 million Palestinians are sheltering after being violently displaced from their homes. Surveys conducted over recent months have shown a similar trend despite growing pressure to see Netanyahu removed from office. In January, opinion polls showed that Israelis overwhelmingly agreed that “the best way” to obtain the release of captives held inside Gaza was “military pressure” against Hamas, falling in line with the same rhetoric Netanyahu and his war chief have been repeating daily since 7 October. Polls have also shown a stern objection to delivering humanitarian aid to Gaza, even if the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) is “replaced.” As Netanyahu continues to dig his heels in over the “need” to invade Rafah, on Friday, the Times of Israel reported that the premier “is convinced that he will win an election.” “Netanyahu’s working assumption is that [an eventual Knesset vote for a prisoner-exchange deal] will lead to ultranationalist National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir and his Otzma Yehudit party resigning from government, followed soon after by Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and the Religious Zionism party,” the Israeli daily writes. The two Jewish-supremacists officials have repeatedly threatened to abandon the coalition government over various reasons, including a controversial judicial overhaul law, providing concessions to Palestinians in the occupied West Bank, and the continuation of the genocidal war in Gaza, including the ground invasion of Rafah. Once the government collapses, “elections will be inevitable,” the Time of Israel adds, claiming that Netanyahu “is confident he can beat any other candidate in the country.” “None of the other potential prime ministerial candidates can hold a candle to him,” a source in the prime minister’s office is quoted as saying.

[mariacallous]

On a stifling April afternoon in Ajmer, in the Indian state of Rajasthan, local politician Shakti Singh Rathore sat down in front of a greenscreen to shoot a short video. He looked nervous. It was his first time being cloned.

Wearing a crisp white shirt and a ceremonial saffron scarf bearing a lotus flower—the logo of the BJP, the country’s ruling party—Rathore pressed his palms together and greeted his audience in Hindi. “Namashkar,” he began. “To all my brothers—”

Before he could continue, the director of the shoot walked into the frame. Divyendra Singh Jadoun, a 31-year-old with a bald head and a thick black beard, told Rathore he was moving around too much on camera. Jadoun was trying to capture enough audio and video data to build an AI deepfake of Rathore that would convince 300,000 potential voters around Ajmer that they’d had a personalized conversation with him—but excess movement would break the algorithm. Jadoun told his subject to look straight into the camera and move only his lips. “Start again,” he said.

Right now, the world’s largest democracy is going to the polls. Close to a billion Indians are eligible to vote as part of the country’s general election, and deepfakes could play a decisive, and potentially divisive, role. India’s political parties have exploited AI to warp reality through cheap audio fakes, propaganda images, and AI parodies. But while the global discourse on deepfakes often focuses on misinformation, disinformation, and other societal harms, many Indian politicians are using the technology for a different purpose: voter outreach.

Across the ideological spectrum, they’re relying on AI to help them navigate the nation’s 22 official languages and thousands of regional dialects, and to deliver personalized messages in farther-flung communities. While the US recently made it illegal to use AI-generated voices for unsolicited calls, in India sanctioned deepfakes have become a $60 million business opportunity. More than 50 million AI-generated voice clone calls were made in the two months leading up to the start of the elections in April—and millions more will be made during voting, one of the country’s largest business messaging operators told WIRED.

Jadoun is the poster boy of this burgeoning industry. His firm, Polymath Synthetic Media Solutions, is one of many deepfake service providers from across India that have emerged to cater to the political class. This election season, Jadoun has delivered five AI campaigns so far, for which his company has been paid a total of $55,000. (He charges significantly less than the big political consultants—125,000 rupees [$1,500] to make a digital avatar, and 60,000 rupees [$720] for an audio clone.) He’s made deepfakes for Prem Singh Tamang, the chief minister of the Himalayan state of Sikkim, and resurrected Y. S. Rajasekhara Reddy, an iconic politician who died in a helicopter crash in 2009, to endorse his son Y. S. Jagan Mohan Reddy, currently chief minister of the state of Andhra Pradesh. Jadoun has also created AI-generated propaganda songs for several politicians, including Tamang, a local candidate for parliament, and the chief minister of the western state of Maharashtra. “He is our pride,” ran one song in Hindi about a local politician in Ajmer, with male and female voices set to a peppy tune. “He’s always been impartial.”

While Rathore isn’t up for election this year, he’s one of more than 18 million BJP volunteers tasked with ensuring that the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi maintains its hold on power. In the past, that would have meant spending months crisscrossing Rajasthan, a desert state roughly the size of Italy, to speak with voters individually, reminding them of how they have benefited from various BJP social programs—pensions, free tanks for cooking gas, cash payments for pregnant women. But with the help of Jadoun’s deepfakes, Rathore’s job has gotten a lot easier.

He’ll spend 15 minutes here talking to the camera about some of the key election issues, while Jadoun prompts him with questions. But it doesn’t really matter what he says. All Jadoun needs is Rathore’s voice. Once that’s done, Jadoun will use the data to generate videos and calls that will go directly to voters’ phones. In lieu of a knock at their door or a quick handshake at a rally, they’ll see or hear Rathore address them by name and talk with eerie specificity about the issues that matter most to them and ask them to vote for the BJP. If they ask questions, the AI should respond—in a clear and calm voice that’s almost better than the real Rathore’s rapid drawl. Less tech-savvy voters may not even realize they’ve been talking to a machine. Even Rathore admits he doesn’t know much about AI. But he understands psychology. “Such calls can help with swing voters.”

[head-post]

Japan to work with US for Taiwan peace, imposes sanctions on four Israeli settlers

Japan will continue to work with the United States for peace in the Taiwan Strait regardless of who wins the November presidential election, according to Asian media.

The comments came after Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump stated that Taiwan should pay the US for its defence. That raised concerns about US support for the island nation if the former president is re-elected, according to Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshimasa Hayashi.

Peace and stability [in the Taiwan Strait] are hugely important not just for our own security but for the entire international community.

Given that the US and Japan believe in the importance of a peaceful solution to the problems between the two sides of the strait, “we will continue these diplomatic efforts. It is important to reinforce the common ground we have as allies,” Hayashi added.

I understand that there are preparations being made for a Japan-China foreign minister meeting. It’s important to communicate clearly with one another on various levels.

The US has no formal defence agreement with Taiwan, but is legally obliged to provide the island with the means to defend itself. The current arrangement appears to be a source of frustration for Trump, who has stated that “Taiwan doesn’t give us anything.”

His running mate J.D. Vance also hinted last week at what a potential Republican president’s Indo-Pacific policy might look like. Vance called China the “biggest threat” the United States faced. Earlier this year, Trump sparked concerns that a new trade war could break out between China and the US after he threatened to impose a 60% tariff on Chinese imports.

Read more HERE

[beardedmrbean]

Helsingin Sanomat (siirryt toiseen palveluun) was among the papers covering the official start of the government formation process on Friday.

This is the post-election period filled with political manoeuvring as Petteri Orpo (NCP) plays political Tetris in trying to form a government.

On Friday Orpo unveils his list of questions to the other parliamentary group leaders outlining their conditions for forming a governing coalition.

According to HS, chief among the National Coalition Party's (NCP) demands is 6 billion euros budget adjustment, which will be achieved through spending cuts, tax increases or structural reforms in an attempt to balance public finances.

As the largest party after parliamentary election earlier this month, the National Coalition Party has the first chance to form a government.

Yle News explains the government negotiation process in this video (siirryt toiseen palveluun).

The parties have differing views on whether or not they should follow the NCP's budget line. The second-largest party in Parliament, the Finns Party, has proposed cutting development aid, immigration and public administration, but their party line is generally unclear on specific cuts.

In contrast to the NCP, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) takes a more optimistic approach to the deficit, seeing economic growth as the panacea for public financial woes.

As negotiations begin, it appears the coming months will be filled with political manoeuvring as the NCP plays political Tetris in trying to form a government.

Testing the presidential waters

As one election season comes to an end, many papers are speculating on possible presidential candidates for Sauli Niinistö's successor, who will be elected in January 2024.

Ilta-Sanomat (siirryt toiseen palveluun) asked the possible candidates from its most recent poll about their potential campaign plans.

Foreign Minister Pekka Haavisto (Green) did not confirm his candidacy to the paper.

"Let's let the dust settle after the elections," Haavisto said.

Governor of the Bank of Finland Olli Rehn (Centre) came second in the poll, but he said that he will only make a decision on his candidacy in the summer.

As for the National Coalition Party, their candidate for president remains a big question mark. MP Ben Zyskowicz (NCP) floated a possible list of candidates from his own party such as Elina Valtonen, Alexander Stubb, and Antti Häkkänen.

Zyskowicz also told IS that Mika Aaltola, Director of the Finnish Institute of International Affairs, was a potential wild card candidate for his party.

Aaltola told multiple outlets, including Iltalehti (siirryt toiseen palveluun), that he was "seriously considering" running for president on Thursday and speaking with possible parties.

Jussi Halla-aho of the Finns Party gave the strongest signal of a confirmation to IS that he was running.

"I will not try to say anything between the lines or leave anything unsaid. This is something I am considering very seriously," Halla-aho told the outlet, with IS writing that he emphasised the word "seriously" at the end of the interview.

Nude photographer marks return to Finland

Iltalehti (siirryt toiseen palveluun) reported that the US photographer Spencer Tunick will be returning to Finland this summer.

Tunick is known around the world for his photographs featuring thousands of nude models.

His last nude installation in Finland took place in 2002 in Helsinki, with about 1,900 naked bodies joining in on the exhibition.

Tunick chose Kuopio as the site of his next installation because of its lakes and islands as well as the long-lasting light of the northern summer. The photographer is also looking for volunteers for the massive nude photoshoot on 15 July.

An exhibition of Tunick's previous works will also open in June at Kuopio's VB Photography centre.

Finland's longest bridge shines

Ostrobothnia-based Ilkka-Pohjalainen (siirryt toiseen palveluun) carried rendered photos of the Replot Bridge illuminated in purple as part of a plan by the economic development agency Ely Centre of South Ostrobothnia.

The plan is to increase tourism to the landmark during the dark winter months, by using colourful lights to brighten the bridge.

The Replot Bridge is currently the longest in Finland at 1,045 metres, connecting the island of Replot with the mainland near Vaasa.

Rurik Ahlberg,the Mayor of Korsholm, the bridge's mainland terminus municipality, said that this bridge was a major attraction and wanted to attract more tourists.

"There aren't very many bridges like this in Europe," the mayor told IP.

However, the portion of the Crown Bridges project between Laajasalo and Korkeasaari in Helsinki will surpass the Replot Bridge at roughly 1,228 metres long when it is completed in 2027.

[hindustanmorning]

Total of 4 Congress members and 4 NCP and BJP members combined vying for Maharashtra Chief Minister role

In Maharashtra, for the first time, there are around twelve potential chief minister candidates representing six major parties. Among them, Congress has the most CM candidates. The elderly party has a minimum of 4 potential candidates for the position of chief minister. NCP, led by Sharad Pawar, has 2 potential chief ministerial candidates, while BJP also has 2 such contenders being discussed for…

[news365timesindia]

[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 26th October. As Maharashtra prepares for its highly anticipated assembly elections, the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliance—comprising the Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray faction), the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), and Congress—has made a decisive move by finalizing its seat-sharing formula. Each of the major parties in this coalition will contest at least 85 of the 288 assembly seats, marking a significant political strategy to challenge the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Eknath Shinde faction of the Shiv Sena. Beyond the numbers, the seat-sharing arrangement reflects a deliberate attempt to present a united opposition capable of mounting a robust challenge against the incumbent government. The 85-85-85 Formula: A Symbol of Unity and Strategy The MVA’s 85-85-85 seat-sharing formula not only provides an equitable stake to each of its major constituents but also demonstrates their collective commitment to a unified campaign. It has not been an easy journey for the coalition, which has faced both internal ideological rifts and external pressure from its powerful political adversaries. This formula aims to satisfy each party’s needs while fostering cooperation, ensuring that no single party feels sidelined—a critical factor for the alliance’s cohesiveness. With a substantial seat allocation for each constituent, the alliance also has room to accommodate smaller allies like the Peasants and Workers Party (PWP) and the Samajwadi Party, allowing for a broader coalition that could maximize its appeal to diverse voter demographics. Challenges in Candidate Selection and Seat Allocation While the MVA has established a promising seat-sharing framework, the process of finalizing candidates remains challenging. The Shiv Sena (UBT) has already announced 65 candidates, but adjustments are underway, as some seats were inadvertently assigned to multiple parties within the alliance. Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Sanjay Raut acknowledged the need for “corrections,” a move that showcases the alliance’s willingness to negotiate and avoid internal clashes. Flexibility in candidate selection demonstrates the MVA’s pragmatism and its commitment to cohesion over narrow political gains—a crucial trait in multi-party coalitions. This phase also demands that the MVA exercise delicate diplomacy, as competing claims for key seats could potentially strain relationships within the alliance. However, their capacity to navigate these complex dynamics will be essential in presenting a unified front in the final weeks leading up to the election. Key Candidates and the Strategic Contest Against the BJP-Shinde Faction One of the most compelling aspects of the MVA’s strategy lies in the choice of candidates for critical constituencies. In Thane, a region symbolic of Shiv Sena’s legacy, the MVA has strategically positioned Kedar Dighe, nephew of the late Anand Dighe, against Chief Minister Eknath Shinde. This choice is not merely about winning a seat; it’s a direct challenge to Shinde’s claim over the Shiv Sena’s heritage. The Dighe-Shinde rivalry taps into the legacy politics that resonate with local voters, making this race emblematic of the larger ideological contest within Maharashtra’s political landscape. Similarly, in Mumbai’s Bandra East, the fielding of Varun Sardesai, cousin to Aaditya Thackeray, signifies the UBT Sena’s intent to hold ground in its traditional stronghold. This constituency sees Varun Sardesai facing off against the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) and the BJP, adding a layer of complexity and intensity. Here, the MVA’s choice reflects an attempt to fortify its influence amid stiff competition from Raj Thackeray’s MNS, a party with a similar ideological and cultural appeal to segments of the Shiv Sena’s voter base. Managing Alliances with Smaller Partners The MVA’s strategy also involves careful collaboration with smaller allies, such as the PWP and Samajwadi Party, whose local support can prove valuable in several constituencies.

While these allies may not wield the same influence as the major coalition partners, their regional reach could be the deciding factor in closely contested seats. The MVA’s ability to effectively integrate these smaller players into its electoral strategy will reflect its political acumen and capacity for broad-based coalition-building. The Stakes: A Test of the MVA’s Strength Against the BJP-Shinde Coalition The BJP and Shinde’s Shiv Sena faction present a formidable challenge to the MVA. The ruling BJP, with its extensive grassroots reach and resources, has an edge in Maharashtra, while the Shinde faction claims the legacy of Balasaheb Thackeray, a critical emotional appeal to traditional Shiv Sena voters. For the MVA, the election serves as both a test of internal unity and a statement against the incumbent administration. The 85-85-85 seat-sharing formula represents a concerted effort to pool resources and build a broad-based front that can leverage its combined strength to secure a substantial portion of the assembly seats. Conclusion The MVA’s 85-85-85 seat-sharing formula is more than a tactical arrangement; it reflects a coalition learning to balance diverse interests to confront a common adversary effectively. By fielding prominent candidates in crucial constituencies and accommodating smaller allies, the MVA has established a solid foundation for a competitive campaign. Nevertheless, the alliance faces challenges, particularly in terms of candidate coordination and internal rivalries, but its flexibility in adapting to these issues underscores its resilience. In a polarized political climate, the MVA’s ability to uphold this unity will be decisive in determining the extent of its success. The MVA’s approach marks an encouraging shift in Maharashtra politics, showing that alliances can prioritize collective strength over individual party ambitions. The seat-sharing formula is a thoughtful strategy that, if executed with discipline and unity, has the potential to disrupt the BJP-Shinde stronghold. In a state where ideological loyalties run deep, the MVA’s campaign presents a chance to reassert a more pluralistic, power-sharing model against the backdrop of increasingly centralized governance. If the alliance manages to balance its internal dynamics while conveying a clear message to the voters, the MVA could indeed reshape the political landscape in Maharashtra.   The post MVA’s 85-85-85 Seat-Sharing Strategy: A United Front Against BJP in Maharashtra appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[news365times]

[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 26th October. As Maharashtra prepares for its highly anticipated assembly elections, the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliance—comprising the Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray faction), the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), and Congress—has made a decisive move by finalizing its seat-sharing formula. Each of the major parties in this coalition will contest at least 85 of the 288 assembly seats, marking a significant political strategy to challenge the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Eknath Shinde faction of the Shiv Sena. Beyond the numbers, the seat-sharing arrangement reflects a deliberate attempt to present a united opposition capable of mounting a robust challenge against the incumbent government. The 85-85-85 Formula: A Symbol of Unity and Strategy The MVA’s 85-85-85 seat-sharing formula not only provides an equitable stake to each of its major constituents but also demonstrates their collective commitment to a unified campaign. It has not been an easy journey for the coalition, which has faced both internal ideological rifts and external pressure from its powerful political adversaries. This formula aims to satisfy each party’s needs while fostering cooperation, ensuring that no single party feels sidelined—a critical factor for the alliance’s cohesiveness. With a substantial seat allocation for each constituent, the alliance also has room to accommodate smaller allies like the Peasants and Workers Party (PWP) and the Samajwadi Party, allowing for a broader coalition that could maximize its appeal to diverse voter demographics. Challenges in Candidate Selection and Seat Allocation While the MVA has established a promising seat-sharing framework, the process of finalizing candidates remains challenging. The Shiv Sena (UBT) has already announced 65 candidates, but adjustments are underway, as some seats were inadvertently assigned to multiple parties within the alliance. Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Sanjay Raut acknowledged the need for “corrections,” a move that showcases the alliance’s willingness to negotiate and avoid internal clashes. Flexibility in candidate selection demonstrates the MVA’s pragmatism and its commitment to cohesion over narrow political gains—a crucial trait in multi-party coalitions. This phase also demands that the MVA exercise delicate diplomacy, as competing claims for key seats could potentially strain relationships within the alliance. However, their capacity to navigate these complex dynamics will be essential in presenting a unified front in the final weeks leading up to the election. Key Candidates and the Strategic Contest Against the BJP-Shinde Faction One of the most compelling aspects of the MVA’s strategy lies in the choice of candidates for critical constituencies. In Thane, a region symbolic of Shiv Sena’s legacy, the MVA has strategically positioned Kedar Dighe, nephew of the late Anand Dighe, against Chief Minister Eknath Shinde. This choice is not merely about winning a seat; it’s a direct challenge to Shinde’s claim over the Shiv Sena’s heritage. The Dighe-Shinde rivalry taps into the legacy politics that resonate with local voters, making this race emblematic of the larger ideological contest within Maharashtra’s political landscape. Similarly, in Mumbai’s Bandra East, the fielding of Varun Sardesai, cousin to Aaditya Thackeray, signifies the UBT Sena’s intent to hold ground in its traditional stronghold. This constituency sees Varun Sardesai facing off against the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) and the BJP, adding a layer of complexity and intensity. Here, the MVA’s choice reflects an attempt to fortify its influence amid stiff competition from Raj Thackeray’s MNS, a party with a similar ideological and cultural appeal to segments of the Shiv Sena’s voter base. Managing Alliances with Smaller Partners The MVA’s strategy also involves careful collaboration with smaller allies, such as the PWP and Samajwadi Party, whose local support can prove valuable in several constituencies.

While these allies may not wield the same influence as the major coalition partners, their regional reach could be the deciding factor in closely contested seats. The MVA’s ability to effectively integrate these smaller players into its electoral strategy will reflect its political acumen and capacity for broad-based coalition-building. The Stakes: A Test of the MVA’s Strength Against the BJP-Shinde Coalition The BJP and Shinde’s Shiv Sena faction present a formidable challenge to the MVA. The ruling BJP, with its extensive grassroots reach and resources, has an edge in Maharashtra, while the Shinde faction claims the legacy of Balasaheb Thackeray, a critical emotional appeal to traditional Shiv Sena voters. For the MVA, the election serves as both a test of internal unity and a statement against the incumbent administration. The 85-85-85 seat-sharing formula represents a concerted effort to pool resources and build a broad-based front that can leverage its combined strength to secure a substantial portion of the assembly seats. Conclusion The MVA’s 85-85-85 seat-sharing formula is more than a tactical arrangement; it reflects a coalition learning to balance diverse interests to confront a common adversary effectively. By fielding prominent candidates in crucial constituencies and accommodating smaller allies, the MVA has established a solid foundation for a competitive campaign. Nevertheless, the alliance faces challenges, particularly in terms of candidate coordination and internal rivalries, but its flexibility in adapting to these issues underscores its resilience. In a polarized political climate, the MVA’s ability to uphold this unity will be decisive in determining the extent of its success. The MVA’s approach marks an encouraging shift in Maharashtra politics, showing that alliances can prioritize collective strength over individual party ambitions. The seat-sharing formula is a thoughtful strategy that, if executed with discipline and unity, has the potential to disrupt the BJP-Shinde stronghold. In a state where ideological loyalties run deep, the MVA’s campaign presents a chance to reassert a more pluralistic, power-sharing model against the backdrop of increasingly centralized governance. If the alliance manages to balance its internal dynamics while conveying a clear message to the voters, the MVA could indeed reshape the political landscape in Maharashtra.   The post MVA’s 85-85-85 Seat-Sharing Strategy: A United Front Against BJP in Maharashtra appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[nithiyanantha]

What Are the Career Growth Opportunities for IAS Officers?

The Indian Administrative Service (IAS) is one of the most prestigious career paths in India, drawing thousands of aspirants each year. Joining the IAS offers a platform for individuals to serve the nation, impact lives, and contribute to national development. However, beyond the initial selection process, many wonder about the career growth opportunities available to IAS officers. This blog explores the vast potential for career advancement, including various roles, responsibilities, and pathways for professional development.

The Journey Begins: Becoming an IAS Officer

Before diving into the career growth opportunities, it’s important to understand the rigorous process of becoming an IAS officer. Aspiring candidates typically enroll in an IAS academy in Coimbatore or other cities known for their quality coaching to prepare for the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) exam. The UPSC exam consists of three stages: the preliminary exam, the main examination, and the personality test (interview).

Once selected, candidates undergo training at the Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy of Administration (LBSNAA) in Mussoorie. Here, they receive training in various fields, including administration, law, and public policy. Upon completing this training, they are assigned to different administrative roles based on their rank and preferences.

Hierarchical Structure: Understanding the Ranks

The IAS operates within a well-defined hierarchical structure, allowing officers to climb the ranks as they gain experience and expertise. Here is a brief overview of the career progression in IAS:

Sub-Divisional Officer (SDO): After initial training, newly appointed IAS officers typically start their careers as SDOs. They handle the administration of a subdivision, which includes overseeing development projects, maintaining law and order, and executing government policies.

District Collector: After a few years of service as SDOs, officers may be promoted to District Collectors or District Magistrates. In this capacity, they are responsible for coordinating various government departments, managing revenue collection, and ensuring the implementation of welfare schemes.

Commissioner: Further career advancement can lead to the position of a Commissioner in urban areas, where officers oversee city administration, urban development, and planning.

Secretary: IAS officers may also attain the rank of Secretary at the state or central government level. Secretaries play a pivotal role in policy formulation, implementation, and evaluation.

Chief Secretary: The apex of an IAS officer's career is the position of Chief Secretary, who serves as the head of the state’s administrative machinery. Chief Secretaries advise the Chief Minister and play a critical role in governance.

Central Government Roles: Many IAS officers also have opportunities to serve in various central ministries and departments. Positions in the Union government may include Director General, Joint Secretary, or even Secretary of a ministry.

International Assignments: Some officers get the chance to represent India in international organizations, such as the United Nations or World Bank, where they can work on global issues and policy-making.

Career Growth Opportunities

The career growth of IAS officers is not just limited to ascending the hierarchical ladder; it also encompasses various other opportunities that enhance their skill sets, broaden their horizons, and allow them to make significant contributions to society.

1. Specialization in Key Areas

As IAS officers progress in their careers, they can choose to specialize in areas that align with their interests and the needs of the administration. Specializations can include:

Urban Planning: Officers may focus on urban development, working on projects that aim to improve city infrastructure and livability.

Rural Development: Those inclined towards rural development can work with government programs aimed at enhancing agricultural productivity and improving the quality of life in villages.

Disaster Management: With the increasing frequency of natural disasters, specialization in this area allows officers to develop and implement effective response strategies.

Health Administration: IAS officers can focus on public health initiatives, working to improve healthcare delivery systems.

2. Training and Development

Continuous professional development is vital for IAS officers to keep up with the changing landscape of governance. They have access to various training programs and workshops offered by their departments, institutes, and even international organizations. For example, many officers attend training sessions at prestigious IAS academies in Coimbatore or abroad to learn about best practices, innovations in governance, and the latest developments in their areas of expertise.

3. Leadership Roles

IAS officers are often called upon to take on leadership roles in various capacities. They may be appointed to lead significant projects or task forces addressing pressing issues such as poverty alleviation, education reform, or infrastructure development.

Task Forces: Officers can lead task forces set up by the government to tackle specific challenges or crises. This could involve coordinating efforts between multiple stakeholders, including local governments, NGOs, and the private sector.

Public Sector Enterprises: Some IAS officers are appointed to manage public sector enterprises (PSEs) where they can contribute to policy-making and operational management, further enhancing their leadership skills.

4. Policy Formulation and Implementation

One of the most impactful roles of an IAS officer is in policy-making. As they ascend the ranks, they become involved in formulating policies that address the needs of the populace. Their firsthand experience in administration allows them to create more effective and responsive policies.

Advisory Roles: Senior IAS officers often serve as advisors to government officials, offering insights based on their experiences and research.

Public Policy Research: Officers may also engage in public policy research, analyzing data, and conducting studies to inform future policies.

5. Transition to Academia or Research

After a fulfilling career in administration, many IAS officers opt for a transition into academia or research. They may take up teaching positions in universities or research institutions, sharing their knowledge and experience with the next generation of leaders.

Guest Lectures: Officers can deliver guest lectures at prominent universities or IAS academies in Coimbatore, where they share their insights and experiences with aspiring civil servants.

Research Projects: Engaging in research allows them to contribute to the academic community and influence policy discussions at a broader level.

6. Consultative Roles in NGOs and International Organizations

As they gain experience, IAS officers may also transition to consultative roles within non-governmental organizations (NGOs) or international organizations. This allows them to leverage their expertise in addressing societal issues on a global scale.

Advisors for NGOs: Many NGOs seek the expertise of former IAS officers to guide their initiatives and enhance their impact.

International Assignments: Officers may work with organizations like the United Nations or World Bank, focusing on global issues such as poverty, climate change, and public health.

7. Political Roles

While IAS officers must maintain political neutrality during their service, many officers later enter politics after retirement. Their extensive administrative experience and understanding of governance make them suitable candidates for political roles.

Legislative Positions: Some may contest elections and take up legislative roles, contributing to policymaking from within the political system.

Advisors to Ministers: Others may serve as advisors to elected representatives, influencing policy and governance directly.

Conclusion

The career growth opportunities for IAS officers are diverse and extensive. From ascending through various ranks in the administrative structure to taking on specialized roles, leading critical projects, and even transitioning to academia or political careers, the possibilities are abundant.

To set oneself up for success, aspiring officers often seek quality training from reputable institutes, such as IAS academies in Coimbatore, which provide the necessary skills and knowledge to thrive in this challenging yet rewarding career.

For anyone considering a future in public service, becoming an IAS officer is more than just a job; it’s a commitment to the nation and an opportunity to create meaningful change. The career growth potential is not just a reflection of individual ambition but also a testament to the vital role IAS officers play in shaping the future of India.

#IASAcademyInCoimbatore

[thoughtlessarse]

European Commission chief Ursula von der Leyen is set to unveil her new top team on Tuesday, navigating complex political dynamics as she balances member state interests for the EU's next five years. After weeks of fierce political horse-trading, European Commission chief Ursula von der Leyen unveiled Tuesday her new top team to help steward the EU through the next five years of global uncertainty. Faced with Russia's war in Ukraine, the potential return of Donald Trump as US president and competition from China, the formation of the new commission comes at a crucial moment. To confront the challenges, von der Leyen handed powerful economic portfolios to France, Spain and Italy -- putting a hard-right candidate from Rome in a top role. "It's about strengthening our tech sovereignty, our security and our democracy," the commission chief said as she announced the team at the European Parliament in Strasbourg. French candidate Stephane Sejourne was handed an executive vice president role overseeing industrial strategy, after von der Leyen ousted Paris's first nominee. Spain's candidate Teresa Ribera, a socialist climate campaigner, was also made an executive vice president, tasked with overseeing the bloc's economic transition toward carbon neutrality. As Russia's war against Ukraine grinds on through a third year, security and defence roles assumed a new prominence. Former Lithuanian prime minister Andrius Kubilius was handed a new defence role overseeing the EU's push to rearm, making him one of several hawkish Russia critics in eastern Europe to receive a prominent role.

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Great, we now have our first fascist vice president, Raffaele Fitto who, unsurprisingly, has been involved in various trials for bribery and corruption, one in which he was banned from public office for 5 years and got 1 year in jail. He was later acquitted.

He was given a “cohesion” portfolio, whatever that may be. If it related to EU cohesion, then he's a strange choice given his previous anti-EU stance.

[usa-journal]

EU Chief von der Leyen Faces Crucial Parliament Vote

Ursula von der Leyen, the European Commission's first female leader, is set to face a decisive vote in the European Parliament on Thursday, determining if she will secure another term as head of the EU's executive arm. Having led the Commission since 2019, the German ex-defense minister has navigated significant crises, including the Covid pandemic and the ongoing war in Ukraine, while also contending with numerous controversies.

In a setback just before the vote, a top EU court ruled that von der Leyen had not been sufficiently transparent about coronavirus vaccine contracts. Despite this, her supporters believe she will secure the necessary votes after weeks of intense negotiations with lawmakers.

Her critics, however, argue that there is substantial frustration with her leadership. They point out that she initially won her position in 2019 by a narrow margin of only nine votes. Von der Leyen needs at least 361 votes from the 720-seat parliament, which convenes for its first session since the EU-wide elections in June.

This vote is likely von der Leyen's only chance for re-election, as her candidacy was fiercely debated by EU leaders in June. If she fails to secure a majority, the 27 EU leaders will need to propose a new candidate within a month. The looming global political uncertainty, including the potential for a second Donald Trump presidency, adds pressure on lawmakers.

Under EU treaties, the parliament must either support or reject the candidate. If rejected, the EU leaders must propose a new nominee within a month. Should von der Leyen win a second term, she will face significant challenges, including the war in Ukraine, potential conflicts in the Middle East, and trade tensions with China.

A parliamentary source emphasized the critical nature of the vote, stating, "It would be a disaster if she does not win the vote. Who would we pick instead?"

Von der Leyen belongs to the conservative European People's Party, the largest political group in parliament, which forms a centrist coalition with the Socialists and Democrats and the liberal Renew Europe groups. This coalition theoretically has the numbers to support her, but some lawmakers within these groups may vote against her. She is expected to gain additional votes from the Greens and the far-right European Conservatives and Reformists.

A Renew Europe lawmaker stated that voting for von der Leyen "doesn't mean giving her a blank cheque," emphasizing the desire for her to continue progressing and delivering on their agenda.

The Greens aim to ensure von der Leyen remains committed to ambitious EU carbon emission reduction goals, despite opposition from many right-wing parties. Greens co-chief Terry Reintke mentioned that their support would come with expectations in return.

If re-elected, von der Leyen will need to quickly assemble her next cabinet of commissioners to work on crucial EU policy areas.

Von der Leyen's appointment in 2019 came as a surprise following a deal between Paris and Berlin. Her tenure was marked by significant challenges, including the Covid-19 pandemic, during which she orchestrated a groundbreaking 750-billion-euro economic recovery plan. However, her handling of vaccine purchase negotiations and allegations of secrecy have been contentious issues.

As the parliament prepares for the vote, the future leadership of the European Commission hangs in the balance.

[maharashtraelections]

Who Should Lead Maharashtra in 2024

As the 2024 state assembly elections approach, the competition for Maharashtra’s next Chief Minister is intensifying. The political scene is abuzz with discussions about potential candidates and the direction the state’s leadership might take. Let’s explore the leading contenders and the elements that could sway their chances of securing the Chief Minister’s seat.

The Frontrunners

Sharad Pawar (Nationalist Congress Party — NCP)

Background: Sharad Pawar, a seasoned politician and the founder of the NCP, has been a key player in Maharashtra’s political arena for many years. Renowned for his political savvy and extensive experience, Pawar has been instrumental in shaping the state’s political landscape.

Prospects: Although Pawar himself might not be running for Chief Minister due to his age and health concerns, his influence within the NCP is likely to affect the party’s choice of candidate. His support is crucial for any potential leader within the party.

Ajit Pawar (NCP)

Background: Ajit Pawar, the nephew of Sharad Pawar, is a prominent figure in the NCP and has previously served as the Deputy Chief Minister of Maharashtra. Known for his administrative skills and strong presence in western Maharashtra, Ajit Pawar is a leading contender.

Prospects: Ajit Pawar’s leadership qualities and experience position him as a strong contender for the Chief Minister’s role. However, the outcome will depend on the party’s internal dynamics and alliances.

Chandrashekhar Bawankule (Bharatiya Janata Party — BJP)

Background: Chandrashekhar Bawankule, a senior BJP leader, has been actively involved in state politics and has held various ministerial positions in the past. He is recognized for his grassroots connections and organizational abilities.

Prospects: Bawankule’s strong organizational skills and loyalty to the party leadership make him a viable candidate. The BJP’s decision will hinge on their strategic approach and the dynamics of their alliances.

As the 2024 state assembly elections approach, the competition for Maharashtra’s next Chief Minister is intensifying. The political scene is abuzz with discussions about potential candidates and the direction the state’s leadership might take. Let’s explore the leading contenders and the elements that could sway their chances of securing the Chief Minister’s seat.

The Frontrunners

Sharad Pawar (Nationalist Congress Party — NCP)

Background: Sharad Pawar, a seasoned politician and the founder of the NCP, has been a key player in Maharashtra’s political arena for many years. Renowned for his political savvy and extensive experience, Pawar has been instrumental in shaping the state’s political landscape.

Prospects: Although Pawar himself might not be running for Chief Minister due to his age and health concerns, his influence within the NCP is likely to affect the party’s choice of candidate. His support is crucial for any potential leader within the party.

Ajit Pawar (NCP)

Background: Ajit Pawar, the nephew of Sharad Pawar, is a prominent figure in the NCP and has previously served as the Deputy Chief Minister of Maharashtra. Known for his administrative skills and strong presence in western Maharashtra, Ajit Pawar is a leading contender.

Prospects: Ajit Pawar’s leadership qualities and experience position him as a strong contender for the Chief Minister’s role. However, the outcome will depend on the party’s internal dynamics and alliances.

Chandrashekhar Bawankule (Bharatiya Janata Party — BJP)

Background: Chandrashekhar Bawankule, a senior BJP leader, has been actively involved in state politics and has held various ministerial positions in the past. He is recognized for his grassroots connections and organizational abilities.

Prospects: Bawankule’s strong organizational skills and loyalty to the party leadership make him a viable candidate. The BJP’s decision will hinge on their strategic approach and the dynamics of their alliances.

As the 2024 state assembly elections approach, the competition for Maharashtra’s next Chief Minister is intensifying. The political scene is abuzz with discussions about potential candidates and the direction the state’s leadership might take. Let’s explore the leading contenders and the elements that could sway their chances of securing the Chief Minister’s seat.

The Frontrunners

Sharad Pawar (Nationalist Congress Party — NCP)

Background: Sharad Pawar, a seasoned politician and the founder of the NCP, has been a key player in Maharashtra’s political arena for many years. Renowned for his political savvy and extensive experience, Pawar has been instrumental in shaping the state’s political landscape.

Prospects: Although Pawar himself might not be running for Chief Minister due to his age and health concerns, his influence within the NCP is likely to affect the party’s choice of candidate. His support is crucial for any potential leader within the party.

Ajit Pawar (NCP)

Background: Ajit Pawar, the nephew of Sharad Pawar, is a prominent figure in the NCP and has previously served as the Deputy Chief Minister of Maharashtra. Known for his administrative skills and strong presence in western Maharashtra, Ajit Pawar is a leading contender.

Prospects: Ajit Pawar’s leadership qualities and experience position him as a strong contender for the Chief Minister’s role. However, the outcome will depend on the party’s internal dynamics and alliances.

Chandrashekhar Bawankule (Bharatiya Janata Party — BJP)

Background: Chandrashekhar Bawankule, a senior BJP leader, has been actively involved in state politics and has held various ministerial positions in the past. He is recognized for his grassroots connections and organizational abilities.

Prospects: Bawankule’s strong organizational skills and loyalty to the party leadership make him a viable candidate. The BJP’s decision will hinge on their strategic approach and the dynamics of their alliances.

As the 2024 state assembly elections approach, the competition for Maharashtra’s next Chief Minister is intensifying. The political scene is abuzz with discussions about potential candidates and the direction the state’s leadership might take. Let’s explore the leading contenders and the elements that could sway their chances of securing the Chief Minister’s seat.

The Frontrunners

Sharad Pawar (Nationalist Congress Party — NCP)

Background: Sharad Pawar, a seasoned politician and the founder of the NCP, has been a key player in Maharashtra’s political arena for many years. Renowned for his political savvy and extensive experience, Pawar has been instrumental in shaping the state’s political landscape.

Prospects: Although Pawar himself might not be running for Chief Minister due to his age and health concerns, his influence within the NCP is likely to affect the party’s choice of candidate. His support is crucial for any potential leader within the party.

Ajit Pawar (NCP)

Background: Ajit Pawar, the nephew of Sharad Pawar, is a prominent figure in the NCP and has previously served as the Deputy Chief Minister of Maharashtra. Known for his administrative skills and strong presence in western Maharashtra, Ajit Pawar is a leading contender.

Prospects: Ajit Pawar’s leadership qualities and experience position him as a strong contender for the Chief Minister’s role. However, the outcome will depend on the party’s internal dynamics and alliances.

Chandrashekhar Bawankule (Bharatiya Janata Party — BJP)

Background: Chandrashekhar Bawankule, a senior BJP leader, has been actively involved in state politics and has held various ministerial positions in the past. He is recognized for his grassroots connections and organizational abilities.

Prospects: Bawankule’s strong organizational skills and loyalty to the party leadership make him a viable candidate. The BJP’s decision will hinge on their strategic approach and the dynamics of their alliances.

Eknath Shinde (Shiv Sena — Balasahebanchi Shiv Sena)

Background: Eknath Shinde is the current Chief Minister of Maharashtra and a key leader of the Shiv Sena (Balasahebanchi Shiv Sena). He has a significant following among the party’s members and has played a crucial role in major policy decisions.

Prospects: Shinde’s incumbency and leadership within his party position him as a formidable candidate. His ability to navigate coalition politics will be essential for his re-election.

Devendra Fadnavis (BJP)

Background: Devendra Fadnavis, a former Chief Minister of Maharashtra and a senior BJP leader, is celebrated for his administrative skills and focus on development. He enjoys a strong base within the BJP and among the voters.

Prospects: Fadnavis’s experience as a former Chief Minister and his popularity within the BJP position him as a strong contender. His capacity to forge alliances and his record will significantly influence his prospects.

Uddhav Thackeray (Shiv Sena — UBT)

Background: Uddhav Thackeray, the leader of Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray), has previously served as the Chief Minister of Maharashtra. He is known for his leadership during the COVID-19 pandemic and his focus on regional issues.

Prospects: Thackeray’s leadership during the pandemic and his emphasis on regional matters have made him a notable candidate. His ability to lead during challenging times and his approach to governance will be critical for his success.

Nana Patole (Indian National Congress — INC)

Background: As the head of the Maharashtra Pradesh Congress Committee and a key figure in the Congress party, Nana Patole is deeply engaged in state politics and has a solid connection with the grassroots level.

Prospects: Patole’s leadership in the Congress and his popularity among the rural voters position him as a possible candidate. The success of the Congress in the upcoming elections and their strategic partnerships are vital factors.

Raj Thackeray (Maharashtra Navnirman Sena — MNS)

Background: Raj Thackeray, the leader of the MNS, is recognized for his passionate oratory and firm stance on issues related to the region. He enjoys a loyal following, especially in cities.

Prospects: Thackeray’s skill in rallying support around regional matters and his charismatic leadership suggest he could be a strong contender. However, his prospects hinge on the MNS’s performance and the alliances they form.

The Mahayuti (Grand Alliance) Factor

The Mahayuti, or Grand Alliance, which includes the BJP, Shiv Sena (Balasahebanchi Shiv Sena), and other associated parties, will play a crucial role in the upcoming elections. The decision on who to nominate as the Chief Ministerial candidate will be shaped by their joint strategy and the effort to maintain a balance among the coalition’s various interests.

https://maharashtraelection2024.com/contest/who-should-be-maharashtras-next-chief-minister/

[mariacallous]

Forget for a moment all the potential foreign-policy implications of a second Donald Trump presidency. What are the implications for U.S. foreign policy if Trump loses the election, denies its outcome, and tries to overturn it? How would the United States, longtime champion of democracy promotion abroad, be able to continue doing so when it has become clear that so much of the country has so little support for the actual exercise of democracy?

If Trump performs as he did in 2020 and narrowly loses the upcoming election—and polls suggest the race remains a toss-up—the likelihood of a repeat of the “Stop the Steal” campaign and a concerted effort to subvert the outcome again appears high. 

Both Trump and his running mate, Ohio Sen. J.D. Vance, have repeatedly refused to say whether they’ll accept the outcome of the election (unless they win). The mechanics for a similar challenge to the election’s outcome, focusing on replacing legitimate state electors with fraudulent electors, which was invented on the fly in late 2020, has been significantly built up. Election experts fear Trump has a more robust plan to overturn the election than his ultimately failed bid after the 2020 vote. And he’s already saying as much, launching broadsides in late October against allegedly fraudulent ballots in Pennsylvania, a critical state for both candidates.

His first effort to subvert a presidential election, culminating in the deadly attack on the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, was harmful enough to the image of the United States as a bastion of democracy. 

“Our soft power, our ability to attract and inspire, has already been damaged by all this—by the threats that Trump made in 2016 that he wouldn’t accept the election unless it went his way, and then what he did in 2020,” said Larry Diamond, a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution.

But the Biden administration nevertheless made democracies-versus-authoritarians a guiding principle of its foreign policy during its first years in office, even convening a handful of democracy summits. It seems to be a losing battle. Illiberal and authoritarian regimes are growing in number (most recently in the republic of Georgia), while democracies and freedom are in retreat. Those regimes are banding together, whether through bilateral ties (such as Russia and North Korea), multilateral groupings (the expanded BRICS is taking an anti-Western tilt), or even inside the European Union (Hungary’s prime minister has become Russia’s new Vyacheslav Molotov).

If Trump wins the election outright, fears of another Jan. 6 are moot, and major concerns can revert to issues such as the future of NATO, the fate of Ukraine, and the promised global trade war. But a Trump victory would also severely diminish U.S. democratic credentials, Diamond argued.

“If Trump wins, particularly after the campaign of racism, misogyny, authoritarian threats and intimidation, xenophobia, and so on, if he wins after that, the damage from that compared to the fallout from a contested election will be far greater,” he said.

If Vice President Kamala Harris wins the vote—and takes office next January after a prolonged campaign to delegitimize the election—how much could U.S. democratic credentials suffer on the global stage?

“It’s a very plausible outcome, another period where we look like the problem when it comes to democratic practice,” said Richard Fontaine, chief executive of the Center for a New American Security, a D.C.-based think tank. Fontaine recently published a joint call for the next administration to revitalize democracy promotion to bolster U.S. national security.

“It would make it harder and be a major distraction. The world has become less democratic over the last 15 or so years, and I think that is a more dangerous world than otherwise,” he said. “The degree to which U.S. policy and leadership can influence that direction one way or the other is important for the world, and for our own security.”

For some 80 years, Washington has sought to promote democracy abroad as a way to boost its security and prosperity at home. More democracies generally means a more stable international order, with fewer threats to U.S. prosperity or core interests. The issue has become especially acute as illiberal and authoritarian states attempt to promote an alternative vision of the international order that would have both as its goal and its consequence a weaker United States. Democracy in disarray at home would only blunt that longtime fixture of U.S. diplomacy.

Democracy promotion “is in our DNA, so it should be part of our toolbox and a natural component because of who we are,” said Derek Mitchell, nonresident senior advisor at the Center for Strategic and International Studies and former president of the National Democratic Institute, a nongovernmental organization that promotes democracy globally. Mitchell also just wrote a piece underscoring the importance of democracy promotion.

“More than that, it is, I think, our comparative advantage right now in the defining question of the 21st century: What norms will guide the world in the decades ahead? The question is, are we going to be reaffirming those democratic norms both at home and abroad as something in our interest?” Mitchell said.

That’s why the risk of a repeat of a contested election, coming in a deeply polarized and paralyzed American society, would be problematic in that bigger contest.

“Obviously the brand is degraded, and the autocrats will be able to use what is happening in the United States as a cudgel against America’s pretension—I think real support—for democracy,” Mitchell said.

The other risk from a contested election and a repeat of January 2021 is the power of example. Diamond noted that former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro’s effort to stay in office after losing in Brazil’s October 2022 election “was completely inspired by what Trump did and even the methods. So it’s not just that our soft power will be damaged by another post-election crisis, it will also have demonstration effects.”

Perhaps concerns over the tarnish left by another messy election are overblown. After all, Woodrow Wilson pledged to make the world “safe for democracy” while championing segregation, and before women’s suffrage was real. Succeeding presidents, including Franklin D. Roosevelt, John F. Kennedy, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush, and Trump officials all championed democracy abroad while grappling with democratic deficits at home.

“The United States has always had flaws in its democracy even while maximally promoting democracy and human rights,” Fontaine said.

History suggests that not even overt shows of support for authoritarianism and disdain for democracy can derail that train. Just two years after the first mass Nazi rally in New York City in 1939, Freedom House was created to promote democracy around the globe—the start of a decade that culminated with Roosevelt’s “arsenal of democracy,” the creation of the United Nations, and the birth of the Marshall Plan.

The United States’ own travails with democracy could, in the event of an eventual Harris win and successful inauguration, even give Washington the ability to more effectively promote democracy abroad tempered by the experience. That could make it better able to relate to fragile democracies that struggle against the seemingly never-ending attacks they face, Mitchell said.

“The U.S. struggle only points to how difficult it is,” he said. “Institutions are vitally important—that was the lesson of 2020, and maybe of 2024.”

[head-post]

EU leaders break off talks on top job candidates

European Union leaders did not reach a final agreement on candidates for the top job, according to AP News.

EU Council President Charles Michel stated after chairing an informal dinner summit in Brussels:

There is no agreement tonight at this stage.

The 27 leaders weighed the implications of the recent European elections and how to take those results into account when nominating candidates for top posts.

This conversation was today a useful step to prepare the next European Council.

Michel was referring to the next meeting of EU presidents and prime ministers on 27-28 June. He declined to elaborate on the chances of von der Leyen and others, saying only, “It will be clarified next week.”

The 6-9 June European Parliament elections dealt a major blow to the main ruling parties in Paris and Berlin.

Portugal’s former Socialist prime minister António Costa is often mentioned as a possible council president. Meanwhile, Estonian Prime Minister Kaja Kallas has been named as a potential EU chief diplomat. According to EU treaties, the leaders’ choice of candidates should reflect the results of elections, distributing the office among the winners.

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán stated in a post on X that “the will of the European people was ignored” by the other leaders. He complained that the main parties “made a deal and divided the top jobs of the EU among themselves.”

They don’t care about reality, they don’t care about the results of the European elections, and they don’t care about the will of the European people.

Read more HERE

[beardedmrbean]

Veteran French conservative Michel Barnier has taken over as prime minister, almost two months after France's snap elections ended in political stalemate.

He said France had come to a "serious moment" and he was facing it with humility: "All political forces will have to be respected and listened to, and I mean all."

President Emmanuel Macron named the EU's former chief Brexit negotiator, ending weeks of talks with political parties and potential candidates.

Mr Barnier, 73, arrived at the prime minister's residence at Hôtel Matignon in Paris on Thursday evening, taking over the role from Gabriel Attal, France's youngest ever prime minister who has been in office for the past eight months.

His immediate task will be to form a government that can survive a National Assembly divided into three big political blocs, with none able to form a clear majority.

But Mr Barnier will need all his political skills to navigate the coming weeks, with the centre-left Socialists already planning to challenge his appointment with a vote of confidence.

He said he would respond in the coming days to the "challenges, the anger and the sense of being abandoned and of injustice that run through our towns and countryside".

He promised to tell the truth to the French people about the financial and environmental challenges facing the country, and to work with "all those in good faith" towards great respect and unity.

It has taken President Macron 60 days to make up his mind on choosing a prime minister, having called a "political truce" during the Paris Olympics.

In his farewell speech outside Hôtel Matignon, Gabriel Attal said "French politics is sick, but a cure is possible, provided that we all agree to move away from sectarianism".

Having led the marathon talks on the UK's exit from the European Union between 2016 and 2019, Mr Barnier has considerable experience of political deadlock. He has had a long political career in France as well as the EU and has long been part of the right-wing Republicans (LR) party.

Known in France as Monsieur Brexit, he is France's oldest prime minister since the Fifth Republic came into being in 1958.

Three years ago, he tried and failed to become his party's candidate to take on President Macron for the French presidency. He said he wanted to limit and take control of immigration.

Mr Macron's presidency lasts until 2027. Normally the government comes from the president's party, as they are elected weeks apart.

But the man who has called himself "the master of the clocks" changed that when he called snap elections in June and his centrists came second to the left-wing New Popular Front.

President Macron has interviewed several potential candidates for the role of prime minister, but his task was complicated by the need to come up with a name who could survive a so-called censure vote on their first appearance in the National Assembly.

The Elysée Palace said that by appointing Mr Barnier, the president had ensured that the prime minister and future government would offer the greatest possible stability and the broadest possible unity.

Mr Barnier had been given the task of forming a unifying government "in the service of the country and the French people", the presidency stressed.

Mr Barnier's initial challenge as prime minister will be to steer through France's 2025 budget and he has until 1 October to submit a draft plan to the National Assembly.

Gabriel Attal has already been working on a provisional budget over the summer, but getting it past MPs will require all Mr Barnier's political skills.

His nomination has already caused discontent within the New Popular Front (NFP), whose own candidate for prime minister was rejected by the president.

Jean-Luc Mélenchon, the leader of the radical France Unbowed (LFI) - the biggest of the four parties that make up the NFP - said the election had been "stolen from the French people".

Instead of coming from the the alliance that came first on 7 July, he complained that the prime minister would be "a member of a party that came last", referring to the Republicans.

"This is now essentially a Macron-Le Pen government," said Mr Mélenchon, referring to the leader of the far-right National Rally (RN).

He then called for people to join a left-wing protest against Mr Macron's decision planned for Saturday.

To survive a vote of confidence, Mr Barnier will need to persuade 289 MPs in the 577-seat National Assembly to back his government.

Marine Le Pen has made clear her party will not take part in his administration, but she said he at least appeared to meet National Rally's initial requirement, as someone who "respected different political forces".

Jordan Bardella, the 28-year-old president of the RN, said Mr Barnier would be judged on his words, his actions and his decisions on France's next budget, which has to be put before parliament by 1 October.

He cited the cost of living, security and immigration as major emergencies for the French people, adding that "we hold all means of political action in reserve if this is not the case in the coming weeks".

Mr Barnier is likely to attract support from the president's centrist Ensemble alliance. Macron ally Yaël Braun-Pivet, who is president of the National Assembly, congratulated the nominee and said MPs would now have to play their full part: "Our mandate obliges us to."

The former Brexit negotiator had only emerged as a potential candidate late on Wednesday afternoon.

Until then, two other experienced politicians had been touted as most likely candidates: former Socialist prime minister Bernard Cazeneuve and Republicans regional leader Xavier Bertrand. But it soon became apparent that neither would have survived a vote of confidence.

That was Mr Macron's explanation for turning down the left-wing candidate, Lucie Castets, a senior civil servant in Paris who he said would have fallen at the first hurdle.

The president has been widely criticised for igniting France's political crisis.

A recent opinion poll suggested that 51% of French voters thought the president should resign.

There is little chance of that, but the man Mr Macron picked as his first prime minister in 2017, Édouard Philippe, has now put his name forward three years early for the next presidential election.