#petit peuple

[secretsdeblackthornhall]

De Emma à Bruce

Cher Bruce,

Bruce, Bruce, Bruce. Continuerai-je à écrire sur tes pages quand tout aura été rénové ? Quand le quotidien aura retrouvé un air de normalité ? Ou bien la normalité est-elle perdue – la fissure dans le monde des Nephilim est-elle irréparable, ne fera-t-elle que s’agrandir avec le temps, apportant de plus en plus de changements, jusqu’à ce qu’il y ait finalement trop de changements pour que ce soit supportable ? Auquel cas, je suppose que je continuerai de t’écrire, Bruce, comme à un témoin silencieux de l’étrangeté de cette époque.

Désolée, désolée. Je suis d’humeur un peu poétique ce soir parce que Jem, Tessa, Kit et Mina sont arrivés aujourd’hui et… eh bien, c’est un peu de cette façon que Jem et Tessa s’expriment. Vu qu’ils sont, tu vois… hyper vieux. Et parce que j’ai l’impression que nous en arrivons aux derniers chapitres de toute cette histoire de maison maudite et je n’ai pas la moindre idée de ce que l’avenir nous réserve.

Quoi qu’il en soit, nous ne nous sommes pas intéressés à la malédiction aujourd’hui, nous avons simplement passé du temps avec les Carstairs-Herondale, qui devraient certainement choisir un nom plus court par lequel nous pourrions les désigner. Team Ere Victorienne ? Team Époque Où Tout Était Très Romantique Mais Aller Où Que Ce Soit Prenait Une Éternité ? Hum. Je pense que je leur demanderai s’ils ont des idées, puisque les miennes sont… euh… mauvaises.

Nous avons rencontré quelques complications quand ils sont arrivés. Nous avions choisi des chambres pour eux et avions demandé aux brownies de les préparer, d’y mettre des draps et des serviettes et tout ce qu’il faut. Et puis nous étions allés vérifier avant l’arrivée de nos invités. Et je suis contente de l’avoir fait parce que les fées avaient préparé toutes les chambres pour… des oiseaux ? Genre, des oiseaux immenses, à taille humaine. Avec des nids gigantesques, de presque deux mètres, et des branches en guise de perchoirs. Et d’énormes boules de graines pendaient du plafond. Nous avions donc dû demander à des brownies très déçus de refaire les chambres. (Mais nous n’avions pas dit que les invités étaient des oiseaux ! Je ne sais pas du tout pourquoi ils ont cru ça !) Le pire dans tout ça, c’est qu’ils avaient vraiment fait du bon travail : si ça avait bien été d’immenses oiseaux qui nous rendaient visite, ils auraient été très à l’aise. Ils ont quand même été confus quand tout le monde est arrivé en voyant que Mina n’était pas un gros œuf. Les fées, je te jure.

En parlant de Mina, qui n’est pas un gros œuf mais une petite bambine, elle est absolument adorable. Elle marche maintenant, ou plutôt fait des premiers pas hésitants, et elle dit « mama » et « papa » et aussi « kish » pour appeler Kit semble-t-il. Et elle a une petite stèle en bois avec laquelle elle essaye tout le temps d’écrire sur tout le monde. Apparemment Kit apprend les runes et Mina veut les apprendre aussi.

Nous aurions tout de suite dû nous atteler à la malédiction mais honnêtement nous passions un si bon moment tous ensemble. C’est très agréable de passer du temps avec Tessa et Jem, ce qui change de la nervosité de la plupart de nos autres amis. Je suppose qu’avec tout ce qui leur est arrivé, il en faut beaucoup pour les contrarier. La simple manière dont Jem parle de la malédiction m’aide beaucoup à croire que nous pourrons arranger la situation, même si nous ne savons pas vraiment ce que nous faisons ni ce que nous avons mal fait jusque-ici.

Ils ont aussi l’air vraiment impressionnés par la maison. Julian a l’air tout fier de lui, c’est hyper mignon. Tessa s’est remémoré que la dernière fois qu’eux deux étaient venus, c’était après que Tatiana ait été arrêtée et envoyée à la Citadelle pour devenir une Sœur de Fer. Ils fouillaient le manoir à la recherche d’activités démoniaques. (Bien sûr, ils n’ont presque rien trouvé, a-t-elle admis. Au ton de sa voix, il semblait évident qu’ils n’avaient compris le danger que représentait Tatiana que lorsqu’il était trop tard. Je voudrais bien lui poser des questions à ce sujet, mais ça me semblait être de tristes souvenirs alors que nous passions tous un bon moment.) Jem a remarqué qu’à cette époque la propriété était déjà en mauvais état, mais Tessa a révélé qu’elle avait vu la maison « à son apogée » lors d’un bal, puis elle a rougi un peu. Ce qui s’est passé pendant ce bal devait être assez mémorable pour que ça la fasse rougir 130 ans après !

Évidemment, il y a toujours cette espèce de lourd stigmate qui recouvre la maison comme un linceul, et ce ne sont pas des murs repeints et des fenêtres remplacées qui changeront ça. C’est à cause de la malédiction. Mais cette soirée était toute de même la plus joviale que j’aie connue ici. Pour la première fois, j’avais un peu l’impression que c’était notre maison, que des amis étaient venus nous rendre visite et c’était étonnement sympa et ordinaire. Tant que je ne pense pas à ce qu’il se passe avec l’Enclave.

Une inquiétude : Kit. Il est resté avec nous une bonne partie de la journée, mais il était anormalement calme, et il s’est excusé deux fois pour aller faire un tour dans le jardin. D’après Julian, Kit a rompu avec sa petite-amie et c’est peut-être ce qui le rend triste, mais je n’en suis pas sûre. Il était très nerveux en présence des entrepreneurs et il les surveillait de près dès qu’ils étaient dans les environs. Round Tom s’est présenté et Kit a hoché la tête sans rien dire, même pas son nom. Enfin, on ne peut pas vraiment lui en vouloir. Sa relation avec les fées, et avec le Royaume des Fées, est compliquée. Tessa a expliqué que Cirenworth est exceptionnellement protégé contre les intrusions féériques, de même que la ville et les routes proches. Magnus et Catarina s’en sont assurés. C’est donc l’une des premières fois qu’il est en compagnie d’elfes depuis la grande bataille aux abords d’Alicante. Même si ces fées-là ne sont pas dangereuses, ça doit être bizarre pour lui.

Mais tu connais Kit. Il donne l’impression qu’il ne veut répondre à aucune question au sujet de comment il va. Aujourd’hui, il était sur le qui-vive, à regarder les elfes dans le jardin : peut-être qu’ils l’inquiètent, ou peut-être qu’il veut les rejoindre ? Je ne sais pas. Peut-être que Julian et moi pourrons le faire parler un peu pendant son séjour ici. Ou peut-être que j’aurai l’occasion de demander à Jem et Tessa s’ils savent ce qu’il se passe.

Bref, c’est tout ce que j’ai à te dire pour l’instant, Bruce. Demain nous rompons une malédiction ! J’espère !

Emma

Texte original de Cassandra Clare ©

Traduction d’Eurydice Bluenight ©

Le texte original est à lire ici : https://secretsofblackthornhall.tumblr.com/post/691398026631217153/emma-to-bruce

[observatoiredumensonge]

Le 6 juin 1944

Débarquement en Normandie, mais pas que cela ! Par Bernard Bruyneel Vous pouvez soutenir notre travail en vous abonnant mensuellement pour 2 € par mois via STRIPE totalement sécuriséEn cadeau, un livre PDF vous sera envoyé par mail Attention ce texte est un pamphlet n’engageant que son auteur. Observatoire du MENSONGE défend la liberté d’expression ! Faîtes de même en le partageant et/ou en…

[alex-illustrateur]

Ils arrivent, ils sont là ! Les Kobolds !

Découvrez les mystères des kobolds, ces esprits folkloriques germaniques liés à l'élément cobalt. Plongez dans leur monde à travers des illustrations captivantes ! #ArtEtScience #Kobolds #Cobalt

[a-room-of-my-own]

Elle pourrait commencer par la boucler par exemple

[inner-moon]

[nesiacha]

The Women of the French Revolution (and even the Napoleonic Era) and Their Absence of Activism or Involvement in Films

Warning: I am currently dealing with a significant personal issue that I’ve already discussed in this post: https://www.tumblr.com/nesiacha/765252498913165313/the-scars-of-a-toxic-past-are-starting-to-surface?source=share. I need to refocus on myself, get some rest, and think about what I need to do. I won’t be around on Tumblr or social media for a few days (at most, it could last a week or two, though I don’t really think it will).

But don’t worry about me—I’m not leaving Tumblr anytime soon. I just wanted to let you know so you don’t worry if you don’t see me and have seen this post.

I just wanted to finish this post, which I’d already started three-quarters of the way through.

One aspect that frustrates me in film portrayals (a significant majority, around 95%) is the way women of the Revolution or even the Napoleonic era are depicted. Generally, they are shown as either "too gentle" (if you know what I mean), merely supporting their husbands or partners in a purely romantic way. Just look at Lucile Desmoulins—she is depicted as a devoted lover in most films but passive and with little to say about politics.

Yet there’s so much to discuss regarding women during this revolutionary period. Why don’t we see mention of women's clubs in films? There were over 50 in France between 1789 and 1793. Why not mention Etta Palm d’Alders, one of the founders of the Société Patriotique et de Bienfaisance des Amies de la Vérité, who fought for the right to divorce and for girls' education? Or the cahier from the women of Les Halles, requesting that wine not be taxed in Paris?

Only once have I seen Louise Reine Audu mentioned in a film (the excellent Un peuple et son Roi), a Parisian market woman who played a leading role in the Revolution. She led the "dames des halles" and on October 5, 1789, led a procession from Paris to Versailles in this famous historical event. She was imprisoned in September 1790, amnestied a year later through the intervention of Paris mayor Pétion, and later participated in the storming of the Tuileries on August 10, 1792. Théroigne de Méricourt appears occasionally as a feminist, but her mission is often distorted. She was not a Girondin, as some claim, but a proponent of reconciliation between the Montagnards and the Girondins, believing women had a key role in this process (though she did align with Brissot on the war question). She was a hands-on revolutionary, supporting the founding of societies with Charles Gilbert-Romme and demanding the right to bear arms in her Amazon attire.

Why is there no mention in films of Pauline Léon and Claire Lacombe, two well-known women of the era? Pauline Léon was more than just a fervent supporter of Théophile Leclerc, a prominent ultra-revolutionary of the "Enragés." She was the eldest daughter of chocolatier parents, her father a philosopher whom she described as very brilliant. She was highly active in popular societies. Her mother and a neighbor joined her in protesting the king’s flight and at the Champ-de-Mars protest in July 1791, where she reportedly defended a friend against a National Guard soldier. Along with other women (and 300 signatures, including her mother’s), she petitioned for women’s rights. She participated in the August 10 uprising, attacked Dumouriez in a session of the Société fraternelle des patriotes des deux sexes, demanded the King’s execution, and called for nobles to be banned from the army at the Jacobin Club, in the name of revolutionary women. She joined her husband Leclerc in Aisne where he was stationed (see @anotherhumaninthisworld’s excellent post on Pauline Léon). Claire Lacombe was just as prominent at the time and shared her political views. She was one of those women, like Théroigne de Méricourt, who advocated taking up arms to fight the tyrant. She participated in the storming of the Tuileries in 1792 and received a civic crown, like Louise Reine Audu and Théroigne de Méricourt. She was active at the Jacobin Club before becoming secretary, then president of the Société des Citoyennes Républicaines Révolutionnaires (Society of Revolutionary Republican Women). Contrary to popular belief, there’s no evidence she co-founded this society (confirmed by historian Godineau). Lacombe demanded the trial of Marie Antoinette, stricter measures against suspects, prosecution of Girondins by the Revolutionary Tribunal, and the application of the Constitution. She also advocated for greater social rights, as expressed in the Enragés petition, which would later be adopted by the Exagérés, who were less suspicious of delegated power and saw a role beyond the revolutionary sections.

Olympe de Gouges did not call for women to bear arms; in her Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen, addressed to the Queen after the royal family’s attempted escape, she demanded gender equality. She famously said, "A woman has the right to mount the scaffold; she must equally have the right to mount the rostrum," and denounced the monarchy when Louis XVI's betrayal became undeniable, although she sought clemency for him and remained a royalist. She could be both a patriot and a moderate (in the conservative sense; moderation then didn’t necessarily imply clemency but rather conservative views on certain matters).

Why Are Figures Like Manon Roland Hardly Mentioned in These Films?

In most films, Manon Roland is barely mentioned, or perhaps given a brief appearance, despite being a staunch republican from the start who worked toward the fall of the King and was more than just a supporter of her husband, Roland. She hosted a salon where political ideas were exchanged and was among those who contributed to the monarchy's downfall. Of course, she was one of those courageous women who, while brave, did not advocate for women’s rights. It’s essential to note that just because some women fought in the Revolution or displayed remarkable courage doesn’t mean they necessarily advocated for greater rights for women (even Olympe de Gouges, as I mentioned earlier, had her limits on gender equality, as she did not demand the right for women to bear arms).

Speaking of feminism, films could also spotlight Sophie de Grouchy, the wife and influence behind Condorcet, one of the few deputies (along with Charles Gilbert-Romme, Guyomar, Charlier, and others) who openly supported political and civic rights for women. Without her, many of Condorcet’s posthumous works wouldn’t have seen the light of day; she even encouraged him to write Esquilles and received several pages to publish, which she did. Like many women, she hosted a salon for political discussion, making her a true political thinker.

Then there’s Rosalie Jullien, a highly cultured woman and wife of Marc-Antoine Jullien, whose sons were fervent revolutionaries. She played an essential role during the Revolution, actively involving herself in public affairs, attending National Assembly sessions, staying informed of political debates and intrigues, and even sending her maid Marion to gather information on the streets. Rosalie’s courage is evident in her steadfastness, as she claimed she would "stay at her post" despite the upheaval, loyal to her patriotic and revolutionary ideals. Her letters offer invaluable insights into the Revolution. She often discussed public affairs with prominent revolutionaries like the Robespierre siblings and influential figures like Barère.

Lucile Desmoulins is another figure. She was not just the devoted lover often depicted in films; she was a fervent supporter of the French Revolution. From a young age, her journal reveals her anti-monarchist sentiments (no wonder she and Camille Desmoulins, who shared her ideals, were such a united couple). She favored the King’s execution without delay and wholeheartedly supported Camille in his publication, Le Vieux Cordelier. When Guillaume Brune urged Camille to tone down his criticism of the Year II government, Lucile famously responded, “Let him be, Brune. He must save his country; let him fulfill his mission.” She also corresponded with Fréron on the political situation, proving herself an indispensable ally to Camille. Lucile left a journal, providing historical evidence that counters the infantilization of revolutionary women. Sadly, we lack personal journals from figures like Éléonore Duplay, Sophie Momoro, or Claire Lacombe, which has allowed detractors to argue (incorrectly) that these women were entirely under others' influence.

Additionally, there were women who supported Marat, like his sister Albertine Marat and his "wife"Simone Evrard, without whom he might not have been as effective. They were politically active throughout their lives, regularly attending political clubs and sharing their political views. Simone Evrard, who inspired much admiration, was deeply committed to Marat’s work. Marat had promised her marriage, and she was warmly received by his family. She cared for Marat, hiding him in the cellar to protect him from La Fayette’s soldiers. At age 28, Simone played a vital role in Marat’s life, both as a partner and a moral supporter. At this time, Marat, who was 20 years her senior, faced increasing political isolation; his radical views and staunch opposition to the newly established constitutional monarchy had distanced him from many revolutionaries.

Despite the circumstances, Simone actively supported Marat, managing his publications. With an inheritance from her late half-sister Philiberte, Simone financed Marat’s newspaper in 1792, setting up a press in the Cordeliers cloister to ensure the continued publication of Marat’s revolutionary pamphlets. Although Marat also sought public funds, such as from minister Jean-Marie Roland, it was mainly Simone’s resources that sustained L’Ami du Peuple. Simone and Marat also planned to publish political works, including Chains of Slavery and a collection of Marat’s writings. After Marat’s assassination in July 1793, Simone continued these projects, becoming the guardian of his political legacy. Thanks to her support, Marat maintained his influence, continuing his revolutionary struggle and exposing the “political machination” he opposed.

Simone’s home on Rue des Cordeliers also served as an annex for Marat’s printing press. This setup combined their personal life with professional activities, incorporating security measures to protect Marat. Simone, her sister Catherine, and their doorkeeper, Marie-Barbe Aubain, collaborated in these efforts, overseeing the workspace and its protection.

On July 13, 1793, Jean-Paul Marat was assassinated by Charlotte Corday. Simone Evrard was present and immediately attempted to help Marat and make sure that Charlotte Corday was arrested . She provided precise details about the circumstances of the assassination, contributing significantly to the judicial file that would lead to Corday’s condemnation.

After Marat’s death, Simone was widely recognized as his companion by various revolutionaries and orators who praised her dignity, and she was introduced to the National Convention by Robespierre on August 8, 1793 when she make a speech against Theophile Leclerc,Jacques Roux, Carra, Ducos,Dulaure, Pétion... Together with Albertine Marat (who also left written speeches from this period), Simone took on the work of preserving and publishing Marat’s political writings. Her commitment to this cause led to new arrests after Robespierre's fall, exposing the continued hostility of factions opposed to Marat’s supporters, even after his death.

Moreover, Jean-Paul Marat benefited from the support of several women of the Revolution, and he would not have been as effective without them.

The Duplay sisters were much more politically active than films usually portray. Most films misleadingly present them as mere groupies (considering that their father is often incorrectly shown as a simple “yes-man” in these same, often misogynistic, films, it's no surprise the treatment of women is worse).

Élisabeth Le Bas, accompanied her husband Philippe Le Bas on a mission to Alsace, attended political sessions, and bravely resisted prison guards who urged her to marry Thermidorians, expressing her anger with great resolve. She kept her husband’s name, preserving the revolutionary legacy through her testimonies and memoirs. Similarly, Éléonore Duplay, Robespierre’s possible fiancée, voluntarily confined herself to care for her sister, suffered an arrest warrant, and endured multiple prison transfers. Despite this, they remained politically active, staying close to figures in the Babouvist movement, including Buonarroti, with whom Éléonore appeared especially close, based on references in his letters.

Henriette Le Bas, Philippe Le Bas's sister, also deserves more recognition. She remained loyal to Élisabeth and her family through difficult times, even accompanying Philippe, Saint-Just, and Élisabeth on a mission to Alsace. She was briefly engaged to Saint-Just before the engagement was quickly broken off, later marrying Claude Cattan. Together with Éléonore, she preserved Élisabeth’s belongings after her arrest. Despite her family’s misfortunes—including the detention of her father—Henriette herself was surprisingly not arrested. Could this be another coincidence when it came to the wives and sisters of revolutionaries, or perhaps I missed part of her story?

Charlotte Robespierre, too, merits more focus. She held her own political convictions, sometimes clashing with those of her brothers (perhaps often, considering her political circle was at odds with their stances). She lived independently, never marrying, and even accompanied her brother Augustin on a mission for the Convention. Tragically, she was never able to reconcile with her brothers during their lifetimes. For a long time, I believed that Charlotte’s actions—renouncing her brothers to the Thermidorians after her arrest, trying to leverage contacts to escape her predicament, accepting a pension from Bonaparte, and later a stipend under Louis XVIII—were all a matter of survival, given how difficult life was for a single woman then. I saw no shame in that (and I still don’t). The only aspect I faulted her for was embellishing reality in her memoirs, which contain some disputable claims. But I recently came across a post by @saintejustitude on Charlotte Robespierre, and honestly, it’s one of the best (and most well-informed) portrayals of her.

As for the the hébertists womens , films could cover Sophie Momoro more thoroughly, as she played the role of the Goddess of Reason in her husband’s de-Christianization campaigns, managed his workshop and printing presses in his absence accompanying Momoro on a mission on Vendée. Momoro expressed his wife's political opinion on the situation in a letter. She also drafted an appeal for assistance to the Convention in her husband’s characteristic style.

Marie Françoise Goupil, Hébert’s wife, is likewise only shown as a victim (which, of course, she was—a victim of a sham trial and an unjust execution, like Lucile Desmoulins). However, there was more to her story. Here’s an excerpt from a letter she wrote to her husband’s sister in the summer of 1792 that reveals her strong political convictions:

« You are very worried about the dangers of the fatherland. They are imminent, we cannot hide them: we are betrayed by the court, by the leaders of the armies, by a large part of the members of the assembly; many people despair; but I am far from doing so, the people are the only ones who made the revolution. It alone will support her because it alone is worthy of it. There are still incorruptible members in the assembly, who will not fear to tell it that its salvation is in their hands, then the people, so great, will still be so in their just revenge, the longer they delay in striking the more it learns to know its enemies and their number, the more, according to me, its blows will only strike with certainty and  only fall on the guilty, do not be worried about the fate of my worthy husband. He and I would be sorry if the people were enslaved to survive the liberty of their fatherland, I would be inconsolable if the child I am carrying only saw the light of day with the eyes of a slave, then I would prefer to see it perish with me ».

There is also Marie Angélique Lequesne, who played a notable role while married to Ronsin (and would go on to have an important role during the Napoleonic era, which we’ll revisit later). Here’s an excerpt from Memoirs, 1760-1820 by Jean-Balthazar de Bonardi du Ménil (to be approached with caution): “Marie-Angélique Lequesne was caught up in the measures taken against the Hébertists and imprisoned on the 1st of Germinal at the Maison d'Arrêt des Anglaises, frequently engaging with ultra-revolutionary circles both before and after Ronsin’s death, even dressing as an Amazon to congratulate the Directory on a victory.” According to Généanet (to be taken with even more caution), she may have served as a canteen worker during the campaign of 1792.

On the Babouvist side, we can mention Marie Anne Babeuf, one of Gracchus Babeuf’s closest collaborators. Marie Anne was among her husband's staunchest political supporters. She printed his newspaper for a long time, and her activism led to her two-day arrest in February 1795. When her husband was arrested while she was pregnant, she made every effort possible to secure his release and never gave up on him. She walked from Paris to Vendôme to attend his trial, witnessing the proceeding that would sentence him to death. A few months after Gracchus Babeuf’s execution, she gave birth to their last son, Caius. Félix Lepeletier became a protector of the family (and apparently, Turreau also helped, supposedly adopting Camille Babeuf—one of his very few positive acts). Marie Anne supported her children through various small jobs, including as a market vendor, while never giving up her activism and remaining as combative as ever. (There’s more to her story during the Napoleonic era as well).

We must not forget the role of active women in the insurrections of Year III, against the Assembly, which had taken a more conservative turn by then. Here’s historian Mathilde Larrère’s description of their actions: “In April and May 1795, it was these women who took to the streets, beating drums across the city, mocking law enforcement, entering shops, cafes, and homes to call for revolt. In retaliation, the Assembly decreed that women were no longer allowed to attend Assembly sessions and expelled the knitters by force. Days later, a decree banned them from attending any assemblies and from gathering in groups of more than five in the streets.”

There were also women who fought as soldiers during the French Revolution, such as Marie-Thérèse Figueur, known as “Madame Sans-Gêne.” The Fernig sisters, aged 22 and 17, threw themselves into battle against Austrian soldiers, earning a reputation for their combat prowess and later becoming aides-de-camp to Dumouriez. Other fighting women included the gunners Pélagie Dulière and Catherine Pochetat.

In the overseas departments, there was Flore Bois Gaillard, a former slave who became a leader of the “Brigands” revolt on the island of Saint Lucia during the French Revolution. This group, composed of former slaves, French revolutionaries, soldiers, and English deserters, was determined to fight against English regiments using guerrilla tactics. The group won a notable victory, the Battle of Rabot in 1795, with the assistance of Governor Victor Hugues and, according to some accounts, with support from Louis Delgrès and Pelage.

On the island of Saint-Domingue, which would later become Haiti, Cécile Fatiman became one of the notable figures at the start of the Haitian Revolution, especially during the Bois-Caiman revolt on August 14, 1791.

In short, the list of influential women is long. We could also talk about figures like Félicité Brissot, Sylvie Audouin (from the Hébertist side), Marguerite David (from the Enragés side), and more. Figures like Theresia Cabarrus, who wielded influence during the Directory (especially when Tallien was still in power), or the activities of Germaine de Staël (since it’s essential to mention all influential women of the Revolution, regardless of political alignment) are also noteworthy.

Napoleonic Era

Films could have focused more on women during this era. Instead, we always see the Bonaparte sisters (with Caroline cast as an exaggerated villain, almost like a cartoon character), or Hortense Beauharnais, who’s shown solely as a victim of Louis Bonaparte and portrayed as naïve. There is so much more to say about this time, even if it was more oppressive for women.

Germaine de Staël is barely mentioned, which is unfortunate, and Marie Anne Babeuf is even more overlooked, despite her being questioned by the Napoleonic police in 1801 and raided in 1808. She also suffered the loss of two more children: Camille Babeuf, who died by suicide in 1814, and Caius, reportedly killed by a stray bullet during the 1814 invasion of Vendôme. No mention is made of Simone Evrard and Albertine Marat, who were arrested and interrogated in 1801.

An important but lesser-known event in popular culture was the deportation and imprisonment of the Jacobins, as highlighted by Lenôtre. Here’s an excerpt: “This petition reached Paris in autumn 1804 and was filed away in the ministry's records. It didn’t reach the public, who had other amusements besides the old stories of the Nivôse deportees. It was, after all, the time when the Republic, now an Empire, was preparing to receive the Pope from Rome to crown the triumphant Caesar. Yet there were people in Paris who thought constantly about the Mahé exiles—their wives, most left without support, living in extreme poverty; mothers were the hardest hit. Even if one doesn’t sympathize with the exiles themselves, one can feel pity for these unfortunate women... They implored people in their neighborhoods and local suppliers to testify on behalf of their husbands, who were wise, upstanding, good fathers, and good spouses. In most cases, these requests came too late... After an agonizing wait, the only response they received was, ‘Nothing to be done; he is gone.’” (Les Derniers Terroristes by Gérard Lenôtre). Many women were mobilized to help the Jacobins. One police report references a woman named Madame Dufour, “wife of the deportee Dufour, residing on Rue Papillon, known for her bold statements; she’s a veritable fury, constantly visiting friends and associates, loudly proclaiming the Jacobins’ imminent success. This woman once played a role in the Babeuf conspiracy; most of their meetings were held at her home…” (Unfortunately for her, her husband had already passed away.)

On the Napoleonic “allies” side, Marie Angélique, the widow of Ronsin who later married Turreau, should be more highlighted. Turreau treated her so poorly that it even outraged Washington’s political class. She was described as intelligent, modest, generous, and curious, and according to future First Lady Dolley Madison, she charmed Washington’s political circles. She played an essential role in Dolley Madison’s political formation, contributing to her reputation as an active, politically involved First Lady. Marie Angélique eventually divorced Turreau, though he refused to fund her return to France; American friends apparently helped her.

Films could also portray Marie-Jacqueline Sophie Dupont, wife of Lazare Carnot, a devoted and loving partner who even composed music for his poems. Additionally, her ties with Joséphine de Beauharnais could be explored. They were close friends, which is evident in a heartbreaking letter Lazare Carnot wrote to Joséphine on February 6, 1813, to inform her of Sophie’s death: “Until her last moment, she held onto the gratitude Your Majesty had honored her with; in her memory, I must remind Your Majesty of the care and kindness that characterize you and are so dear to every sensitive soul.”

In films, however, when Joséphine de Beauharnais’s circle is shown, Theresia Cabarrus (who appears much more in Joséphine ou la comédie des ambitions) and the Countess of Rémusat are mentioned, but Sophie Carnot is omitted, which is a pity. Sophie Carnot knew how to uphold social etiquette well, making her an ideal figure to be integrated into such stories (after all, she was the daughter of a former royal secretary).

Among women soldiers, we had Marie-Thérèse Figueur as well as figures like Maria Schellink, who also deserves greater representation. Speaking of fighters, films could further explore the stories of women who took up arms against the illegal reinstatement of slavery. In Saint-Domingue, now Haiti, many women gave their lives, including Sanité Bélair, lieutenant of Toussaint Louverture, considered the soul of the conspiracy along with her husband, Charles Bélair (Toussaint’s nephew) and a fighter against Leclerc. Captured, sentenced to death, and executed with her husband, she showed great courage at her execution. Thomas Madiou's Histoire d’Haiti describes the final moments of the Bélair couple: “When Charles Bélair was placed in front of the squad to be shot, he calmly listened to his wife exhorting him to die bravely... (...)Sanité refused to have her eyes covered and resisted the executioner’s efforts to make her bend down. The officer in charge of the squad had to order her to be shot standing.”

Dessalines, known for leading Haiti to victory against Bonaparte, had at least three influential women in his life. He had as his mentor, role modele and fighting instructor the former slave Victoria Montou, known as Aunt Toya, whom he considered a second mother. They met while they were working as slaves. They met while both were enslaved. The second was his future wife, Marie Claire Bonheur, a sort of war nurse, as described in this post, who proved instrumental in the siege of Jacmel by persuading Dessalines to open the roads so that aid, like food and medicine, could reach the city. When independence was declared, Dessalines became emperor, and Marie Claire Bonheur, empress. When Jean-Jacques Dessalines ordered the elimination of white inhabitants in Haiti, Marie Claire Bonheur opposed him, some say even kneeling before him to save the French. Alongside others, she saved those later called the “orphans of Cap,” two girls named Hortense and Augustine Javier.

Dessalines had a legitimized illegitimate daughter, Catherine Flon, who, according to legend, sewed the country’s flag on May 18, 1803. Thus, three essential women in his life contributed greatly to his cause.

In Guadeloupe, Rosalie, also known as Solitude, fought while pregnant against the re-establishment of slavery and sacrificed her life for it, as she was hanged after giving birth. Marthe Rose Toto also rose up and was hanged a few months after Louis Delgrès’s death (if they were truly a couple, it would have added a tragic touch to their story, like that of Camille and Lucile Desmoulins, which I have discussed here).

To conclude, my aim in this post is not to elevate these revolutionary, fighting, or Napoleonic-allied women above their male counterparts but simply to give them equal recognition, which, sadly, is still far from the case (though, fortunately, this is not true here on Tumblr).

I want to thank @aedesluminis for providing such valuable information about Sophie Carnot—without her, I wouldn't have known any of this. And I also want to thank all of you, as your various posts have been really helpful in guiding my research, especially @anotherhumaninthisworld, @frevandrest, @sieclesetcieux, @saintjustitude, @enlitment ,@pleasecallmealsip ,@usergreenpixel , @orpheusmori​ ,@lamarseillasie etc. I apologize if I forgot anyone—I’m sure I have, and I'm sorry; I'm a bit exhausted. ^^

[girafeduvexin]

"Les fenêtres de l'Elysée sont éclairées, tard dans la nuit. À quoi pense Emmanuel Macron, lors de ses insomnies ? À tous ceux qu'il a "fait bouffer", comme il dit, pendant sept ans et qui lui tournent le dos ? À l'extérieur du palais, les langues se délient. Les petits travers de la cour sont décortiqués, moqués. Comme cette manie qu'il a de se faire servir en premier. Ou ces nouvelles chaises gaufrées "RF" (pour "République française") commandées pour le conseil des ministres, que ces derniers ont découvert, médusés : ton sur ton pour les membres du gouvernement, en lettres d'or pour le président de la République qui, en arrivant à l'Elysée, philosophait sur la "figure du roi" et disait "mon peuple" pour parler des Français."

(Source)

[pompadourpink]

Il y a

(Note: * means it is a negative sentence: il n'y a)

Anguille sous roche - there's something fishy going on

Belle lurette - it's been a while

Bien longtemps (que) - it's been a while (since)

Comme un goût de - it almost tastes like

De ça - you are right but there is more to it (casual)

De ça (+ duration), - it was (X time) ago that

De la friture sur la ligne - there's static on the line

De l'ambiance - there's a great atmosphere

De l'eau dans le gaz - there's trouble brewing

De l'idée - that's not a bad idea (although it's incomplete)

De l'orage dans l'air - there's trouble brewing

De quoi - it is justified (casual)

De quoi être fier - /one/ can be proud about that

De quoi faire - there are enough supplies for the project

*De roses sans épines - there are no roses without thorns

Des baffes/claques qui se perdent - /one/ deserves a slap

Des coups de pied au cul qui se perdent - /one/ deserves a kick in the butt

Des hauts et des bas - there are ups and downs

Des limites - there are limits (not to cross)

Des moments où - there are times when

Des nuages - it's cloudy

Du brouillard - it's foggy

Du boulot - we have a lot of work to do

Du monde/peuple - it is really crowded

Du monde au balcon - /one/ has big breasts

Du soleil - it's sunny

Du vent - it's windy

Du vrai (dans ce que tu dis) - /one/ is not wrong

Erreur (sur la personne) - /one/ is mistaken

Fort/gros à parier que - it is a safe bet that

Intérêt à (+ infinitive or que + verb) - there better (be): il y a intérêt que tu te calmes, il y a intérêt à se taire

Largement de quoi faire - there are enough supplies for the project

Le feu - fire!

Longtemps que - it's been a long time since

Méprise - there is a mistake

Moyen de moyenner - we can make that work (casual)

*Pas à dire - you have to admit

*Pas à tortiller - there's no getting away from it (casual)

*Pas de fumée sans feu - there's no smoke without fire

*Pas de mais (qui tienne) - no arguing with me

*Pas de mal - no worries, you meant no harm

*Pas de mal à se faire du bien - a little of what you fancy does you good

*Pas de petits profits - look after the pennies and the pounds will look after themselves

*Pas de quoi - you're welcome (casual)

*Pas de quoi s'énerver - no need to get annoyed

*Pas de sot métier - all job is noble

*Pas de temps à perdre - there is no time to lose

*Pas le feu au lac - we are not in a rush (casual)

*Pas longtemps que - it hasn't been long since

*Pas mort d'homme - calm down (casual)

*Pas photo - clearly (casual)

*Pas un chat/rat - there is no one around

Peu de temps que - it hasn't been long since

Prescription - it's time to move on

*Plus de saisons - seasons don't mean anything anymore

*Que ça de vrai - this is what really matters

*Que la vérité qui blesse/fâche - you're angry because you know it's right

Quelque chose qui cloche (chez) - something is wrong (with)

Quelque chose qui m'échappe - I don't understand something

Quelques années - a few years ago

*Qu'un pas - /something/ is only one step away

*Rien à faire - there's nothing to do (bored or stuck)

*Rien de nouveau sous le soleil - there is nothing new

Un avant et un après - there is a before and an after

Un coup à jouer - /one/ has an opportunity here

Une éternité que - it's been an eternity since

Un temps pour tout - timing is everything

Il y en

A marre - /one/ has had enough, this is too much

*A pas un pour rattraper l'autre - you two are as bad as each other

+

Il y a X + X - there is a spectrum to it (unhappy): "Pierre said he stole the neighbours' cat as a joke!" "il y a blague et blague!"

Qu'est-ce qu'il y a ? - what's up ? what's wrong ?

S'il y a lieu - if applicable, needed

Tant qu'il y a de la vie, il y a de l'espoir - where there's life, there's hope

[ekman]

“Sympa mais un peu long”, vous diront les européistes impatients d'arriver les premiers au néant. Peut-être, oui. Mais c'est l'âme millénaire des peuples qui danse ici, qui communie, qui s'entend et se comprend. La Grèce, à sa façon, a montré l'exemple d'une forme de résistance – et non de "résilience" (abandonnons ce vocable très libéral aux marketeurs de Bruxelles et d'ailleurs). Un temps elle a cru à l'argent facile, aux promesses fallacieuses... ça l'arrangeait bien, alors. Puis la faillite, la ruine, la troïka, la crise. Et un peu de soleil à nouveau, au delà des nuages qui assombrirent le sourire du Pirée. Les Grecs écoutent les notes jaillies en cascade du bouzouki et les voilà qui se souviennent et dansent. Comme leurs parents, leurs aïeuls, leurs ancêtres. C'est la vie qui revient, et avec elle l'âme des peuples européens qui sourit à tous ces petits riens très ataviques, souvenirs de l'antique. Prenez-en de la graine, chers concitoyens ! J.-M. M.

[stinkysam]

Serge "Frenchie" - Meeting the boys.

Warning : none

Genre : fluff

Synopsis : The boys meet you, Frenchie's boyfriend. Idea by @jadenisdead

Reader : male (he/you)

They met you by accident.

There was a hero convention. But mainly it was far right wing propaganda. Guns, disturbing pro-life posters, anti-lgbt stands next to bibles and Jesus on his cross with racists flyers and a few occasional supes.

There were only two ways to get in. Be a supe, like Starlight who brought the boys with her, or pay. Like you did.

You had to pay a rather high price to get in but you didn't care. You wanted to take photos and film everything that was happening. To show to those who didn't attend how dangerous the “mindset” they proudly flaunted here was. And mostly, to put on display the faces of the proud nazis who were here so people would know to not approach them.

The boys followed Annie, watching around and trying to gather information on their way. That is until Frenchie saw you.

He didn't recognize you. You were in plain clothes, no pins or stickers on your bag, shirt, jacket or cap, your tattoos were hidden and your piercings were gone. You even had a small cross hanging around your neck to complete the good christian look.

He stopped in his tracks and blinked hard, rubbing his eyes as well. Did you have a clone ? Kimiko stopped too, noticing Frenchie wasn't following anymore.

But that's when you turned your face toward him for a few seconds that he recognized you. His eyes grew in size, shock evident and Kimiko looked at him.

“What ?” She signed. No response. She wanted to hit him on the arm to get his attention but Frenchie walked away before she could do anything. Quickly she tapped Hughie's shoulder who stopped everyone.

“Qu'est-ce tu fais là ?” Frenchie asked you, voice quiet to not attract attention, grabbing your elbow. You snapped your head toward him and pulled your arm away out of reflex. Your eyes got round when you saw him, before frowning in confusion.

“Toi, qu'est-ce tu fais là ?”

“J’ai demandé en premier.” He replied with a smirk, almost proud of it. You sighed and rolled your eyes, slightly amused.

“C'est pour mon blog.” You started. “Je veux que les gens sachent ce qu'il se passe vraiment dans ces conventions. Que les supes ne sont pas de notre côté. Le peuple, les minorités.”

Frenchie smiled. He knew you hated supes, you had always been very vocal about it even before dating him or knowing about his “friends”. You even had pins and shirts with anti-supes messages on them.

You'd often get comments about them. Not always good ones. But you didn't care.

“Du coup ? Tu fais quoi içi ? Y'a les gars ?” You asked, looking around for them but before he could answer, a voice was heard behind him.

“Who's that ?” A skinny guy with curls was looking at you… Along with his friends. An angry looking guy with black hair, one looking just as tough but less angry, a blonde girl who's clearly in hiding clothes and one with black hair and a confused expression on her face.

“C'est eux ?” You asked, pointing at them with your head.

Frenchie moved to your side, chuckling lightly as he scratched his nose and planted his hand on your back.

“Oui. [Name], this is the boys.” He said, and pointed at them one by one. “Petit Hughie, monsieur le charcutier, M.M, Annie and Kimiko. Boys, this is [Name], my huh…” He looked around quickly, making sure no one was listening and continued, leaning closer to them as he spoke quietly with a smile. “my boyfriend.”

The charcutier ? Butcher, you supposed, rolled his eyes as he turned away along with M.M who placed a hand on his shoulder, seemingly trying to calm him. Clearly this was not the reveal Butcher was hoping for. Was he hoping you’d have a way to help them ? You irked an eyebrow at his reaction. But Kimiko's eyes lit up along with Hughie's and Annie’s.

“Your boyfriend ?” Kimiko signed excitedly before hitting him and signing again. “Why didn't you tell me ?”

“That's- great.” Hughie said, a bit shocked, still looking at you. “Why didn't you tell us ?” He smiled as he turned his attention back to Frenchie.

“Well…” He started as you stared at Hughie and Kimiko. That's when it hit you. They're the Kimiko and the Hughie. You cut him off.

“You're Kimiko ? I've heard so much about you, hi !” You smiled brightly before looking at Hughie. “And you're the guy he kissed ?” You say more quietly, squinting your eyes.

Hughie frowned, confused before remembering what you were referencing. Fuck, why did Frenchie tell you that ?

“No- it's just- it’s because, you see- compound V-” He began, panicking and sweating, looking both at you and Annie putting his hands in front of himself before seeing you laugh. “W- what ?”

“You did great. Good job for the V.” You said, patting his arm before turning to Annie. “And you too. I don't know how things are in the tower but thank you for helping anyway.”

Annie eyed Hughie, still confused about the kiss thing but smiled at you nonetheless, but before she could say anything, Butcher spoke. She side eyed him, not appreciating being cut off.

“We ain't got all day. He coming with us or not ?” He said coldly, looking at Frenchie who quickly shook his head side to side.

“No, no, no, no, no. He's not coming. It's too dangerous.”

“Pourquoi pas ? Je pourrais montrer au monde à quel point ils sont dangereux.” You pointed to your camera hooked to your jacket with your head, his hand was still on your back.

“Non, c'est trop dangereux.” He turned you so you could face only him. “Je veux pas que tu sois blessé ou encore plus traumatisé.”

You sighed. He was right. But still.

“Et toi, alors ?” You asked, tilting your head to the side, frowning.

“Mais moi c'est pas grave, qu'est-ce qu'on en a à foutre ?” He said with a smile almost laughing as if his life didn't matter.

“Dit pas ça, connard.” Your fist hit his arm harshly. “Je n'en ai pas rien à foutre de toi, moi. Tu comprends ?”

He sighed. It's true you cared about him, things were different, he couldn't just put his life on the line without hurting people. You, Cherie, Kimiko, even the boys would care if he died.

He wanted to rest his forehead against yours but he abstained from doing so knowing it would attract attention. So instead he grabbed your hands.

“Tout va bien aller. Y'a deux supes sur qui je peux compter maintenant. Et Butcher et M.M, même. Et y'a même petit Hughie !” He smiled, trying to let his confidence ease your worries.

“Il sait tenir une arme ?” You asked, raising an eyebrow, looking over his shoulders to watch Hughie.

“...Oui.” He said after a moment, moving his head to get back into your eyesight. Hughie didn't really know how to shoot or how to reload any gun but… it wasn't Hughie's first time holding one. It wasn't yours either.

“C'est pas convainquant du tout…”

“Stop. Tu ne peux pas venir avec nous. Je suis désolé.”

Frenchie took it, hooking it to his jacket quickly before pulling away, squeezing your hands gently.

“Ok. J'ai compris.” You replied a bit too coldly for your liking, looking away. “Prends ma deuxième petite caméra avec toi. Elle filme. Comme ça je louperai rien.” You added, looking into your bag to give him your other camera, the one that filmed everything.

“Je t'aime.” He said with a smile.

“Je t'aime aussi.” You replied watching him walk toward the boys waiting for him.

You saw Kimiko sign something to him, and they both looked at you. He signed something back and Kimiko smiled. You didn't know what this was about but you knew you were the topic with how she looked at you before waving goodbye to you and disappearing into the crowd.

You waited a moment, waiting for them to completely be gone and went back to what you were doing. Taking pictures of the stands, posters, and people discreetly, hoping nothing bad would happen to Frenchie.

Traduction - Translation :

(Toi,) qu'est-ce tu fais là - (You,) what are you doing here ?

J'ai demandé en premier - I asked first.

C'est pour mon blog. - It's for my blog.

Je veux que les gens sachent ce qu'il se passe vraiment dans ces conventions. Que les supes ne sont pas de notre côté. Le peuple. Les minorités. - I want people to know what's really happening in these conventions. The supes are not on our side. The people, minorities.

Du coup ? Tu fais quoi içi ? Y'a les gars ? - So ? What are you doing here ? The boys are here ?

C'est eux ? - It's them ?

Pourquoi pas ? Je pourrais montrer au monde à quel point ils sont dangereux. - Why not ? I could show the world how dangerous they are.

Non, c'est trop dangereux. - No, it's too dangerous.

Je veux pas que tu sois blessé ou encore plus traumatisé - I don't want you to get hurt or even more traumatized.

Et toi, alors ? - And you, then ?

Mais moi c'est pas grave, qu'est-ce qu'on en a à foutre ? - But for me it's not important, what shit do we give ?

Dis pas ça, connard. - Don't say that, asshole.

Je n'en ai pas rien à foutre de toi, moi. Tu comprends ? - I do not not give a shit about you, you understand ?

Tout va bien aller. Y'a deux supes sur qui je peux compter maintenant. Et Butcher et M.M, même. Et y'a même petit Hughie ! - Everything's going to be fine. There's two supes I can count on now. And Butcher and M.M, even. And there's even petit Hughie !

Il sait comment tenir une arme ? - He knows how to hold a weapon ?

C'est pas convainquant du tout. - It's not convincing at all.

Stop. Tu ne peux pas venir avec nous. Je suis désolé - Stop. You can't come with us. I'm sorry.

Ok, j’ai compris. - Okay, I understand.

Prends ma deuxième petite caméra avec toi. Elle filme. Comme ça je louperai rien. - Take my second small camera with you. It's filming. That way I won't miss a thing.

Je t'aime (aussi). - I love you (too).

[raisongardee]

"Passée inaperçue pendant la levée de boucliers anti-RN des dernières élections législatives, la contribution d’Ariane Mnouchkine mérite d’être lue. Personnalité tutélaire du théâtre subventionné, celle qui fut, pendant des lustres, de toutes les pétitions et de tous les collectifs pour les "sans-papiers" et contre le Front national, essentiellement, en raison de ses origines juives ashkénazes ("je m’appelle Mnouchkine, pas Dupont", Ras L’Front, septembre 1996) fait son mea culpa dans une tribune publiée sur le site de Libération : "Macron est bien trop petit pour porter, à lui seul, la totalité du désastre. Je nous pense, en partie, responsables, nous, gens de gauche, nous, gens de culture. On a lâché le peuple, on n’a pas voulu écouter les peurs, les angoisses. Quand les gens disaient ce qu’ils voyaient, on leur disait qu’ils se trompaient, qu’ils ne voyaient pas ce qu’ils voyaient. Ce n’était qu’un sentiment trompeur, leur disait-on. Puis, comme ils insistaient, on leur a dit qu’ils étaient des imbéciles, puis, comme ils insistaient de plus belle, on les a traités de salauds. On a insulté un gros tiers de la France par manque d’imagination. L’imagination, c’est ce qui permet de se mettre à la place de l’Autre. Sans imagination, pas de compassion. Il n'y avait autrefois aucun professeur qui votait FN. Comment se fait-il qu’il y en ait aujourd’hui ? Et tant d’autres fonctionnaires, si dévoués pourtant à la chose publique, qui votent RN, chaque fois davantage ? Aujourd’hui, je ne suis pas certaine qu’une prise de parole collective des artistes soit utile ou productive. Une partie de nos concitoyens en ont marre de nous : marre de notre impuissance, de nos peurs, de notre narcissisme, de notre sectarisme, de nos dénis.""

Faits & Documents n° 534, octobre 2024.

[observatoiredumensonge]

Quand les Sans-culotte se font trimbaler par des profiteuses Sans-coucougnette !

Remplacement, un leurre ou une fatalité consentie ?

Pauvre gentil petit peuple figé devant la lucarne qui les télécommande à distance, les désinforme, manipule pour servir un despote qui se voudrait théocrate… Par Bernard Bruyneel Vous pouvez soutenir notre travail en vous abonnant mensuellement pour 2 € par mois via STRIPE totalement sécuriséEn cadeau, un livre PDF vous sera envoyé par mail Attention ce texte est un pamphlet n’engageant que…

[revolutionarywig]

I saw my friend took pictures of this play apparently now ongoing in Paris and I had to search it up

LE DÎNER DE- WHAT???

So Robespierre is not a character in the play, but rather there are these characters who must dress up as a figure from the French Revolution...

Also there's Camille (middle) and presumably Marie Antoinette on the right

Summary:

Dans une petite ville de province, un groupe d’amis de la bonne société se donne rendez-vous pour un « dîner de têtes ». Chacun doit se faire la tête d’un grand personnage de la Révolution française. André Bitos, fils du peuple devenu magistrat incorruptible et vertueux, est l’invité d’honneur : il jouera Robespierre. Mais il semble que l’objectif de cette soirée ne soit pas uniquement de refaire l’histoire de France... Cette bande de notables en smoking-perruque va se lancer dans un jeu de massacre aussi cruel que jubilatoire. Drôle, grinçant et terriblement actuel, ce chef d’œuvre d’intelligence renvoie dos à dos haine de l’Autre et tyrannie de la Vertu.

"In a small provincial town, a group of friends from high society meet for a dinner of heads. Each must reimagine themselves as a great figure from the French Revolution. André Bitos, son of the people who became an incorruptible and virtuous magistrate, is the guest of honour: he will play Robespierre. But it seems that the goal of tonight was not to only reenact the history of France...This band of notables in their tuxedo-wigs are heading into a game of massacre as cruel as it is exhilarating. Funny, grating, and terribly current, this intelligent masterpiece brings back to back the hatred of the Other and tyranny of Virtue."

Okay HMMMM from the wording of that it sounds like it's not gonna be the most redeeming or best depiction of Robespierre or the Revolution in general. From the website it seems to be connecting the "Terror" with post-WWII France "purge"? (l'épuration, from the wording on the website) .....I am not knowledgeable in WWII France but I am a bit on the fence for that.....

BUT heyyyyy look at that Camille

The height BRUH

[anotherhumaninthisworld]

How close Desmoulins and Fréron were? And what did they think of each other? I'm asking because I discovered they managed a journal together, La Tribune des Patriotes.

The seventeen year old Fréron was enrolled as a paying boarder at the college of Louis-le-Grand on September 30 1771, and just a day later, the eleven year old Camille was as well. I have however not been able to discover any evidence indicating the two were friends back then, or even an instance of one referring to the other as ”college comrade,” something which Camille otherwise is proven to have done with a whole lot of other fellow students. Perhaps this should be read as a sign the two did not know each other back then, six years after all being a rather big age difference for kids. They also don’t exactly appear to have been the same type of student, Desmoulins winning a total of four prizes during his time at the college and Fréron zero, and their teacher abbé Proyart admitting (despite his massive hostility) that student Camille had ”some success,” while Fréron ”showed few talents” and ”was cited as a rare example when speaking of laziness and indolence.” (for more info on the school days of them and other Louis-le-Grand students, see this post).

Fréron graduated from the college in 1779, Camille five years later. I have not been able to find anything suggesting they had anything to do with each other in the 1780s either. But on 23 June 1790, one year into the revolution, we find the following letter from Fréron to Camille, showing that the two by this point have forged a friendship. Judging by the content of the letter, said friendship was probably much grounded in their joint status as freshly baked patriotic journalists (Desmoulins had founded his Révolutions de France et de Brabant in November 1789, Fréron his l’Orateur du Peuple in May 1790):

I beg you (tu), my dear Camille, to insert in your first number the enclosed letter, which has so far only appeared in the journal of M. Gorsas; its publicity is all the more interesting to me as I have just, I am assured, been denounced to the commune as one of the authors of l’Ami du Roi. It is a horror that I must push back with all the energy I can. If you cannot insert it in full, in petit-romain, at the end of your first number, at least make it known by extract; you would be doing me a real service. It’s been a thousand years since I last saw you; I have had a raging fever for more than a fortnight which has prevented me from returning to Rue Saint-André; but I will go there next Saturday. Ch. de La Poype came to your house with a letter from M. Brissot de Warville, but he was unable to enter. It was to talk to you about a matter that you no doubt know about. If patriotic journalists don't line up, then goodbye freedom of the press.  A thousand bonjours, my dear Camille  I am very democratically your friend,  Stanislas Fréron. 

l’Orateur du Peuple has unfortunately not gotten digitalized yet, so we can’t check if Fréron wrote anything about Desmoulins there that could tell us more about their relationship. But in Révolutions de France et de Brabant we find Camille listing Fréron among ”journalists who are friends of truth” (number 37, August 9 1790), calling him a patriot (number 33, July 12 1790), protesting when national guards were sent to seize the journals of Fréron and Tournon (number 63, February 7 1791) and when the numbers of Fréron and Marat got plundered (number 83, July 4 1791), as well as republishing parts of the journal he finds inspiring (number 83, number 85 (July 18 1791). In both number 1 (November 28 1789) and number 65 (February 21 1791) Camille republished a poem he had written in 1783 that mocked Fréron’s father, the famous philosopher Élie Fréron, as well as his maternal uncle Thomas-Marie Royou, him too a member of the counter-enlightenment (and who, as a sidenote, had also been one of their teachers at Louis-le-Grand). Given Fréron’s open hostility towards both his father and uncle, it does however seem unlikely for this to have had any negative effect on their relationship.

Just a few days after the letter from Fréron to Desmoulins had been penned down, we find the two about to enter into partnership. On July 4 1790 the following contract was signed between Camille, Fréron and the printer Laffrey (cited in Camille Desmoulins and his wife: passages from the history of the dantonists (1874) by Jules Claretie), establishing that from number 33 of Révolutions de France et de Brabant and onwards, Fréron will be in charge of half the pages of the journal, while he from number 39 and forward will be in charge of an additional sheet particulary devoted to news:

We, the undersigned, Camille Desmoulins and Stanislas Fréron, the former living on Rue du Théâtre Français, the latter on Rue de la Lune, Porte St. Denys, of the one part; and Jean-Jacques Laffrey, living on Rue du Théâtre Français, of the other part, have agreed to the following: . 1. I, Camille Desmoulins, engage to delegate to Stanislas Fréron the sum of three thousand livres, out of the sum of ten thousand livres, which Jean-Jacques Laffrey has bound himself, by a bond between us, to pay me annually as the price of the editing of my journal, entitled Révolutions de France et de Brabant, of three printed sheets, under the express condition that said Stanislas Fréron shall furnish one sheet and a half to each number, and that during the whole term of my agreement with said Laffrey.  2. I, Stanislas Fréron, engage to furnish for each number of said journal of Révolutions de France et de Brabant, composed of three sheets, one sheet and a half, under the direction of the said Camille Desmoulins, with the understanding that this sheet and a half shall form one half of the three sheets of which each number is composed. I engage to deliver a portion of the copy of this said sheet and a half on the Wednesday of each week , and the rest during the day on Thursday, and this counting inclusively from the thirty-third number until the close of the agreement between Camille Desmoulins and Jean-Lacques Laffrey. 3. I, Jean-Jacques Laffrey, accept the delegation made by Camille Desmoulins of the sum of three thousand livres, payable, in equal payments, at the issue of each number, to Stanislas Fréron, to the clauses and conditions hereinunder; and I engage, besides, to pay to said Stanislas Fréron the sum of one thousand livres, also payable in equal payments, on the publication of each number, which thousand livres shall be over and above the said salary of three thousand livres on condition that the said Stanislas Fréron shall furnish to the journal an additional sheet per week which shall be devoted to news to begin from the thirty-ninth number, which commences the approaching quarter.  And I, Stanislas Fréron, engage to furnish , at the stipulated periods  the said sheet over and above, in consideration of the sum of one thousand livres, in addition to the three thousand livres delegated by Camille Desmoulins. Done, in triplicate, between us, in Paris, July 4, 1790. Stanislas Fréron, Laffrey, C. Desmoulins.

According to Camille et Lucile Desmoulins: un rêve de république (2018) by Hervé Leuwers, nothing did however come about from this contract, Révolutions de France et de Brabant continuing to rest under the authority of Camille only, while Fréron instead kept going with his l’Orateur du Peuple. Why this project never saw the light of day one can only speculate in…

When Camille and Lucile got married in December 1790, Fréron neither signed the wedding contract on the 27th, nor attended the wedding ceremony on the 29th. Following the marriage they did however become neighbors, the couple moving to Rue du Théâtre 1 (today Rue de l’Odeon 28), and into the very same building where Fréron had gone to live a few months earlier.

In number 82 (June 27 1791) of Révolutions de France et de Brabant, Camille writes that he a week earlier, the same night the royal family fled Paris, he left the Jacobins at eleven o’clock in the evening together with ”Danton and other patriots.” The Paris night comes off as so calm Camille can’t stop himself from commenting on it, whereupon ”one of us, who had in his pocket a letter of which I will speak, that warned that the king would take flight this night, wanted to go observe the castle; he saw M. Lafayette enter at eleven o’clock.” According to Hervé Leuwers’ biography, this person was Fréron, though I don’t understand exactly how he can see this…

A little less than a month later, July 17 1791, Fréron and Camille find themselves at Danton’s house together with several other people discussing the lynching of two men at the Champ-de-Mars the same morning. At nine o’clock, Legendre arrives and tells the group that two men had come home to him and said: We are charged with warning you to get out of Paris, bring Danton, Camille and Fréron, let them not be seen in the city all day, it is Alexandre Lameth who engages this. Camille, Danton and Fréron follow this advice and leave, and were therefore most likely absent from the demonstration and shootings on the Champ-de-Mars the very same day (this information was given more than forty years after the fact by Sergent-Marceau, one of the people present, in volume 5 of the journal Revue rétrospective, ou Bibliothèque historique : contenant des mémoires et documens authentiques, inédits et originaux, pour servir à l'histoire proprement dite, à la biographie, à l'histoire de la littérature et des arts (1834)).

In the aftermath of the massacre on Champ de Mars, arrest warrants were issued against those deemed guilty for them. On July 22, the Moniteur reports that the journalists Suleau and Verrières have been arrested, and that the authorities have also fruitlessly gone looking for Fréron, Legendre, Desmoulins and Danton, the latter three having already left Paris. Both Fréron and Camille hid out at Lucile’s parents’ country house in Bourg-la-Reine, as revealed by Camille in number 6 (January 30 1794) of the Vieux Cordelier. The two could resurface in Paris again by September.

On April 20 1792, the same day France declared war on Austria, Camille and Fréron again put their hopes to the idea of a partnership from two years earlier. That day, the two, along with booksellers Patris and Momoro, signed a contract for a new journal, La Tribune des Patriotes, whose first number appeared on May 7 (they had tried to get Marat to join in on the project as well, but he had said no). In the contract, Fréron undertook to each week bring 2/3 of the sheets, Camille the rest. According to Leuwers, Camille did nevertheless end up writing most of it anyway. The journal did however fail to catch an audience and ran for only four numbers.

On June 23 1792 Lucile starts keeping a diary. It doesn’t take more than a day before the first mention of Fréron, in the diary most often known as just ”F,” appears — ”June 24 - F(réron) is scary. Poor simpleton, you have so little to think about. I’m going to write to Maman.” One month and one day later Camille tells Lucile, who is currently resting up at Bourg-la-Reine after giving birth, that ”I was brought to Chaville this morning by Panis, together with Danton, Fréron, Brune, at Santerre’s” (letter cited in Camille et Lucile Desmoulins: un rêve de république). Lucile returned to Paris on August 8. In a diary entry written by her four months later it is revealed that both Fréron and the couple were at Danton’s house on the eve of the insurrection of August 10 — ”F(réron) looked like he was determined to perish. "I'm weary of life," he said, "I just want to die." Every patriot that came I thought I was seeing for the last time.” She doesn’t however, and can in the same entry instead report the following regarding the period that immediately followed the successful insurrection:

After eight days (August 20) D(anton) went to stay at the Chabcellerie, madame R(obert) and I went there in our turn. I really liked it there, but only one thing bothered me, it was Fréron. Every day I saw new progress and didn't know what to do about it. I consulted Maman, she approved of my plan to banter and joke about it, and that was the wisest course. Because what else to do? Forbid him to come? He and C(amille) dealt with each other everyday, we would meet. To tell him to be more circumspect was to confess that I knew everything and that I did not disapprove of him; an explanation would have been needed. I therefore thought myself very prudent to receive him with friendship and reserve as usual, and I see now that I have done well. Soon he left to go on a mission. (to Metz, he was given this mission on August 29 1792) I was very happy with it, I thought it would change him. […] F(réron) returned, he seems to be still the same but I don't care! Let him go crazy if he wants!…My poor C(amille), go, don’t be afraid… 

Following Fréron’s return from his mission, he hung out with the couple quite frequently. On January 7 1793 we find the following letter from him to Lucile:

I beg Madame Desmoulins to be pleased to accept the homage of my respect. I have the honour to inform her that my destination is changed, that I shall not go to the National Assembly because I am setting out for the countryside with MM Danton and Saturne (Duplain). Will she have the goodness to present herself at the assembly, before ten o’clock, in the hall of deputations; she is to send for M. La Source, the secretary, who will come to her, and she will find a place for her by means of the commissary of the tribunes. I renew the assurence of my respectful devotion to Madame Desmoulins.  Stanislas Fréron. Kindest regards to Camille.

Two weeks later, January 20, Lucile writes ”F(réron), La P(oype) came in the evening.” The day after that Fréron writes her the following note: ”I beg the chaste Diana to accept the homage of a quarter of a deer killed in her domains. Adieu. Stanislas Lapin.” This is the first known apperance of Fréron’s nickname within the inner circle — Lapin (Bunny). In Correspondance inédite de Camille Desmoulins(1834), Marcellin Matton, friend of Lucile’s mother and sister, writes that it was Lucile who had come up with this nickname, and that it stemmed from the fact Fréron often visited the country house of Lucile’s parents at Bourg-la-Reine and played with the bunnies they had there each time. In her diary entry from the same day, Lucile has written: ”F(réron) sent us venison.” The very next day she writes the following, showing that Fréron, as she already put it in December, ”appears to still be the same”:

Ricord came to see me. He is always the same, very brusque and coarse, truly mad, giddy, insane. I went to Robert’s. Danton came there. His jokes are as boorish as he is. Despite this, he is a good devil. Madame Ro(bert) seemed jealous of how he teased me… F(réron) came. That one always seems to sigh, but his manners are bearish! Poor devil, what hope do you hold? Extinguish a senseless r [sic] in your heart! What can I do for you? I feel sorry for you... No, no, my friend, my dear C(amille), this friendship, this love so pure, will never exist for anyone other than you! And those I see will only be dear to me through the friendship they have for you. 

One day later, January 23, Lucile writes: ”F(réron), La P(oype), Po, R(obert) and others came to dinner. The dinner was quite happy and cheerful. Afterwards they went to the Jacobins, Maman and I stayed by the fire.” The day after that she has written the following, and while it’s far from confirmed Fréron is the one she’s alluding to here, it would fit rather well with the previous entries:

What does this statement mean? Why do I need to be praised so much? What do I care if I please? Do you think I’ll be proud of a few attractions? No, no, I know how to appreciate myself, and will never be dazed by praise. To you, you’re crazy, and I’ll make you feel like you need to be smarter.

Lucile’s diary entries abruptly end on February 13 1793, and a month later, March 9, Fréron was tasked with going on yet another mission by the Committee of Public Safety. This time, it would be a whole year before he was back in Paris again. It is probably during this period the following two undated letters from Fréron’s little sister Jeanne-Thérèse, wife of the military leader Jean François La Poype, were penned down and sent off to Lucile (both cited within Camille Desmoulins and his wife… (1874) by Jules Claretie. I also found a mention of a third, unpublished letter with the same sender and receiver):

Coubertin, this Monday morning.  How good you are, my dear Lucile, to take such pains to answer so punctually, and to relieve my anxiety! I rely upon your kindness to let me know any good news when you know it yourself. Neither my husband nor my brother has written to me; but, according to what you tell me, M. De la Poype will be with you immediately. Scold him well, I beg, my dear Lucile, and beat him even, if you think it necessary; I give him over to you. Goodbye, dear aunt; I embrace you with all my heart. Do tell me about your pretty boy; is he well? We shall, I hope, see him at some time together. Be the first to tell me of my husband's arrival ; it will be so sweet to owe my happiness to you! Fanny is perfectly well. I received most tenderly the kiss she gave me from you. My compliments to your husband.  Fréron de la Poype. 

Here I come again, beautiful and kind Lucile, to plague you with my complaints, and the frightful uneasiness by which I am tormented. The letter your husband had the kindness to write to me does not allay my grief; he tells me that my brother has given him news of my husband, but he had not heard from him before his departure. He has not been absent long enough to have had time to give us news of himself since he set out. I do not hide from you, dear Lucile, state; for pity's sake, try to restore composure to my heart; let me owe tranquillity to you. They say the enemy is within forty leagues of Paris; if this is so, the country will not be safe. Will you promise to warn me of danger, and to receive me into your house? I count upon the friendship you have always been willing to show me, and I shall throw myself into your arms with the greatest confidence. I beg you to give my compliments to your dear husband.  Fréron de La Poype.  Coubertin, near Chevreuse.  The 5th.  Madame Desmoulins. 

On October 18 1793, Fréron too picks up his pen again and writes the following two letters, one to Camille and one to Lucile. He is at the time in Marseille preparing for the siege of Toulon, a subject which he spends the majority of the ink on discussing, but also blends this with nostalgic remarks. Fréron addresses Camille with tutoiement, but Lucile with vouvoiement. The parts in italics got censored when the letters for the first time got published in Correspondance de Camille Desmoulins(1834):

Marseille, October 18 1793, year 2 of the republic one and indivisible Bonjour, Camille, Ricord will tell you about a lot of things. Our business in front of Toulon is going badly. We have lost precious time and if Carteaux had left La Poype to his own devices, the latter would have been master of the place more than fifteen days ago, but instead, we have to hold a regular siege and our enemies grow stronger every day by the way of the sea. It is time for the Committee of Public Safety to know the truth. I am going to write to Robespierre to inform him about everything. You may not know everything that has happened to me; I have upheld my reputation as an old Cordelier, for I am like you from the first batch; and although very lazy by nature (I say my fault), I found in the great crises a greater activity than I would have believed. But it was a question of saving the south and the army of Italy; because I am not talking about my skin; for a long time [unreadable word for me] have been an object of [unreadable word] for the counter-revolutionaries without [unreadable word]. I will prevent Toulon from forming its sections and consequently from opening its port to the English and from dragging us, at the onset of winter, into the lengths of a murderous siege. La Poype commands a division of the army in front of Toulon; you have no idea how Carteaux makes him swallow snakes: he had seized the heights of Faron, a mountain which dominates a very important fort from which one can strike down and reduce Toulon. Well! Carteaux left him at this post without reinforcement, and he was obliged to evacuate it. Carteaux would rather have the capture of Toulon delayed and missed twenty times than allow another to have the glory. Speak, thunder, burst. La Poype did not contradict himself for a single moment; you know him, he has not changed. I am perhaps a little suspicious: that is why I abstain from writing on his account; but ask all those who come from here and they will tell you what the patriots think. Did you learn from Father Huguenin that I had printed in Monaco six thousand copies of your Histoire des Brissotins which I distributed profusely in Nice and in the department of Var? You did not think you would receive the honors of printing in Italy. You see it's good to have friends everywhere. I have been very worried about Danton. The papers announced that he was ill. Let me know if he’s recovered. Tell him and give him a thousand regards from me. I look forward to seeing you again, but this after the capture of Toulon; I dream only of Toulon; it’s my nec plus ultra. I will either perish or see its ruins. Is Patagon (Brune) in Paris? Remind me of him. Farewell, my dear Camille, tell me the story of Duplain Lunettes. Is it true that he is in prison? Attacking Chaplain! ah! he is such a good man! Tell me the reasons for his detention. Has he really changed? This is inconceivable. We are doing a lot of work here; we are impatiently awaiting the troops which were in front of Lyon and the siege artillery which we lack; without that the only thing we would make in Toulon would be clear water.  Answer me in grace; Ricord will give you my address.  I embrace you.  Fréron.  PS. You have known for a long time that I love your wife madly; I write to her about it, it is indeed the least consolation that can be obtained for an unhappy bunny, absent since eight months. As there is a fairly detailed article on La Poype, I invite you to read it. Adieu, both of you, think sometimes of the best of your friends; answer me as well as Rouleau (Lucile). 

Marseille, October 18 1793, year 2 of the republic one and indivisible How lucky Ricord is! So he is going to see you again, Lucile, and I, for a century, have been in exile. Communications between the southern departments with Paris have been closed for more than three months. Ever since they’ve been restored, I have wanted to write to you. A hundred times I have picked up the pen, and a hundred times it has fallen from my hand. He is leaving, this fortunate mortal, and I finally venture to give him this letter for you, the content of which he is unaware about. May it convince you, Lucile, that you have always been in my thoughts! Let Camille murmur about it, let him say all he wants about it, in that he will only act like all proprietor; but certainly he cannot do you the insult of thinking that he is the only one in the world who finds you lovable and has the right to tell you so. He knows it, that wretch of Bouli-Boula, because said in your presence: "I love Bunny because he loves Rouleau." 

This poor bunny has had a great deal of adventures; he has traversed furious burrows and he has stored up ample stories for his old age. He has often missed the wild thyme which your pretty hands in small strokes enjoyed feeding him in your garden in Bourg de l’Egalité. Besides, he was not below his mission, exposing his life several times to save the republic. In seeking the glory of a good deed, do you know what sustained him, what he always had before his eyes? First, the homeland, then, you. He only wanted and he only wants to be worthy of the both of you. You will find this romantic bunny and he is not bad at it. He remembers your idylls, your willows, your shrines and your bursts of laughter. He sees you trotting around your room, running over the floor, sitting down for a minute at your piano, spending whole hours in your armchair, dreaming, letting your imagination travel; then he sees you making coffee at the roadside, scrambling like an elf and cussing like a cat, showing your teeth. He enters your bedroom; he stealthily casts a longing eye on a certain blue bed, he watches you, he listens to you, and he keeps quiet. Isn’t that you! Isn’t that me! When will these happy moments return? I don’t know, I am now pressing the execrable Toulon, I am determined to either perish on its ramparts or to scale them, flame in hand. Death will be sweet and glorious to me as long as you reserve a tear for me.

My heart is torn, my mind devoted to a thousand cares, My sister and my niece, little Fanny, are locked up in Toulon in the hospital like unfortunates; I can't give them any relief and they may lack everything. La Poype, who adores her, but still more his homeland, besieges and presses this infamous city; he cannons and bombards it without reserve, and, as the price of such admirable devotion, he is calumniated, he is hampered, his efforts are paralyzed, he is left devoid of arms, cartridges, and artillery; they water him with bitterness, they cast doubts on his civism; and while Carteaux, to whom Albitte has made a colossal reputation, but who is in a condition to take Toulon no more than I am the moon, seeks, through the lowest jealousy, to lose him in the mind of the soldier, sometimes by passing him off as a counter-revolutionary, sometimes by spreading the rumor that he has emigrated and fled to Toulon. He alone attempts daring blows, and having made himself master of a fort which dominates Toulon, he would have taken that town in a week, if Carteaux had sent him the reinforcements he in vain asked for. One thing that must not be forgotten is that in the army of Italy, the traitor Brunet, the federalist Brunet, made La Poype pass for a Maratist and an outraged montagnard. Why? Because the staff of which he was the chief, had been composed by him only of Marseillois from the 10th of August and of Cordeliers. This is the truth. Make it known to your husband. Prevent from being oppressed the most patriotic general officer perhaps of all the armies, who has never contradicted himself; who has sacrificed his wife and child to the homeland; who began by besieging the Bastille with Barras and me; who since has not varied; who has worked for a long time with l’Orateur du Peuple; who was decreed in the affair of the Champ-de-Mars, etc, etc. I leave it to your so persuasive mouth to assert these titles.

I embrace you, divine Rouleau, dearer than all the rouleaux of gold and crowns that could be offered to me. I embrace you in hope, and I will date my happiness only from the day when I shall see you again. Remind me of your dear maman and of citizen Duplessis. Will you answer me? "Oh! no, Stanislas!”  Please answer me, if only because of La Poype. Show my letter to Camille, for I do not wish to make a mystery of anything. 

Lucile wrote a response to Fréron that has since gone missing, but it was clearly satisfying for him judging by his next letter, dated December 11 (incorrectly September 11 in the published correspondance) 1793 and addressed to Lucile:

No, my answer will not be delayed by eight months as you put it; the day before yesterday I received, read, reread and devoured your letter; and the pen does not fall from my hands when it comes to acknowledge receipt. What pleasure it gave me !... Pleasure all the more vivid than I dared to hope! You think, then, of that poor bunny, who, exiled far from your heaths, your cabbage, your wild thyme and the paternal dwelling, is consumed with grief at seeing the most constant efforts for the glory and the strengthening of the republic lost... They denounce me, they calumniate me, when all of the South proclaims that without our measures, as active as they are wise and energetic, all this country would be lost and given over to Lyon, Bordeaux and the Vendée. I did not deign to answer Hébert (Fréron (and La Poype) had been denounced at the Jacobins on November 8 by Hébert, who said he ”was nothing more than an aristocrat, a muscadin”). I thank your wolf for having defended me, but he, in his turn, is denounced. They want to take us one after the other, saving Robespierre for last. I invite your wolf to see Raphaël Leroy, commissioner of war for the Army of Italy, who saw me in the most stormy circumstances and the most critical situation in which a representative of the people has ever been. He will say if I am a muscadin, a dictator and an aristocrat. This Leroy is one of the first Cordeliers. Camille knows him; no one is in a better position to make the truth about La Poype and me triumph.

I dare say that never has a republican behaved with more self-sacrifice than your bunny. The fact that La Poype is my brother-in-law was enough for me to make it a rule to keep him away from all command-in-chief, albeit his rank and his seniority, but even more his foolproof patriotism called him there. From then on I foresaw everything that malevolence would not fail to spread. I’d rather be unjust towards La Poype, and make obvious privileges, than I’d give arms to slander, and make people suspect even that the most vicious motives of ambition or of particular interest were involved in my conduct for some reason. When Brunet was dismissed, what better opportunity to advance La Poype? He came to command naturally and by rank. He was the oldest officer-general of the army of Italy. Well! I dismissed him and we named the oldest member of the same army, a man who had only been a general of division for a fortnight, and yet La Poype wanted to sacrifice his wife and his child, saving the national representation, with the certainty that both were going to be delivered to the Toulonnais, which did indeed happen. And these are the men that the most execrable system of defamation pursues! Vulgar souls, muddy souls, you have lent us your baseness; you could not believe, still less reach the height of our sentiments; but the truth will destroy your infernal machinations; we will do our duty through all obstacles and disgusts; we will continue to be useful to the republic, to devote ourselves to its salvation; we will sacrifice our wives and our sisters to it; we will make to our fellow citizens the faithful presentation of our actions, our labors and our most secret thoughts, and we will say to our denouncers: have you produced more titles than us to the public esteem?

Dear Lucile, tell your wolf a thousand things from me; make sure he puts forward these reasons based on notorious facts. Pay him my compliment on his proud reply to Barnave; it is worthy of Brutus, our eternal model; I am like you; a gloomy uneasiness agitates me; I see a vast conspiracy about to break out within the republic; I see discord shake its torches among the patriots; I see ambitious people who want to seize the government, and who, to achieve this, do everything in the world to blacken and dismiss the purest men, men of means and character. I am proof of that. Robespierre is my compass; I perceive, in all the speeches he holds at the Jacobins, the truth of what I am saying here. I don't know if Camille thinks like me; but it seems to me that one wants to push the popular societies beyond their goal, and make them carry out, without them suspecting it, counter-revolution, by ultra-revolutionary measures. What has just happened in Marseille is proof of this. The municipals who had dared to give the order to two battalions of sans-culottes whom we had required to march on Toulon, not to obey the representatives of the people, and who, for this audacious and criminal act, were dismissed by us, were embraced and applauded in the popular society of Marseilles, as the victims of patriotism. Fortunately we have stifled any counter-revolutionary movement; the largest and most imposing measures were taken on the spot. Many intriguers who only saw in the revolution a means of making a fortune, or of satisfying revenge or particular hatreds, dominated and led society astray, all the more easily because they are interesting in the eyes of the people through the persecutions of the sections and a few months in prison. Do you believe that there were secret committees where the motion was made to arrest the representatives of the people? Within twenty-four hours, we have mixed up all these plots: Marseille is saved. It must be observed that this new conspiracy broke out the very day when the English pushed three columns upon our army before Toulon, and seized the battery of the convention, from which they were repulsed with a terrible loss on their side.

It is not useless to notice again that the aristocrats, the emissaries of Pitt, the false patriots, the patriots of money who see their small hopes destroyed by these acts of vigor, repeat with affectation what has been said about me by Hébert at the rostrum of the Jacobins. But the vast majority of true republicans do me justice. This is the harm produced by vague denunciations, made by a patriot against patriots. I see it well; Pitt and the people of Toulon, who doubt our energy because they have tested it on more than one occasion, want, by all possible means, to keep us away from the siege of Toulon, because it is known that we are going to strike the great blows. Well! let us be reminded; we are ready. The national representation did not cross our heads like so many others. Don't come here, lovable and dear Lucile, it's a terrible country, whatever people say, a barbaric country, when you've lived in Paris. I have no caves (cavernes) to offer you, but many cypresses. They grow here naturally. Tell your glutton of a husband that the snipes and thrushes here are better than the inhabitants. If it weren't so far from here in Paris, I would send him some, but you will receive some olives and oil. Farewell, dear Lucile, I am leaving immediately for the army. The general attack is about to begin; it will have taken place when you receive this letter. We are counting on great successes and to force all the posts and redoubts of the enemy with the bayonets. My sister is still locked up in Toulon. This consideration will not stop us: if she perishes, we will give tears to her ashes; but we will have returned Toulon to the republic. I thank you for your charming memory; La Poype, whom I do not see, because he is in his division, will be very sensitive to it. Farewell once again, madwoman, a hundred times mad, darling rouleau, bouli-boula of my heart; this is a very long letter; but I gave myself up to the pleasure of chatting with you, and I took the night for it. Tell loup-loup to write to me; he's a sloth. With regard to your reply to this one, it will probably take a year to arrive. What does it matter to me! On the contrary. It's clear as day. I remember those unintelligible sentences; I remember that piano, those melodies, that melancholy tone, abruptly interrupted by great bursts of laughter. Indefinable being!... Farewell.  I embrace the whole warren and you, Lucile, with tenderness and with all my soul.  Stanislas. 

PS - Don't forget me to the baby bunny (Horace) and his pretty grandmother Melpomène. I would also like to hear from Patagon (Brune), Saturn (Duplain) and Marius (Danton). The latter must have received a letter from me. I will write to him again. Make sure Camille communicates  the parts of this letter regarding La Poype, and that his eloquent voice pleads the cause of a friend always worthy of him, always worthy of the Cordeliers. Remind us of his memory, for we love him and are attached to him for life. Consternation is in Toulon. We have killed the English, at the last incident, all their grenadiers. The Spaniards are assassinating them with their stilettos. They have already stabbed thirty of them. It’s now or never to attack. So I am leaving; the cannonade will begin as soon as we will have arrived. We are going to win laurels or willows. Prepare, Lucile, what it is you intend for me. 

In the fifth number of the Vieux Cordelier, released January 5 1794, Camille did like Fréron had asked and defended both him and la Poype, clearly using Fréron’s letter as a source:

Note here that four weeks ago, Hebert presented to the Jacobins a soldier who came to heap pretentious praise on Carteaux and to discredit our two Cordeliers Fréron and La Poype who nevertheless had come close to taking Toulon in spite of envy and slander; because Hebert called Freron, just as he called me, a ci-devant patriot, a muscadin, a Sardanapalus, a viédasse. Take note citizens that Hebert has continued to insult Fréron and Barras for two months, to demand their recall to the Committee of Public Safety and to commend Carteaux, without whom General La Poype would perhaps have retaken Toulon six weeks ago, when he had already seized Fort Pharon. Take note that when Hébert saw that he could not influence Robespierre on the subject of Fréron because Robespierre knows the Old Cordeliers, because he knows Freron just as he knows me; note that it was then that this forged letter signed by Fréron and Barras arrived at the Committee for Public Safety, from where no one knows; this letter which so strongly resembled one which managed to arrive two days ago at the Quinze Vingts, which made out that d’Eglantine, Bourdon de l’Oise, Philippeaux and myself wanted to whip up the sections. Oh! My dear Fréron, it is by these crude artifices that the patriots of August 10 are undermining the pillars of the old district of the Cordeliers. You wrote ten days ago to my wife ”I only dream of Toulon, I will either perish there or return it to the republic, I’m leaving. The cannonade will begin as soon as I arrive; we are going to win a laurel or a willow: prepare one or the other for me.” Oh! My brave Fréron, we both wept with joy when we learned this morning of the victory of the republic, and that it was with laurels that we would go to meet you, and not with willows to meet your ash. It was in the assault with Salicetti and the worthy brother of Robespierre, that you responded to the calumnies of Hébert. Things are therefore the same both in Paris and Marseille! I will quote your words, because those of a conqueror will carry more weight than mine. You write to us in this same letter: I don't know if Camille thinks like me; but it seems to me that one wants to push the popular societies beyond their goal, and make them carry out, without them suspecting it, counter-revolution, by ultra-revolutionary measures. What has just happened in Marseille is proof of this. Oh well! My poor Martin (this could be a reference to the the drawing ”Martin Fréron mobbed by Voltaire” which depicts Fréron’s father Élie Fréron as a donkey called ”Martin F.”), were you therefore pursued by the Père Duchesnes of both Paris and Bouches-du-Rhône? And without knowing it, by that instinct which never misleads true republicans, two hundred leagues apart, I with my writing desk, you with your sonorous voice, we are waging war against the same enemies! But it is necessary to break with you this colloquium, and return to my justification. 

The very same day, Fréron wrote a third letter to Lucile. Again, the parts in italics were censored when the letter was first published in 1836:

You did not answer me, dearest Lucile, and my punctuality has so dumbfounded you that your astonishment still lasts. You had deferred my answer to eight months; you see if you are a good prophetess. I inform you with a sensitive pleasure (which you will share, I am sure) that my sister and my niece did not perish; that they found a way to wear themselves out in the dreadful night which preceded the surrender of Toulon. She is about to give birth. I informed her of the interest you took in her sad fate; she was very sensitive and asks me to show you her gratitude.  Answer me then, lazy that you are, and ungrateful, which is worse. One breaks the silence after a year, after centuries, and one gets, as thank you, a few words written in distraction, Bouli-Boula, what does it do to me? The bunny is desolute; he thinks of you constantly; he thought about you amid bombs and bullets, and he would have gladly said like that old gallant: Ah! if my lady saw me!  I realize with sorrow that you are upset, since Camille has been denounced by the same men who have pursued me at the Jacobins. I hope he will triumph over these attacks; I recognized his original touch in a few passages from his new journal; and I too am one of the old Cordeliers. Farewell, Lucile, wicked devil, enemy of bunnies. Has your wild thyme been harvested? I shall not delay, despite all my insults, to implore the favor of nibbling some from your hand. I asked for a month's leave to recover a bit; for I am exhausted with fatigue; afterwards I fly back into the bosom of the Convention, and I stealthily amaze myself on the grass with Martin on the paths of Bourg d’Égalité, under the eyes of la grande lapin? and in spite of your pots of water.  You'll have neither olives nor oil if I don't get a response from you. You can tell me whatever you like but I love you and embrace you, right under the nose of your jealous loup-loup. Goodbye once more.  Do not forget me to our shared friends. What has become of citoyenne Robert? A thousand things to your old loup-loup; I wanted to write to him, but time is short and the mail rushes me. Tell him to keep his imagination in check a little with respect to a committee of clemency. It would be a triumph for the counter-revolutionaries. Let not his philanthropy blind him; but let him make an all-out war on all industrial patriots.  Goodbye again, loveliest of rouleux. My respects to your good and beautiful maman. Give my regards to the baby bunny (Horace).  The letter reached Lucile within a week, but it’s with a tone less playful than Fréron’s that she answered it with on January 13 (cited in Camille Desmoulins and his wife (1874) by Jules Claretie):

Come back, Fréron, come back quickly. You have no time to lose; bring with you all the old Cordeliers you can meet up with; we have the greatest need of them. If it had pleased Heaven not to have ever dispersed them! You cannot have an idea of what is going on here! You are ignorant of everything, you only see a feeble glimmering in the distance, which can give you but a faint idea of our situation. Indeed, I am not surprised that you reproach Camille for his Committee of Clemency. He cannot be judged from Toulon. You are happy where you are; all has gone according to the wish of your heart; but we, calumniated, persecuted by the ignorant, the intriguing, and even by patriots; Robespière (sic) your compass, has denounced Camille at the Jacobins; he has had numbers 3 and 4 read, and has demanded that they should be burnt; he who had read them in manuscript. Can you conceive such a thing? For two consecutive sittings he has thundered, or rather shrieked, against Camille. At the third sitting Camille's name was struck off. Oddly enough, he made inconceivable efforts to have the cancelling reported; it was reported; but he saw that when he did not think or act according to their the will of a certain number of individuals, he was not all powerful. Marius (Danton) is not listened to any more, he is losing courage and vigour. D'Eglantine is arrested, and in the Luxembourg, under very grave charges. So he was not a patriot! he who had been one until now! A patriot the less is a misfortune the more.  The monsters have dared to reproach Camille with having married a rich woman. Ah! let them never speak of me; let them ignore my existence, let me live in the midst of a desert. I ask nothing from them, I will give up to them all I possess, provided I do not breathe the same air as they! Could I but forget them, and all the evils they cause us! I see nothing but misfortune around me. I confess, I am too weak to bear so sad a sight. Life has become a heavy burden. I cannot even think - thinking, once such a pure and sweet pleasure alas! I am deprived of it… My eyes fill with tears… I shut up this terrible sorrow in my heart; I meet Camille with a serene look, I affect courage that he may not lose his keep up his. You do not seem to me to have read his five numbers. Yet you are a subscriber. Yes, the wild thyme is gathered, quite ready. I plucked it amid many cares. I laugh no more; I never act the cat; I never play my piano; I dream no more, I am nothing but a machine now. I see no one, I never go out. It is a long time since I have seen the Roberts. They have gotten into difficulties through their own fault. They are trying to be forgotten.  Farewell, bunny, you will call me mad again. I am not, however, quite yet; I have still enough reason left to suffer. I cannot express to you my joy on learning that your dear sister had met with no accident; I have been quite uneasy since I heard Toulon was taken. I wondered incessantly what would be their fate. Speak to them sometimes of me. Embrace them both for me. I beg them to do the same to you, for me.  Do you hear! my wolf cries out: Martin, my dear Martin, here, thou art come that I may embrace thee; come back very soon. Come back, come back very soon; we are awaiting you impatiently. 

In number 6 of the Vieux Cordelier, released January 30 1794, Camille responds to Fréron’s critique regarding a committee of clemency while informing him that his father-in-law has gotten arrested: 

Beware, Fréron, that I was not writing my number 4 in Toulon, but here, where I assure you that everyone is in order, and where there is no need for the spur of Père Duchesne, but rather of the Vieux Cordelier's bridle; and I will prove it to you without leaving my house and by a domestic example. You know my father-in-law, Citizen Duplessis, a good commoner and son of a peasant, blacksmith of the village. Well! The day before yesterday, two commissioners from Mutius Scaevola's section (Vincent's section, that will tell you everything) came up to his house; they find law books in the library; and notwithstanding the decree that no one will touch Domat, nor Charles Dumoulin, although they deal with feudal matters, they raid half the library, and charge two pickers with the paternal books. […] An old clerk's wallet, which had been discarded, forgotten above a cupboard in a heap of dust, and which he had not touched or even thought about for perhaps ten years, and on which they managed discovered the imprint of a few fleur-de-lis, under two fingers of filth, completed the proof that citizen Duplessis was suspect, and thus he was locked up until the peace, and seals put on all the gates of this countryhouse where you remember, my dear Fréron, that we both found an asylum which the tyrant dared not violate after we were both ordered to be seized after the massacre of the Champ-de-Mars. 

Fréron was back in Paris by at least March 14, less than a month before the arrest and execution of Camille and Lucile. He is not confirmed to have tried to do anything to save his friends. Following their death, he does however appear to have laid low. He is not proven to have spoken at the Jacobins following March 26, and so far I haven’t found any recorded apperances at the Convention either. I don’t think it would be completely out of the blue to speculate in whether his choice to play an active role in the fall of Robespierre (he was one of nine deputies designated in the thermidorian pamphlet Conjuration formée dès le 5 préréal [sic] par neuf représentans du peuple contre Maximilien Robespierre, pour le poignarder en plein sénat (1794) to on May 24 1794 have formed a plan to stab him to death, and also spoke against the robespierrists during the session of 9 thermidor) to some extent was motivated by the urge to avenge his dead friends, especially since I can’t find any instance of Robespierre openly denouncing Fréron or anything to that effect.

When Fréron shortly after thermidor revived his journal l’Orateur du Peuple, he used it to rehabilitate Camille’s memory, but also used said memory as a weapon against the Jacobins. These are all mentions made of Camille and Lucile in the part of the journal currently digitalized:

[The Jacobin Club] threw from its bosom and sent to the scaffold the unfortunate Camille Desmoulins, who was guilty of no other crime than of having wanted to uncloak and put an end to those of this detestable faction.  Number 7 of l’Orateur du Peuple (September 26 1794).

Camille Desmoulins to the Jacobins of Paris: Citizens, I come to open your eyes to the abyss that is growing under your feet. I have just lifted you from the lethargic sleep into which it seems that a genius enemy of our joy and your safety had plunged you. Frenchmen, wake up! Never have the scroundels that do not show themselves, but who make their numerous beutenans act, according to the expression of Legendre, been more, in labor of the counter-revolution. They feel themselves lost, carried away, like in spite of themselves and tears; so to speak, in the tumbril of public opinion. [”Camille” then goes on to conduct Fréron’s politics for approximately seven pages, most of the entire number.] As it’s Robespierre who signed my passport for the other side, and who had the attention to send my wife there too eight days later, it’s him I must thank him for the good that I have now. […]  Number 9 of l’Orateur du Peuple (September 28 1794)

Have they (the Jacobins) overlooked and denounced the abhorrent tribunal of Robespierre and his co-dictators? No, they’ve even sent innocents there, such as Phelippeux [sic], Camille Desmoulins and many others.  Number 28 of l’Orateur du Peuple (October 19 1794)

In Réponse de Fréron, représentant du peuple, aux diffamations de Moyse Bayle (1795), we also find the following passage:

You (Bayle) who plunged the dagger (for your pen was the knife of our colleagues) into the bosom of Camille and Phelippeaux [sic]: your features cannot freighten me; I am stronger than your insults. […] A constant truth today, in Toulon, is that at most there were a hundred and fifty rebels immolated in the national revenge. In this regard, I appeal to my colleagues Barras, Ricord, Crevés, Rovére and all the inhabitants of the Medi: if I had only told Moyle Bayle this small number, we would have been recalled and guillotined as moderates and as being necessarily the same as this poor Camille, of the indulgent faction. 

And in Mémoire historique sur la réaction royale et sur les massacres du Midi (1824, published posthumously?) he writes:

During a dinner at citizen Formalguès’ where I found myself together with Legendre, Tallien, Barras and other deputies, the conversation fell on Camille Desmoulins, this child so naive and spiritual, murdered for having proposed a committee of clemency. I tell Lanjuinais, whom Camille had pleasantly called le pape of the Vendée, and who was sitting in front of me: ”But, Lanjuinais, if the poor Camille had lived, would you have him guillotined?”  ”Unquestionably,” responded the jansenist.  As I was very glad that other witnesses heard, from Lanjuinais' own mouth, this sweet monosyllable, in which his beautiful soul was depicted, I turned a deaf ear and began my sentence again. "Without difficulty, there is no question," resumed the holy man in an impatient tone; and thereupon one rose from the table, he made the sign of the cross, joined his hands, and said his graces. 

Furthermore, Fréron stayed in touch with Lucile’s mother Annette Duplessis, helping her get back the objects confiscated by the state after Camille and Lucile’s execution, obtaining the pension their son Horace in 1796 had been promised by the Council of Five Hundred, and making sure Horace got a good education at the Prytanée Français (former Louis-le-Grand):

I have just written to Fréron, as we agreed. This is what I think you ought to ask of him:  1. Being your children’s friend, that he should take all neccesary steps in Horace’s favour with the committees.  2. That he should claim for him the family papers and his father’s manusscript.  3. That he should claim for Horace the family books; they also will be useful for his instruction; they are indispensable for the supply of his wants; besides, this justice has already been done to Citizen Boucher’s widow, therefore there is a precedent for it.  Committees composed of the friends of justice ought to be proud to being useful to the orphans of patriots. Fréron and his friends cannot refuse to act in concert with you. Greetings and friendship.  Brune in a letter to Annette Duplessis, March 3 1795

22 vêntose year 8 I’ve spoken to the Minister of the Interior, Madame, about your (votre) position and that of Horace with so much interest that you inspire in me. He finds it right that the son of Camille Desmoulins enters the Prytanée Français. He told me about it, but it is essential that the child knows how to read and write perfectly before his admission. I will have the honor of seeing you over the next décade, and we will discuss together the procedure to follow; I do not doubt for a single moment the success, based on the way the minister responded to me. You personally have not been forgotten. I told him (because he was unaware) that the National Convention had granted you a pension, which was not paid, and has never been paid, I fear. He is equally prepared to make you receive it. You must send me, 1. the Convention’s decree or the copy of it; 2. your demand or petition, without forgetting to specify since when your pension has not been paid. Citizen Omae? will arrive in 15 days. Yesterday I saw his wife who had just learned of the news through a letter he sent her this Thursday. A thousand hugs to the charming little Horace, and a thousands attachments to his good maman. On the first fine day I’m going to early in the morning read and re-read all the packages from Bourg Égalité and the idyll of the most lovable woman I have known. Salut and respect.  Fréron. Fréron in a letter to Annette Duplessis, March 13 1800

Aside from these two letters, there’s also several unpublished ones, one dated February 20 1795 through which we learn that Fréron, with the help of deputies Aubry, Tallien, Ysabeau and Rovère obtained a reprieve on the sale of Camille’s confiscated bed and libary, which they managed to save for Horace, one dated March 1 1795 and co-authored by Fréron and Laurance to the commissioners handling the sale of the property of convicts of the section of the Théatre-Français, one dated June 17 1800 from Fréron to Annette regarding Horace’s schooling (all of these were mentioned in Camille et Lucile Desmoulins: un rêve de république), and finally one dated April 27 1800 Fréron adressed to Duplain, promising his support to Napoleon so that Horace could enter the Prytanée Français (mentioned in Journaliste, sans-culotte et thermidorien: le fils de Fréron: 1754-1802 (1909).

Finally, according to Marcellin Matton, Fréron named his two children Camille and Lucile in honor of his dead friends. However, I’ve not found any information about said children (which, if they existed at all, must have been illegitimate since Fréron never married) anywhere, neither in Fréron’s family tree nor in the 1909 biography, so perhaps Matton is mistaken here…

[utank]

Mayotte

Un tiers de la population est sans papiers. Seule la moitié des habitants est française (ayant droit aux aides). Les statistiques concernent les habitations cadastrales (très minoritaires), et on sent le déni colonial partout dans les analyses journalistiques.

À Mayotte, on est dans les affres les plus extrêmes de la République. Une population blanche et assimilée, privilégiée de fait, utilise au quotidien l’avantage d’une population sous-payée qui vit sous les radars et au rabais, du fait de logements informels, de salaires au noir et d’une volonté de se faire oublier.

Ces populations échappent donc à toute règle, qu’elle soit sanitaire ou locative. Les propriétaires des parcelles indiquaient certainement qu’elles étaient squattées, mais les logeurs et les loyers existent partout ! Les propriétaires fonciers touchaient-ils une part des loyers (vu la densité de masures au mètre carré, la somme globale doit être conséquente) ? On ne le saura pas in fine, mais cet argent partait forcément quelque part… On peut imaginer, en revanche, la collusion tacite des autorités et les corruptions administratives et policières qui permettent à ces situations de perdurer. On les constate jusqu’en métropole, c’est dire...

Les revendications de ces travailleurs n’ont jamais abouti qu’à des sanctions pénales, des expulsions préfectorales, qui ne peuvent aboutir vu les relations avec les Comores. En revanche, les cercles mafieux, les marchands de rêve et les proxénètes, eux, échappent à toute mise au pas. Mais pas les soi-disant "meneurs politiques" des émeutes revendicatrices et donc démocratiques. Ces derniers se retrouvent déportés et neutralisés d’une manière ou d’une autre.

Et c’est là que la vase de la politique postcoloniale resurgit sous la fine pellicule de ciment tout frais. On retrouve du Bob Denard, des juntes mafieuses islamistes, des retournements d’ennemis et des sabordages d’anciens alliés. Cela ressemble à d’autres situations coloniales, mais celle-ci est tardive (1975) et tellement éloignée. Et elle concerne un président encore connu : Giscard.

Comme en Kanaky ou à Mururoa, le lointain révèle nos parts les plus sombres et les salauds les plus aventuriers de nos gouvernements. Il faut bien comprendre toutes les opérations secrètes des années 1975-1980, et celles qui vont suivre, pour estimer les soi-disant "indépendances" des pays et territoires sous l’emprise française.

Cela se traduit dans l’imaginaire et la création par la vague des romans d’espionnage des années 1980, notamment la série SAS. Gérard de Villiers avait ses entrées chez les salauds opérationnels. "Mais pas que" ! En reprenant une enseigne de transport aérien (au départ), puis sa concurrente Air France, en mélangeant les symboles du luxe petit bourgeois (Cognac Gaston Delagrange VSOP, Seiko Quartz pour SAS) et les attributs aristocratiques, il magnifiait un sexe de droite (souvent tarifé ou conditionnel, pornographique, éjaculateur précoce, violent, souvent abusif ou torturant).

Ces récits vantent les espions, barbouzes, agents secrets et leurs gadgets électroniques, mécaniques, connectiques, leurs poisons et leurs armes. Tout cela nous ramène à l’actualité explosive et à la tech meurtrière, qui a toujours la préférence de nos dirigeants. (Les années 1980, c’est le gadget partout et la poudre de perlimpinpin dans le nez ou dans les veines, pour mémoire.)

La France reproduit dangereusement ses dérives postcoloniales et ses dénis d’ingérence et de manipulation. Une transparence sur les actions passées, un enseignement des pratiques réelles et des faits permettraient de ne pas projeter toute une population métropolitaine dans des fantasmes républicains d’une France réifiée.

Non, De Gaulle n’était pas un "émancipateur" des peuples colonisés par leurs indépendances, et surtout pas par leur assimilation citoyenne. Il visait "l’intérêt supérieur de la nation", qui se confondait depuis l’avènement de la République avec celui des grandes compagnies marchandes coloniales.

Non, Giscard ne souhaitait pas l’accès des peuples colonisés à une revendication "majoritaire" en leur sein, quelle qu’elle fût. Les gouvernements successifs ont toujours privilégié l’accès aux ressources, la mainmise économique et les intérêts particuliers, ceci par des opérations secrètes, des manœuvres politiciennes et économiques. Ce sont des faits qui méritent l’éclairage pour une compréhension des situations catastrophiques qui s’enchaînent et de l’incurie des services de l’État aux confins de ses territoires.

On rappelle que ces services sont en mesure d’affréter à prix d’or un jet dans l’heure pour acheminer un tout nouveau Premier ministre vers ses obligations cumulatives d’élu, d’où il se permettra d’allouer une somme dérisoire, mais prélevée sur les fonds publics, à l’aide humanitaire pour Mayotte.

[empiredesimparte]

Live broadcast of ‘Le Sacre de Napoléon V’ on the national channel Francesim 2, hosted by Stéphane Bernard

(Another journalist) It was an incredible moment of emotion! All of Francesim was in suspense during the coronation of Their Majesties! (Stéphane Bernard) I agree with you. If I may, dear friend, I would like to draw your attention to the sanctity and seriousness of the images we have just seen. Despite their youth, it now seems quite clear to me that Their Majesties fully and worthily embody their roles. These solemn moments testify to their profound commitment and the grandeur of their imperial mission. (Another journalist) You're right. I am not a believer, but the ceremony was very beautiful.

(Stéphane Bernard) It’s not over yet: Their Majesties must now proceed to the Grand Trône. We have witnessed the profession of faith, the triple anointing, and the coronation. Now, the imperial couple must be enthroned, and the Emperor must pronounce the Constitutional Oath he makes with the French People. This crucial moment marks the Emperor's solemn commitment to his nation, reinforcing the indissoluble ties between the sovereign and his subjects.

(Another journalist) Tell us a bit about this famous oath, Stéphane. (Stéphane Bernard) Of course. As you can see in the images, Their Majesties are leaving the Petit Trône to be enthroned. After this enthronement, which includes the blessing of the imperial throne by His Holiness, the Emperor will pronounce the Oath. In the past, both Napoleon I and Napoleon IV swore with their hands on the Gospel. However, it seems that Napoleon V will adopt a different approach, marking a new stage in the imperial tradition. (Another journalist) What does this oath entail? (Stéphane Bernard) It is a constitutional oath. Symbolically, it means that the Emperor swears to submit to the Will of the French People. Imperial law promises to preserve the achievements of the French Revolution. This is precisely how the empire distinguished itself from the kings of Francesim, a sort of reconciliation between the Republic and the Monarchy.

⚜ Le Sacre de Napoléon V | N°12 | Francesim, Paris, 28 Thermidor An 230

The imperial couple are crowned and leave the cathedral choir. They now go to the Great Throne to be enthroned. It was broadcast live on television by Stéphane Bernard, the famous journalist covering crowned heads in Francesim.

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⚜ Traduction française

(Autre journaliste) C'était un formidable moment d'émotion ! Toute la Francesim était dans un flottement pendant le couronnement de Leurs Majestés ! (Stéphane Bernard) Je suis d'accord avec vous. Si vous le permettez, cher ami, j'aimerais attirer votre attention sur la sacralité et le sérieux des images que nous venons de voir. Malgré leur jeunesse, il me semble maintenant tout à fait évident que Leurs Majestés incarnent pleinement et dignement leur fonction. Ces moments solennels témoignent de leur engagement profond et de la grandeur de leur mission impériale. (Autre journaliste) Vous avez raison. Je ne suis pas croyant, mais la cérémonie était très belle.

(Stéphane Bernard) Ce n'est pas terminé : Leurs Majestés doivent maintenant rejoindre le Grand Trône. Nous avons assisté à la profession de foi, à la triple onction et au couronnement. À présent, le couple impérial doit être intronisé, et l'Empereur doit prononcer le Serment sacré qu'il fait avec le Peuple français. Ce moment crucial marque l'engagement solennel de l'Empereur envers sa nation, renforçant les liens indéfectibles entre le souverain et ses sujets.

(Autre journaliste) Parlez-nous un peu de ce fameux serment, Stéphane. (Stéphane Bernard) Bien sûr. Comme vous pouvez le voir sur les images, Leurs Majestés quittent le Petit Trône pour se faire introniser. Après cette intronisation, c’est-à-dire la bénédiction du trône impérial par Sa Sainteté, l’Empereur prononcera le Serment sacré. Autrefois, Napoléon Ier et Napoléon IV avaient prêté serment la main sur l'Évangile. Cependant, il semble que Napoléon V adoptera une approche différente, marquant ainsi une nouvelle étape dans la tradition impériale. (Autre journaliste) Que dit ce serment ? (Stéphane Bernard) C'est un serment constitutionnel. Symboliquement, ça signifie que l'Empereur jure de se soumettre à la Volonté du Peuple français. Si vous voulez, le droit impérial promet de conserver les acquis de la Révolution française. C'est précisément en cela que l'empire se démarquait des rois de Francesim, une sorte de conciliation entre la République et la Monarchie.