#patriarchal violence

[if-you-fan-a-fire]

"Domestically, ribu was born through the contradictions of the radical political formations of the '68 era, including the anti-Vietnam War, New Left, and student movements. Many ribu activists had experienced the radicalism of the student movements and sectarian struggles of the New Left. As defectors from existing leftist movements, ribu activists were conversant and in critical dialogue with the ongoing struggles such as those of the Sanrizuka, Shibokusa, Zainichi, and Buraku liberation activists, the politics of occupied Okinawa, and other movements including immigration, labor rights, and pollution. Following other radical movements of Japan's '68, horizontal relationality was privileged in reaction to the rigid hierarchies of the established left and many New Left sects. The movement involved a decentralized network of autonomous ribu groups that organized across the nation, from Hokkaido to Ayashi; with no formal leader, its leading activists were Japanese women in their twenties and early thirties.

Ribu's birth was traumatic and exhilarating. Having experienced a spectrum of sexist treatment and sexualized violence while organizing with leftist men, from verbal abuse to sexual assault and rape, ribu activists revolted against the myriad ways that sexism and misogyny were endemic across leftist culture. Women typically supported male leadership through domestic labor, by cleaning, cooking, and other housekeeping duties. There were instances when young women activists were referred to as public toilets [benjos] and assaulted and raped by leftist male activists. In some cases, the rape of the women of rival leftist sects became part of the New Left's tactics of uchi geba [internal violence or conflict]. In 1968, Oguma Eiji describes such incidents of sexual violence. Ribu activists spoke, wrote, and testified about their experiences of sexism, assault, and rape at the hands of leftist male activists. Given such forms of sexual violence that were hidden, too often, in the shadows of Japan's 1968, how did ribu women respond?

Never before in the records of Japanese history had ink sprayed such rage-filled declarations of revolt against Japanese heteropatriarchy and sexist men. The slogans of the movement, like the "liberation of sex and the "liberation from the toilet" [benjo kara no kaiho], unleashed an unprecedented flurry of militant feminist denunciations. With minikomi (alternative media] titles such as Onna no hangyaku [Woman's Mutiny] and art evoking images of vaginas with spikes, ribu activists raised a political banner that had never been so explicit and bold in its declaration of sexual oppression and sexual discrimination.

Ribu activists reacted to the counterculture movement of the 1960s and the sexual revolution. Some of its earliest activists, such as Yonezu Tomoko, criticized the "free love" espoused by male activists even while they emphasized the importance of politicizing sex. Along with her student comrade Mori Setsuko, Yonezu named their cell "Thought Group SEX," and painted "SEX" on their helmets the first time they disrupted a campus event at Tama Arts University in Tokyo. Sex and sexuality emerged as key concepts in ribu's manifestos for human liberation. The politicization of sex was a revolt against the sexism in mainstream society and the Japanese left. Heralding the importance of liberating sex also distinguished ribu from former Japanese women's liberation movements, Tanaka Mitsu, a leading activist and theorist of the movement, harshly criticized previous women's movements, saying that the "hysterical unattractiveness" of those "scrawny women" was due to their having to become like men. The brazen and contemptuous tone of their manifestos was a stark departure from past political speech about women's liberation.

This emphasis on sexual liberation evinced ribu's affinity with US radical feminist movements that also exploded in 1970." Ribu activists recognized their shared conditions when they heard news of women's liberation movements emerging in the United States. Information about these movements flowed into Japan via news and alternative media, as documented by Masami Saitō. Japan's largest newspapers, the Yomiuri and Asahi Shimbun, printed photos of thousands of women protesters in the streets of New York City for the August 26, 1970, Women's Strike. Anti-war posters with defaced US flags decorated the walls of ribu communes and organizing centers." Activists from the United States and Europe visited ribu centers." This cross-border exchange among activists also characterized the internationalist spirit of '68 and a common desire for liberation.

Like so many others around the world, ribu activists were also inspired by the Black Power movement and attempted to follow its lead. This passage from a ribu pamphlet evinces how ribu activists were emboldened by Black Power struggles - as were radical feminists in the United States - and drew new lines of departure and separation from the leftist men with whom they had been organizing.

By calling white cops "pigs," Blacks struggling in America began to constitute their own identity by confirming their distance from white- centered society in their daily lives. This being the beginning of the process to constitute their subjectivity, whom then should women be calling the pigs?... First, we have to strike these so-called male revolutionaries whose consciousness is desensitized to their own form of existence. We have to realize that if we don't strike our most familiar and direct oppressors, we can never "overthrow Japanese imperialism"... Those men who possess such facile thoughts as, "Since we are fighting side by side, we are of the same-mind," are the pigs among us."

For leftist women to be calling leftist male revolutionaries pigs constituted a kind of declaration of war against sexism in their midst and their newfound enemy-sexist leftist men. When women of the left began to identify this intimate enemy, this moment of dis-identification with Japanese leftist men constituted a decisive epistemic break. Their conflict with sexist male comrades forced these women to recognize that they had to redefine their relationship to the revolution from the specificity of their own subject position."

- Setsu Shigematsu, "'68 and the Japanese Women's Liberation Movement," in Gavin Walker, ed., The Red Years: Theory, Politics and Aesthetics in the Japanese ‘68. London and New York: Verso, 2020. p. 79-82

[feminism-of-course]

Feminism is for everybody (2015 ed.)

bell hooks

Chapter 11: Ending Violence

Notes & quotes

•••••

Patriarchal violence: a term that acts as a broader alternative to ’domestic violence’; patriarchal violence includes male violence against women, violence in same-sex relationships, and adult violence against children (by both men and women); this term links domestic violence to sexism and to cultural norms of domination and hierarchical power relations.

”Patriarchal violence in the home is based on the belief that it is acceptable for a more powerful individual to control others through various forms of coercive force.” (p.61)

Feminism should strive to end all violence, including patriarchal violence against children by both men and women. We should not focus exclusively on male violence against women, and we should not forget that women can also be perpetrators and supporters of patriarchal violence.

”Had all feminist thinkers expressed outrage at patriarchal violence perpetrated by women, placing it on an equal footing with male violence against women, it would have been and will be harder for the public to dismiss attention given patriarchal violence by seeing it as an anti-male agenda.” (p.63)

Women who believe that it is justified to use violence or force to maintain authority and control, enable patriarchal violence, and may use force to dominate their children. Women should change their thinking and acknowledge their role in perpetuating/condoning patriarchal violence.

My understanding is that hooks believes that patriarchal violence is caused by a ”culture of domination” in which everyone agrees to maintain social hierarchies through violence or threats of violence.

Associating masculinity with power leads unemployed and working-class men—who are not in power outside the home—to seek power domestically, to dominate their female partners, through violence if necessary. To end male violence against women, we must end sexism and leave the ideal of dominant masculinity behind.

Imperialist militarism, the use of force to dominate other countries, encourages men to be violent and dominant, which upholds the norm of male violence against women and children.

”[I]t is especiall vital that parents learn to parent in nonviolent ways. For our children will not turn away from violence if it is the only way they know how to handle difficult situations.” (p.66)

[taliabhattwrites]

[whatisonthemoon]

On March 8, the feminist movement flooded the streets of Mexico as part of a global day of mobilization. Among these thousands of women and dissidents, the main demand was an end to femicide and sexist violence.

In Mexico, femicide is a phenomenon that notoriously spread in the 1990s. Ciudad Juárez, one of the largest working-class cities in the country, thanks to rapid industrialization under the Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), constantly appeared in the international press owing to the high level of women murdered within its city limits.

The relocation of production during the neoliberal period allowed for the rise of Ciudad Juárez as an industrial zone because of its abundant migrant labor and its advantageous location on the border for the transfer of goods. This proved lucrative for imperialism and the bourgeoisie on both sides of the Río Bravo, given how close it is to El Paso, Texas. In this context, femicide and trafficking networks spread.

While the mothers of victims, activists, women, and human rights organizations continue to fight for justice and denounce the violence, the authorities have announced various policies supposedly aimed at curtailing this brutal scourge, which hits working women with special viciousness. Far from solving the problem, their “solutions” have instead confirmed the state’s complicity and apathy.

Full article: https://www.leftvoice.org/femicide-the-face-of-a-patriarchal-capitalist-society/

[lemonsharkgirlfriend]

everyone's joking about a lesbian love triangle being the focus of rhaenyra/alicent/mysaria's stories in hotd s3 but that will literally be what happens when mysaria acts to uphold and support the image of rhaenyra as queen (or rhaenyra's duty) and alicent is kept prisoner (or a hidden but unavoidable reminder of rhaenyra's love). and so the love triangle will serve to represent rhaenyra's internal conflict between love and duty

[only10th]

Thinking how… an alternative to after the nightless city massacre, wwx wasn’t as catatonic and he was aware that lwj was there but kept thinking it was a mirage. Lwj confessing his feelings and wwx just starts crying, sobbing and laughing.

“Ah… Lan Zhan, Lan Zhan… I wish you would’ve told me sooner. It’s too late. You’re too late. You’re too late, you’re too late—“

“Wei Ying—!”

“You’re too late, Lan Zhan. I wish you would’ve told me.” At this point wwx hysterical, “There’s nothing left to love, there’s nothing left. You’re too late… Lan Zhan… I wish you were here… I’ve loved you since…”

“Wei Ying… I’m here. I’m here, please… look at me.” LWJ voice breaks as he caresses the man’s face, finding nothing but the sharpness at the lack of mass. “Come back to Gusu with me. I… I am begging you…”

Wwx shakes his head, tears still streaming freely down his cheeks. “I loved you so much… it’s too late now… you’re too late. Hah, you were right… all this time. I couldn’t control it. I couldn’t… now look what I’ve done… How stupid and arrogant of me, to let myself want to survive… I should’ve d-died when I was tossed in the Burial Mounds—“ a laugh full of hysteria bursts out of his chest, a hunted version of the laugh LWJ had come to love. “I should’ve died… no one would’ve missed me…”

“That’s not true—!” LWJ insists, holding his face more firmly, dull silver eyes looking at him. The instantly shatter, wwx shaking his head violently.

“Shut up… just shut up. Shut up shut up shut up!” Wwx screams, attempting to push the other man away. “Every time… e-every time you use his face! Haven’t you taken enough from me…?!”

Wwx finally manages to shove a stunned Lwj away from him, hands instantly flying up to cover his ears. “Stop taking his face… stop using his voice… you think I don’t know?! Why would Lan Zhan be here! Stop it stop it stop it stop it! I can’t take it anymore I can’t take it! Please, just get lost! Leave me alone, please!”

The sobs wrenching from his chest make the Lan cultivator fall to his knees, but not without pulling the love of his life in a tight embrace. He wouldn’t run away, not anymore. He knew where he belonged… so he held him tighter, the earth shattering wails growing louder the more he begged for death.

[if-you-fan-a-fire]

"Ribu's anti-imperialist feminist discourse would later manifest in its solidarity protests against kisaeng tourism. This sex tourism involved Japanese businessmen traveling to South Korea to partake in the sexual services of young South Korean women who worked at clubs called kisaengs. Ribu's protests against kisaeng tourism represented how the liberation of sex combined with ribu's anti-imperialism and enabled new kinds of transnational feminist solidarity based on a concept of women's sexual exploitation and sexual oppression. From ribu's perspective, this form of tourism represented the reformation of Japanese economic imperialism in Asia. They were not against sex work by Japanese women, but opposed to the continued sexual exploitation of Korean women as a resurgence of the gendered violence of imperialism: Ribu activists hence connected imperialism and sexual oppression of colonized women to the continuing sexual exploitation of Korean women in the 1970s. In this way, they were able to expand the leftist critique of imperialism and, at the same time, point to the fault lines and inadequacies of the left.

In her critique of the left, Tanaka points to its failure to have a theory of the sexes.

Even in movements that are aiming towards human liberation, by not having a theory of struggle that includes the relation between the sexes. the struggle becomes thoroughly masculinist and male-centered (dansei-chushin shugi].

According to ribu activists, this male-centered condition infected not only the theory of the revolution and delimited its horizon, but it created a gendered concept of revolution that privileged masculinist hierarchies within the culture of the left. Ribu activists decried the hypocrisy of the left and what it deemed to be the all-too-frequent egotistical posturing of the "radical men" who "eloquently talked about solidarity, the inter national proletariat and unified will," but did not really consider women part of human liberation. Ribu activists rebelled against Marxist dogma and rejected these gendered hierarchies that valued knowledge of the proper revolutionary theory over lived experience and relationships. Moreover, ribu activists criticized what they experienced as masculinist forms of militancy that privileged participation in street battles with the riot police as the ultimate sign of an authentic revolutionary. While being trained to use weapons, activists like Mori Setsuko questioned whether engaging in such bodily violence was the way to make revolution. Ribu's rejection and criticism of a hierarchy that privileged violent confrontation forewarned of the impending self-destruction within the New Left.

...

News of URA [United Red Army] lynchings, released in 1972, devastated the reputation of the New Left in Japan, and many across the left condemned these actions. This case of internalized violence within the left marked its demise. Although ribu activists were likewise horrified by such violence expressed against comrades, many ribu activists responded in a profoundly radical manner that I have theorized elsewhere as "critical solidarity." Ribu activists had already refused to lionize the tactics of violence; hence, they in no way supported the violent internal actions of the URA. However, rather than simply condemning the URA leaders and comrades as monsters and nonhumans [hi-ningen), they sought to comprehend the root of the problem. They recognized that every person possesses a capacity for violence, but that society prohibits women from expressing their violent potential. In response to the state's gendered criminalization of Nagata as an insurgent and violent woman, ribu activists practiced what I describe as feminist critical solidarity specifically for the women of the URA. Ribu activists went in support to the court hearings and wrote about their experience and critical observations of how URA members were being treated. By visiting the URA women at the detention centers, consequently, ribu activists came under police surveillance. Ribu activists enacted solidarity in ways that were tot politically pragmatic but instead philosophically motivated. Their response involved a capacity for radical self-recognition in the loathsome actions of the other. Activists wrote extensively about Nagata - for example, Tanaka described Nagata in her book Inochi no onna-tachi e [To Women with Spirit] as a kind of "ordinary" woman whom she could have admired, except for the tragedy of the lynching incidents. In 1973, Tanaka wrote a pamphlet titled "Your Short Cut Suits You, Nagata!" in response to the state's gendered criminalization of the URA's female leader, the deliberate publication of such humanizing discourse evinces ribu's efforts to express solidarity with the women who were arguably the most vilified females of their time. Hence, ribu engaged in actions that supported these criminalized others even when the URA'S misguided pursuit of revolution resulted in the unnecessary deaths of their own comrades. Through ribu's critical solidarity with the URA, they modeled the imperative of imperfect radical alliances, opening up a philosophically motivated relationality with abject subjects and a new horizon of counter-hegemonic alliances against the dominant logic of heteropatriarchal capitalist imperialism.

While the harsh criticism of the left was warranted and urgently needed given the deep sedimentation of pervasive forms of sexist practice, it should be noted that, at the outset of the movement, there were various ways in which ribu's intimate relationship with other leftist formations characterized its emergence. At ribu's first public protest, which was part of the October 21 anti-war day, some women carried bamboo poles and wooden staves as they marched in the street, jostling with the police." Ribu did not advocate pacifism; its newspapers regularly printed articles on topics such as "How to Punch a Man." During ribu protests from 1970-2, some ribu activists-as noted, with Yonezu and Mori - still wore helmets that were markers of one's political sect and a common student movement practice."

- Setsu Shigematsu, “'68 and the Japanese Women’s Liberation Movement,” in Gavin Walker, ed., The Red Years: Theory, Politics and Aesthetics in the Japanese ‘68. London and New York: Verso, 2020. p. 89-90, 91-92

[thesmokinpossum]

If My Body Could Speak, Blythe Baird | The Godfather, Mario Puzo | My Father's House, Sylvia Fraser | To The Daughter Who Secretly Longs For Her Mother’s Affection, Lynne Shako | Storms from Jupiter, Wanda Deglane | DO NOT REPLY, @filmnoirsbian

[genderkoolaid]

i think trans-affirming cisfeminism's problem is that it views trans people as a way of analyzing cis gender relations, so trans women are going from the status of cis men to cis women, & trans men vice-versa. there is no appreciation for "trans" as its own status, because that would require viewing transphobia as something the patriarchy does on purpose instead of like. something it trips into on its quest to oppress cis women exclusively. and this is also why by and large feminism (including trans feminists) has fucked sucked at talking about NB/GQ people's experiences without binarizing them

[miiju86]

All symptoms of the very same system. Even in "the west", patriarchy/androcracy, with all its enforcing, never got abolished - we only live under a slightly reformed version of it.

This shit never stopped. Female bodies, women, have always been the most vulnerable to accusations of witchcraft and still die for it today.

[yuri-for-businesswomen]

tw: sexual violence. this essay by ananya pandya is really good, here are some excerpts

her instagram is @/jesuswasajock

[whatisonthemoon]

Mass Wedding of Korean Fundamentalists and Filipinas Arouses Suspicions (1996)

Union of Catholic Asian News - January 29, 1996

Philippine officials suspect the Jan. 23 wedding of 983 Korean-Filipina "couples" was a ploy to recruit housemaids and sex partners.

Even if their suspicions are proved correct, however, Bureau of Immigration (BI) officials said it would be difficult to prevent the Philippine women from joining their "husbands" in South Korea.

In their crisp tuxedos and layers of silk and tulle, rows and rows of couples exchanged vows without marriage licenses or contracts, but the BI alleged that the witnesses had no authority to solemnize the weddings.

The grooms, members of Seoul-based Holy Spirit Association for Unification of World Christianity, met their brides for the first time at the wedding.

The witnesses, Koreans Chung Huwang Kwak and Byung Wooh Kim, were summoned the next day by BI Commissioner Leandro Verceles. The two promised to submit documents supporting their verbal claim of authority to solemnize marriages.

"This could be a case of mail-order-bride-in-reverse operation which is illegal under our laws," Verceles said, adding that he will "observe with extreme caution" before he approves the departure of the Filipino brides.

Verceles asked immigration officials at Ninoy Aquino International Airport (NAIA) to prevent the brides´ departure while investigations are in process.

The Koreans left in several groups the day after the wedding.

"It is my obligation to confirm whether that wedding ceremony was sanctioned under Philippine laws and to verify if those couples had obtained the proper licenses to contract marriage," Verceles further said.

Charges will be filed against the two Korean witnesses if they fail to produce the necessary papers, he added.

Verceles admitted that stopping the Filipinas from leaving could be difficult. He told UCA News two days after the wedding that BI did not have the names of the brides.

Korea-bound women would be difficult to spot if they flew through a non-visa country, such as those in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, he said.

Verceles said 300 Filipino women who claimed to be members of the Church led by Korean Reverend Sun Myung-moon, popularly known as Moonies, were barred by NAIA immigration agents from leaving last November.

He said he suspects the women were among those in the January mass wedding.

Quoting a Department of Foreign Affairs report, Verceles said Moonies have sponsored the large-scale recruitment of Filipinas to work in South Korea.

The document said that late last year, 184 Filipinas were taken to South Korea aboard a chartered plane. They reportedly proceeded to a "training center" where they were housed for three days before being deployed as domestic helpers and prostitutes.

On Jan. 23 the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration said South Korea needs 40,000 workers "to give ailing small companies a shot in the arm."

However, Korean firms recruit workers as "trainees" instead of full-fledged employees. The Korea Research Institute for Workers´ Human Rights has described the trainee system as "a hotbed for illegal resident status."

According to a confidential report from the Philippine Embassy in Seoul, the January grooms paid US$2,000 each for the wedding so they could have housemaids and "sex partners."

For the Koreans, it was a matter of "a business transaction," wrote Rodolfo Dumapias, embassy minister counselor, in his advisory to local officials.

In the absence of proper documents, Dumapias said he feared that "The Filipino women might be drawn into situations in which they may be subjected to systematic exploitation."

Dumapias revealed that the wife of a previously married "Unification (Church) man" had called the embassy to report that she was brought by her husband to many other Korean men "for their sexual satisfaction."

The Filipina was also reportedly made to do all the house chores for her husband´s entire family.

https://www.ucanews.com/story-archive/?post_name=/1996/01/30/mass-wedding-of-korean-fundamentalists-and-filipinas-arouses-suspicions&post_id=6921

[evidence-based-activism]

Is male circumcision as harmful as female circumcision? I have had multiple discussions about this, but someone said that certain types of FGM are equally or less invasive than MGM

Hi! No, no it is not.

Male circumcision

So, the big question about male circumcisions is if it's ethical or not. A while ago, I would have said, no definitely not, since it's a violation of bodily autonomy. However, someone has since pointed out to me that we do a lot of things to infants (and children) that are technically violations of bodily autonomy.

We consider this morally acceptable because we are providing some intervention that they (the children) are not capable of either requesting or refusing on the basis of it's benefits outweighing the harms. The best example of this, in my opinion, is vaccines. We give children a lot of vaccines because we know that they have (and do) substantially lower the chance of the child getting sick and/or dying from a preventable disease. In this case, the minor violation of bodily autonomy (vaccination of a child) is permitted because waiting until they are able to give their consent would introduce a substantially larger risk of harm.

How does this relate to male circumcision? Given this framework, we could accept male circumcision if (1) there are benefits to the procedure, (2) the benefits outweigh any risk of harm, (3) waiting until the child is able to consent to the procedure is not feasible (i.e., some significant portion of the benefits would be lost).

There is some mixed evidence for these three claims. Evidence in favor includes:

There are a number of reviews [1-3] by the same team that provide support for all three points. In particular this review [3] directly reviews the evidence of "arguments opposing male circumcision", debunking each one in detail. However, the fact that they are all by the same team is less encouraging. The evidence here is substantial, but there's a potential for bias.

That being said, the American Academy of Pediatric [4] also concludes that the "health benefits of newborn male circumcision outweigh the risks".

This Cochrane Review (essentially the highest quality evidence) [5] found male circumcision substantially reduces acquisition risk of HIV by heterosexual men and that incidence of adverse events is very low.

And this review and meta-analysis [6] found the same reduction for HPV.

Evidence against:

This review [7] suggests the benefits of male circumcision may not apply in North American countries

This article [8] claims the same for developed countries in general

This commentary [9] claims the same, suggesting that "from the perspective of the individual boy, there is no medical justification for performing a circumcision prior to an age that he can ... choose to give or withhold informed consent himself"

That being said these papers have also been challenged by advocates for male circumcision [10] and even opponents [9, 11] recognize that the rates of complications are very low, and the rates of serious complications even lower. In addition to that, complication rate was greater for older children [11], which provides support for the third point I highlighted above (i.e., waiting until they are older may introduce more harms than benefits).

And all of that being said, if the procedure is done, it should absolutely be done with some form of pain relief. Thankfully, it appears that the vast majority are performed in this fashion [11].

In the end, there is strong evidence supporting male circumcision for infants in developing countries. There are research gaps concerning if these benefits apply to developed countries (i.e., little work has examined this population specifically), which indicates a need for such research. That being said, with the extremely low complication rate and moderate evidence of benefits, there also isn't a strong argument against the procedure.

---

Female Genital Mutilation

Comparing this to female genital mutilation (FGM) will highlight just how egregious such equivalencies are.

First, a brief detour into biology. Men and women have various embryological precursors that develop into either male or female sex organs. These are called biological homologues, and they are roughly (although not perfectly) comparable. For example, an embryo has the gonad which, during sex differentiation, develops into the ovary in women and the testicle in men [12].

This framework allows us to make some rough comparisons between male circumcision and FGM. For example, it's likely that the "less invasive" form of FGM you were referred to is type 1A [13]. In this type, only the clitoral hood is removed. Both the clitoral hood and the foreskin develop from the prepuce, as they are homologous structures. Notably, even here, male circumcision and FGM type 1A would still only be homologous if (1) FGM type 1A has a similarly low risk profile as male circumcision and (2) male circumcision actually provides no benefits to the infant.

For the first point, we have little to no data on the complication rate of type 1A FGM, specifically because it is essentially never performed in isolation [14]. This is – almost entirely – a theoretical form of FGM. Despite this, even if it were more common it doesn't necessarily follow that the procedures would have a similar adverse effect profile. In fact, one of the most common arguments against male circumcision involves the numerous nerve endings in the glans (head of the) penis, generally in reference to how the foreskin "protects" the penis head or "preserves sensitization" (neither of which are proven assertions). But while the glans penis and glans clitoris have a similar number of nerve endings in absolute terms, the clitoral head is much smaller and therefore much more densely innervated [15]. As a result, it would be much more likely for the removal of the clitoral hood to result in irritation than the removal of the foreskin.

And for the second point, I've discussed the mixed literature on the topic in developed countries. However, most FGM is performed in developing countries (although certainly not exclusively so) [14], and in this context there is strong evidence of a health benefit to male circumcision and absolutely no health benefit to FGM.

To complete the comparisons between FGM and male circumcision in terms of homologous structures [12, 13]:

Type 1B involves the removal of the clitoris with the prepuce (clitoridectomy). This, anatomically speaking, would be similar to removal of (minimally) the penis head.*

Type 2 involves partial or total removal of the clitoris and the labia minora, with or without excision of the labia majora. This would be roughly comparable to the removal of the penis head, mutilation/cutting/removal of penile raphe (underside of the penis) with or without mutilation/cutting/removal of the scrotum.*

Type 3 is infibulation, or the narrowing of the vaginal orifice with creation of a covering seal by cutting and apposition the labia minora and/or the labia majora, with or without excision of the clitoris. There is no direct comparison for men, as they do not have a vaginal orifice or any similar structure.

Type 4 is all other mutilation/anything that cannot be categorized as above.

*Note: these comparisons aren't perfect due to differences in how the homologous structures are arranged. For example, removal of the penis head would also impact the urethra, whereas removal of the clitoris would not. That being said, these comparisons are far more accurate than between FGM types 1B - 4 and male circumcision.

To further drive home the differences, FGM results in substantial, severe health complications (unlike male circumcision) and has absolutely no known health benefits (possibly unlike male circumcision). These articles [16-21] go into great detail on this; the complications range from: infection, incontinence, infertility, severe and sometimes chronic pain, pregnancy complications, PTSD and post-traumatic symptoms, other psychiatric disorders, greater risk of STDs, and death.

There is no evidence of any benefits.

---

Conclusion

Hopefully, it's clear that male circumcision and female genital mutilation are in no way comparable.

The opponents of male circumcision often suggest that any violation of the bodily autonomy of infants is morally wrong, but this fails to consider the nuanced situation inherent to infant-hood and early childhood. They are physically and mentally unable of consenting to or refusing any medical procedure, which is why we have a – generally recognized – moral caveat to this principle that allows caregivers to act in the best interests of the child, particularly when waiting for the child to grow older before allowing any intervention would increase the risk of harm. (Childhood vaccinations and, really, any other medical procedure done on children, are other examples of this.)

It's possible that future research may indicate that male circumcision is not associated with benefits in developed countries. (This would remove male circumcision from the category of procedures described above.) Even then, however, it would not be comparable to FGM due to the vastly different complication rates.

I hope this helps you!

References under the cut:

Morris, B. J., & Krieger, J. N. (2013). Does male circumcision affect sexual function, sensitivity, or satisfaction?—a systematic review. The journal of sexual medicine, 10(11), 2644-2657.

Morris, B. J., Kennedy, S. E., Wodak, A. D., Mindel, A., Golovsky, D., Schrieber, L., ... & Ziegler, J. B. (2017). Early infant male circumcision: systematic review, risk-benefit analysis, and progress in policy. World journal of clinical pediatrics, 6(1), 89.

Morris, B. J., Moreton, S., & Krieger, J. N. (2019). Critical evaluation of arguments opposing male circumcision: A systematic review. Journal of Evidence‐based Medicine, 12(4), 263-290.

Task Force on Circumcision, Blank, S., Brady, M., Buerk, E., Carlo, W., Diekema, D., ... & Wegner, S. (2012). Male circumcision. Pediatrics, 130(3), e756-e785.

Siegfried, N., Muller, M., Deeks, J. J., & Volmink, J. (2009). Male circumcision for prevention of heterosexual acquisition of HIV in men. Cochrane database of systematic reviews, (2).

Shapiro, S. B., Laurie, C., El-Zein, M., & Franco, E. L. (2023). Association between male circumcision and human papillomavirus infection in males and females: a systematic review, meta-analysis, and meta-regression. Clinical Microbiology and Infection, 29(8), 968-978.

Bossio, J. A., Pukall, C. F., & Steele, S. (2014). A review of the current state of the male circumcision literature. The Journal of Sexual Medicine, 11(12), 2847-2864.

Frisch, M., & Earp, B. D. (2018). Circumcision of male infants and children as a public health measure in developed countries: a critical assessment of recent evidence. Global public health, 13(5), 626-641.

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Moreton, S., Cox, G., Sheldon, M., Bailis, S. A., Klausner, J. D., & Morris, B. J. (2023). Comments by opponents on the British Medical Association’s guidance on non-therapeutic male circumcision of children seem one-sided and may undermine public health. World Journal of Clinical Pediatrics, 12(5), 244.

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[maggiecheungs]

“utena is a bit like a shoujo equivalent of evangelion” = a common and inevitable comparison that is admittedly not a bad elevator pitch, giving an idea of utena's symbolism and the genre tropes it engages without requiring an essay-length summary of its plot and themes

“utena is evangelion for the girlies” = SHUT UP SHUT UP SHUT UP SHUT UP SHUT UP SHUT UP SHUT UP SHUT UP SHUT UPPPP

[nevertheless-moving]

Lan Sizhui the Blessed: MDZS AU #3

Mdzs au where Gui attempt to cuddle Lan Sizhui when he gets too close.

Ghosts and fierce corpses suddenly losing fierceness around one person in particular being a phenomenon that raises questions, Hunguang-Jun forces himself to tell (stops holding himself back from explaining) the full, painful, nuanced truth to Lan Yuan — about where he came from, about the man who protected and helped raise him in the time he didn't remember.

No clue exactly why fierce corpses consistently try to gently pat his son's head and coo softly at him. I mean, they can guess, but for all they know any child raised at the burial mounds would have the same thing happen.

(Lan Zhan cautiously upgrades the likelihood that Wei Ying actually did birth A-Yuan from his own body from 1% to 10%.)

Carefully spread cover story (Lan Xichen's sworn brotherhood does have its benefits) is that all this is the result of an extremely overpowered Lan childhood protection charm, which also neatly explains Lan Zhan’s mysterious three year seclusion as slightly embarrassing, slightly impressive spiritual recovery.

Furthermore, in the interest of avoiding any associations with any infamous demonic cultivators, they more formally define their relationship as father and son. Lan Wanjii suffering through cultivation society events just for the opportunity for Lan Sizhui to call him Fuqin in public, and all but explicitly confirm the rumors that he's his legitimized bastard (definitely not a war orphan from anywhere cursed).

Between Lan Sizhui's natural kindness, his Protagonist Superpower, his polite but undeniably Cool disillusionment with the older generation, and his very endearingly Lan attempts at pranking, Lan Sizhui grows into easily the most popular young master of his generation.

Wei Ying recognizes A-Yuan shortly after his revival, gratified to see his old protection spell still working flawlessly. He was just fucking thrilled to find out that the kid survived! The fact that he grew up in such a respected position — the fact that Hunguang-Jun actually made up nice stories about being friends with the Yiling Patriarch and told them to his son, to the point that A-Yuan was genuinely delighted to be called a mature radish — there's really no way he could ever repay that debt.

He's less thrilled to be leaving Mo Village with a curse scar still on his arm and Mo-Furen still alive, but eh, no one lives forever. What's he going to do, murder her in front of the kid? Right after he saved her life? Might as well enjoy the extra time while it lasts.

Slight genre shift from BL romantic adventure to father(s)-son bonding roadtrip (Wei Ying not noticing himself falling in love with the man Lan Yuan described — apparently Lan Zhan got even better while he was dead, who even knew that was possible!)

Of course he has to keep up the Mo Xuanyu act somehow — fortunately acquiring makeup and a face veil for Wen Ning kills two birds with one stone! Who would possibly suspect that the Yiling Patriarch and the Ghost General would ever masquerade as a pair of cutsleeve rogue cultivators? Ok, they’re a bit suspicious in terms of resentful energy, but that just goes to explain why Hunguang-Jun’s own little ray of light is supervising them!

And, well, as great as it is to eventually meet up with Hunguang-Jun in Yi City and thank him for raising A-Yuan so good (it really is great to see Lan Zhan and not get scolded) it feels a little unfair for him to hate Wen Ning so much, considering how much he apparently warmed up to Wei Ying after his death.

My MDZS AU Masterlist

[keefechambers]

dune/lion's teeth - the mountain goats