#networking and partnerships

[billa-billa007]

My Best Strategy To Power Through Business Plateaus

Business plateaus are periods of stagnation or slow growth in a company's operations, revenue, or overall performance. They can occur for various reasons and at different stages of a business's lifecycle. Overcoming these plateaus is crucial for sustaining and expanding a successful business

[justinspoliticalcorner]

Don Moynihan at Can We Still Govern?: At the Democratic National Convention, speaker after speaker sought to remind viewers of Project 2025. Jim Clyburn referred to it as “Jim Crow 2.0.” Cory Booker mocked it was “Project 1825” and “Project 1925.” Michigan Senator Mallory McMorrow was one of many speakers who brought an enlarged version of the Mandate for Leadership document published by the Heritage Foundation that serves as the backbone to Project 2025. Trump’s campaign has falsely claimed that Project 2025 is dead, and in mailers to voters he has doubled down on his efforts to distance himself from it. (Note to Forbes and other media outlets who confuse repeating Trump’s lies with reporting: this is what you get — becoming a tool in his disinformation efforts).

Of course, Project 2025 very much remains alive and the most relevant way to understand how Trump would govern. At the convention, Tim Walz invoked Project 2025 when he said that “when somebody takes the time to draw up a playbook, they’re going to use it.” The comedian Kenan Thompson gave one of best summaries of the relationship between Trump and Project 2025:

[You know how when you download an app and there are hundreds of pages there that you don’t read. Its just the terms and conditions. And you just click agree, right? Well, these are the terms and conditions of a second Trump Presidency. You vote for him, you vote for all of this.]

Trump dislikes Project 2025 as a brand because it lays out a series of specifics about right wing policy goals, which, it turns out, are unpopular. There has been some schadenfreude in how Project 2025 has become baggage for the Trump campaign, and has in some ways backfired for the Heritage Foundation, who went from energetically promoting their ties to Trump to gingerly defending their efforts from Trump’s own campaign.

We got a glimpse about the scale and nature of these plans when some British undercover journalists performed a sting operation of Russ Vought. Vought is touted as a potential Chief of Staff in a second Trump administration. As a Trump official, he helped to cover up Trump’s withholding of arms to Ukraine, and aggressively pushed Trump’s plan to fire career civil servants. Out of office, he then complains about the weaponization of federal agencies without a trace of irony.

[...]

The Heritage Foundation been portrayed as the central player in Project 2025, deservedly so. But its role reflects a certain continuity of effort — it has been publishing Mandate for Leadership guides since Reagan — that understates the dramatic nature of the change that has taken place on the right. The Conservative Partnership Institute, which has played a less visible role in Project 2025, is more emblematic of the MAGAification of the conservative movement. A recent profile of CPI by Jonathan Blitzer in the New Yorker is eye-opening. CPI was created in 2017 by Jim DeMint, the Heritage Foundation leader who was pushed out for trashing Heritage’s reputation for credible research by making it more partisan and less serious. DeMint also aligned early with Trump, which some Heritage board members never forgave him for. CPI operates less like a think tank, where former Trump officials hang their hat, and more like a venture capital firm providing seed funding for MAGA-aligned organizations, as well as connections to other donors, and physical space to get a foothold in DC. These include:

Russ Vought’s Center for Renewing America

Stephen Miller’s America First Legal

The American Accountability Foundation, which ran attack campaigns against Biden nominees, and is currently compiling an enemies list of career civil servants

Cleta Mitchell’s Election Integrity Network. CPI had been deeply involved in election denial. It helped to organize efforts to disrupt the vote to confirm Biden’s election on January 6th. Mitchell a Secretary of CPI, was the lawyer who helped Trump with his call to Georgia officials asking them to fine more votes. She is organizing a network of legal challenges to block legitimate election outcomes this year.

The State Freedom Caucus Network, whose goal is to embed state versions of the House Freedom Caucus in every state

An API official said that in a speech at Mar-A-Lago: “Trump complained about his personnel. He said he had these bad generals, bad Cabinet secretaries. That was a big signal to the people there.” This is why there is such an intense focus on Schedule F, to fire civil servants, and building a pipeline of dedicated Trumpists as political appointees. Part of the function of CPI was to alter the incentives for Trump officials. A previous generation of conservative lawyers or other appointees might worry about their long-term career prospects for engaging in a little light treason. CPI has created an ecosystem existed to defend them (they have funded legal defenses for John Eastman, Peter Navarro, Mark Meadows and Jeffery Clark), to and to find them new roles after wrongdoing.

@Don Moynihan nails it: The “next phase” of Project 2025 contains plans we don’t even know about.

[youvegotmetoblame]

look with bi!buck upon us, I just wanna say, can we stop thanking abc and start thanking the writers? fandom loves to make heroes and villains of the networks their shows are on, but ultimately both abc and fox are owned by disney. the idea that this conventionally attractive mlm ship wasn’t “allowed” when that is the more ubiquitous type of queer rep is honestly kind of disrespectful to the beautiful queer stories the show has given us with Hen, Karen, and Michael over the years. but don't get me started on the people who call the show homophobic and ignore the black queer characters 🙄 all I'm saying is maybe stop centering corporations and put the spotlight on the writers who have been laying the groundwork and giving us great queer stories for 7 years <3

[techtow]

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[distributorschannel1]

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Bharat ka Distributors is crafted to simplify the business experience for distributors, channel partners, and manufacturers. Our goal is to build a strong network where business needs are transformed into profitable opportunities. We assist distributors in finding suitable brands within their comfort zone, recognizing that securing distributorship in Indian towns is a challenging task. To support this, we host thousands of brands on our platform, offering distributors the flexibility to select based on their preferences. We take on the responsibility of negotiating with manufacturers, generating business opportunities, preventing fraud, and meeting the needs of distributors. Our core mission is to provide expert guidance to help distributors enhance their success, including access to credit facilities and the momentum needed to drive their businesses forward. With a community of 17,000 manufacturers and 197,000 distributors across India, Bharat ka Distributors is more than just a platform—it's a family. Join us as we continue to make an impact in the industry by leveraging the power of distribution networking. At Bharat Ka Distributors, we make the distributorship process simple!

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[trashlie]

So what do you think is the exact relation between the Kim and the Hirahara families? They're "business partners" but the rest of the details have been pretty vague, and the fact that apparently a Kim was ex-CEO of the Hirahara side of things makes me even more confused.

No, I agree. Until now, I'd thought that the Kim-Hirahara alliance was something they were newly bringing to the table, but that Yui had been in cahoots with them for a long time, but now it's clear that this relationship goes back even further.

I believe the Kim who was the former CEO was Gun Kim's father, so Sangchul's grandfather. It doesn't make sense to partner with them again, does it? Wouldn't the shareholders be uncomfortable with the idea of partnering with the family of the man who lost his position in this company due to sexual assault allegations. Of course, the business world is sleazy so maybe it's justifiable to them because that particular man is not in power and the Kims themselves make for a powerful partnership - Gun himself states that he has connections to several media conglomerates. If we have learned anything in ILY so far, it's that those with wealth and influence go far, no matter what they've done. The Kims clearly have powerful enough connections and assets to make them a beneficial partnership. Perhaps the idea is that "all of that is in the past" and it "doesn't matter" anymore? Perhaps because it's a partnership rather than re-hiring the offending Kim it doesn't raise any flags?

There's so many ways this can swing, though. I think it's clear the Kims and Hiraharas are close - at least through Yui and perhaps other members of her family. It's interesting that they partnered with someone who has that past, as I'd expect Rand to be against it, but again, perhaps it's so easy to say "oh but he isn't involved so..." Or Rand was overruled. Or Rand doesn't care. We know as far as Yui goes, they are close. Sangchul knows a LOT about Nol's personal life that others don't, and Yui had the whole secret roofies for Sangchul that Gun doesn't know about. It's also implied his father is making him cooperate with Yui (I think he referred to hiring Shinae as "You've got thar bitch ordering me around")

We also cannot forget one of the popular theories that comes from "Rand isn't Kousuke's father" is "Gun is Kousuke's father", but that's merely a theory at this time. I just always feel it's worth mentioning when we dig in to the Kim-Hirahara family alliance.

Perhaps this recent partnership is a way to bring the Kims back into the business without being directly involved? Look, I'm not a business person, so I can only speculate lmao and if anyone has better ideas, please let me know! This is an aspect of the story I'm always interested in, too! Everything Yui - ans in general the Hiraharas - do is for some kind of gain, so they wouldn't partner with the Kims if the risks outweigh the benefits. However, a friend has shown me an interesting theory that what Yujing is working on may be two separate stories - one on Nol for Rand, and a much, much bigger story about the Hiraharas and Kims.

I think the Kims and Hiraharas are of the sane ilk - they don't care much about others and see no qualms in stepping on others to get what they want and what thet deserve. Gun's father is known foe rampant sexual assault, Gun himself is known to be a serial playboy of sorts (and there's far darker implications that he goes after young girls and Shinae was at the formal for him), Sangchul himself is an entitled asshole who also has no qualms with coercion or drugging girls to get what he wants. What we know of Yui and her propensity to drug people as well as her willingness to harm others to teach them a lesson, to control them, or even for her own amusement is right in line with them. To them, you do whatever you must because you can, and because if not you, someone else will do it.

The theory about the two articles plays like this: Yujing has a lot of dirt on the families, but so far it's a jumping point, right? It's all allegations and implications. Even if she could tie this all together in time, it might not have the full effect. So what she means they have 120 days for might be specifically about the Nol piece - which makes sense because I was never quite sure how Nol's sentencing played into that. But if it's about Nol - perhaps the aim is to demonstrate that he, the illegitimate son of Rand Hirahara, took the fall for Sangchul Kim, son of the Hirahara partner.

Something I thought a lot about if Yujing dropped that expose around graduation, then what story would be left for us to explore in the time jump? Essentially with what she's working at, you would think that would dismantle a lot. But looking at it from the perspective that she's working on something much bigger, she needs more time. It's not enough to just write about these already known events. She probably needs testimonies, she needs more evidence, she needs more of the victims to share their piece so that what she's presenting is hard to refute, so that shareholders feel the impact. If the whole general public turns on them, they've got to act, right?

So if this theory is right, that there's two stories, the story on Nol does two things. First, it can possibly clear Nol's name. As a result of pleading guilty, he now has a record, and everyone knows what kind of stigma this creates. If people learned the real story, that he took the fall for one of the partner's children, how would that make the company look? Especially as he was actually trying to help someone. Especially as the illegitimate child.

Secondly, this story existing would lead more credence to Yujing's future expose. It would show this has happened before, and thus it makes Yujing's evidence appear all the more trustworthy. It's a long game.

What does this have to do with your original question? Very little LMAO but it's a tangential thought for me, because while the Hiraharas seem to think the benefit of this partnership outweigh the risks. But if the public is to learn that the bastard son is taking the fall to protect the partnership? If they learn that the Kims are still as dirty and vile, that the Hiraharas continue to condone what they do so long as they can benefit, maybe the shareholders would be able to push for some change, lest the public fully turn on them, right?

But to sum up my answer to your question lol I think in general the Kims and at least Yui are close. Note that neither Nol nor Kousuke had yet met Sangchul, but he knew all about them through his father, who appears to be very close at least with Yui. Birds of a feather and all that. 👀

[dontmeantobepoliticalbut]

Steps from the Capitol, Trump allies buy up properties to build MAGA campus | The Washington Post

At first glance, the flurry of real estate sales two blocks east of the U.S. Capitol appeared unremarkable in a city where such sales are common. In the span of a year, a seemingly unrelated gaggle of recently formed companies bought nine properties, all within steps of one another.

But the sales were not coincidental. Unbeknown to most of the sellers, the limited liability companies making the purchases — a shopping spree that added up to $41 million — are connected to a conservative nonprofit led by Mark Meadows, who was Chief of Staff to President Donald Trump. The organization has promoted MAGA stars like Reps. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) and Lauren Boebert (R-Colo.).

The Conservative Partnership Institute, as the nonprofit is known, now controls four commercial properties along a single Pennsylvania Avenue block, three adjoining rowhouses around the corner, and a garage and carriage house in the rear alley. CPI’s aim, as expressed in its annual report, is to transform the swath of prime real estate into a campus it calls “Patriots’ Row.”

The acquisitions strike some Capitol Hill regulars as puzzling, considering that Republicans have long made a sport of denigrating Washington as a dysfunctional “swamp,” the latest evidence being a successful GOP-led effort to block local D.C. legislation to revise the city’s criminal code.

“So you don’t respect how we administer our city and then you secretly buy up chunks of it?” said Tim Krepp, a Capitol Hill resident who works as a tour guide and has written about the neighborhood’s history. “If it’s such a hellhole, go to Virginia.”

Reached on his cellphone, Edward Corrigan, CPI’s president, whose name appears on public documents related to the sales, had no immediate comment on the purchases, which were first reported by Grid News and confirmed by The Washington Post. “I’ll get back to you,” Corrigan said. He did not respond to follow-up messages.

Former senator Jim DeMint, CPI’s founder, and Meadows, a senior partner at the organization, did not respond to emails seeking comment. Cameron Seward, CPI’s general counsel and director of operations, whose name appears on incorporation documents related to the companies making the purchases, did not respond to a text or an email.

As Congress’s neighbors, denizens of the Capitol Hill neighborhood are accustomed to existing in close quarters with all varieties of official Washington. Walk the neighborhood and you might catch a glimpse of Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) or former Trump strategist Stephen K. Bannon, among those who own homes near the Capitol. The Republican and Democratic national committees both have offices in the neighborhood.

But it’s rare, if not unprecedented, for a nonprofit to purchase as many properties in such proximity and in so short a period of time as CPI has assembled through its related companies, a roster with names like Clear Plains Holdings, Brunswick Partners, Houston Group, Newpoint and Pennsylvania Avenue Holdings. The companies list Seward as an officer on corporate filings, as well as CPI’s Independence Avenue headquarters as their principal address.

Now, in what may be an only-in-Washington vista, a single Pennsylvania Avenue block is occupied by Public Citizen, the left-leaning consumer advocacy group, the Heritage Foundation, the conservative think tank, and CPI, which bought four properties through its affiliates.

In addition to the nine D.C. parcels CPI’s network has bought since January 2022, another affiliated company, Federal Investors, paid $7.2 million for a sprawling 11-bedroom retreat on the Eastern Shore. In 2020, CPI, under its own name, also spent $1.5 million for a rowhouse next to its headquarters, which it leases, a few blocks from the Capitol.

DeMint, a former Republican congressman from South Carolina, started CPI in 2017, shortly after he was ousted as Heritage’s leader amid criticism that the think tank had become too political under his direction. Meadows joined in 2021, after working as Trump’s Chief of Staff. He was by Trump’s side during the administration’s final calamitous days, before and after the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol and as the President’s allies were seeking to overturn election results.

On its 2021 tax returns, CPI reported $45 million in revenue, most of it generated through contributions and grants, and paid DeMint and Meadows compensation packages of $542,000 and $559,000, respectively. Its current offices, a three-story townhouse at the corner of Third Street and Independence Avenue SE, is a hub of GOP activity. During the chaotic lead-up to Rep. Kevin McCarthy’s election as House Speaker, dissident Republican lawmakers were observed congregating at CPI.

CPI also provides grants to a cluster of nonprofits headed by Trump allies. Former Trump adviser Stephen Miller, for example, leads America First Legal, which received $1.3 million from CPI in 2021 and bills itself as a check on “lawless executive actions and the Radical Left.”

Cleta Mitchell, an attorney who was on the call Trump made to Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger seeking to reverse votes in the 2020 election, runs what the organization bills as its “Election Integrity Network,” which has cast doubt on the validity of President Biden’s 2020 victory.

“The election was rigged,” EIN tweeted last July. “Trump won.”

CLOSE TO THE CAPITOL

At an introductory meeting in December, recalled Gerald Sroufe, an advisory neighborhood commissioner on Capitol Hill, a CPI representative said the group planned to move its headquarters to a three-story building it had bought on Pennsylvania Avenue, next to Heritage’s office. Until the pandemic forced it to close, the Capitol Lounge had occupied the 130-year-old building. The bar had served a nightly bipartisan swarm of congressional staffers and lobbyists for more than two decades.

The CPI official, Sroufe said, indicated that the group planned to use the new Pennsylvania Avenue properties to “expand” its offices and “provide new retail.” But the official made no mention of Patriots’ Row, Sroufe said, or the three rowhouses the group’s affiliates had bought around the corner on Third Street SE. All of the properties are in the neighborhood’s historic district, which protects them from being altered without city review.

“This is much grander than what we were talking about,” Sroufe said after learning from a reporter about the other purchases. “On the Hill, people are always talking about how wonderful it is to be close to the Capitol and Congress. It’s kind of like a curse.”

As in many commercial corridors hit hard by the pandemic, businesses along Pennsylvania Avenue have struggled over the past couple of years. Tony Tomelden, executive director of the Capitol Hill Association of Merchants and Professionals, said CPI could energize a strip pocked with vacant storefronts.

“I welcome any business because the only thing opening right now are marijuana shops,” said Tomelden, an H Street NE bar owner who helped open the Capitol Lounge in 1996 and, as it happens, instituted a rule that patrons could not talk politics while imbibing. “If they’re going to pay a lot of money and raise property values, I’m all for it. I don’t care about anybody’s politics as long as they pay their tab.”

In an overwhelmingly Democratic city, finding those who are less sanguine about CPI’s growing footprint is not exactly difficult.

Yet politics is only part of the issue, as far as Krepp is concerned. CPI’s purchases, he said, threaten the area’s neighborhood vibe, as would be the case if any group, no matter its ideological leaning, bought as many properties. “I don’t want to create another downtown on Capitol Hill,” he said. “There’s a glut of available office space downtown. You don’t have to buy up neighborhoods.”

Rep. Jamie B. Raskin (D-Md.), a regular commuter to the Capitol from his home in Montgomery County, sees CPI’s acquisitions in terms more political than geographic.

“It just seems like a massive real estate coming-out party for the extreme right wing of the Republican Party,” Raskin said. “This is a very explicit and well-financed statement of intent. They set out to take over the Republican Party and they’re very close to clenching the power.”

Instead of Patriots’ Row, Raskin suggested an alternative name: Seditionist Square.

“Maybe Marjorie Taylor Greene can be their advisory neighborhood commissioner,” he said.

A ‘PERMANENT BULWARK’ IN D.C.

On its 2021 tax return, CPI said its mission is to be a “platform” for the “conservative movement,” and to provide “public policy” training for “government and nonprofit staffers” and meeting space for gatherings and policy debates.

Although not required to identify donors, CPI reported seven contributions in excess of $1 million, including one of more than $25 million. Trump’s Save America political action committee gave $1 million in 2021, according to campaign finance records. Billionaire Richard Uihlein, a major Republican donor, gave $1.25 million a couple of years ago through his foundation, records show.

A CPI-related entity, the Conservative Partnership Center, rented space to two political action committees as of early January, the House Freedom Fund and Senate Conservative Fund, according to campaign finance records. CPI also received $4,000 from Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.), who has recorded his “Firebrand” podcast at the group’s studio, as has the host of the “Gosar Minute,” Rep. Paul A. Gosar (R-Ariz.), according to the group’s annual report. Greene paid CPI $437.73 for “catering for political meetings” in 2021, the records show.

“No one stood up to the Left as courageously as Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene,” CPI declared in its 2021 annual report, hailing her as a “hero” who “endured sexist fury that always lurks just beneath the progressive surface.” The report described Boebert as a “gun rights advocate” who “wants to protect our environment more than anyone else.”

It was in CPI’s 2022 annual report that the group briefly referred to its expansion plans, writing that it has strengthened “its ability to serve the movement by beginning renovations to Patriots’ Row on Pennsylvania Avenue.”

“In 2022, the Left tried to drag America further into a dark future of totalitarianism, chaotic elections and cultural decay,” the report asserts in an introduction from DeMint and Meadows. “The Washington establishment, per usual, did nothing to stop them. But neither the Left nor the establishment could stop the culture and community we’re building here at the Conservative Partnership Institute.”

“With our expanded presence in D.C.,” they add, “we’re launching CPI academy — a formal program of training for congressional staff and current and future members of the movement.”

“Even if we can’t change Washington, we can create a permanent bulwark against its worst tendencies.”

A SPATE OF SALES

CPI began its expansion in 2020, purchasing the rowhouse next door to its headquarters and christening it “The Rydin House” for Mike Rydin, a construction magnate and prominent conservative donor. When Federal Investors bought the Eastern Shore property, the group named it “Camp Rydin.”

On Capitol Hill, several property owners who sold their buildings to CPI-linked companies were surprised to learn that the buyers were connected to a group led by Meadows and DeMint.

“I did not know,” said Jacqueline Lewis, who sold a townhouse on Third Street SE to 116 Holdings for $5.1 million in July. The company’s officer, according to its corporate filing, is Seward, and the principal address it lists is the same as CPI’s headquarters. A trust document related to the transaction is signed by Corrigan, CPI’s president.

Brunswick Partners, which lists CPI and Seward as contacts on its corporate filing, bought the neighboring rowhouse for $1.8 million in January, according to property records. Brian Wise, the seller, said he did not know of the company’s CPI connection. An attorney who approached him and his wife, he said, “asked if we were willing to sell and we agreed on a price. It was a business sale.”

Keith and Amanda Catanzano also were unaware of CPI when they sold a garage in the alley behind Third Street SE to Newpoint for $1 million in June. Newpoint lists Seward as an officer and the same mailing address as CPI. “We had no idea,” said a woman who answered the phone at a number listed for the Catanzanos before hanging up.

Eric Kassoff, who sold the former site of the Capitol Lounge to Clear Plains, said he knew of the company’s CPI ties before the $11.3 million deal was finalized in January. He also sold the group a carriage house behind the building for $400,000.

Kassoff said he did not want to lease the space to a fast-food restaurant or a convenience store. He said CPI’s political leanings were not a factor in his decision to sell to the organization.

“Why would I have any issue selling my property to proud Americans?” asked Kassoff, who described himself as an independent. “We need to get past the labeling and demonizing and talk to each other, and that’s true in politics as well as commerce. If we were all to take that position we wouldn’t have much of a country left, would we?”

Although the Capitol Lounge closed more than two years ago, vestiges of its past remain on the building’s exterior, including a rendering of Benjamin Franklin beneath a quote concocted by the bar’s founder, Joe Englert: “Beer is proof that God loves us and wants us to be happy.”

James Silk, the bar’s former owner, said he left behind memorabilia when he vacated the building that could be suitable for the new owner: Richard M. Nixon campaign posters still hanging on the walls of what the owners cheekily dubbed the Nixon Room (located across from the Kennedy Room).

“Nixon is finally with his people,” Silk said. He laughed and added: “Nixon was a Republican, right?”

[dude-iloveu]

i just remembered the amount of online virtual world games i used to play. damn no wonder my social skills are the way they are now lmaoo

[vishalperipherals]

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[billa-billa007]

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[troglodytemignon]

More work stuff under the cut

it's dawning on me how much I have absorbed from my boss' behavior in two years here, like the paranoia, the never writing anything down, never trusting anyone, tying my self image to the lab, lying to let outside people think that things are ok, and I think most shamefully, thinking way more about what I can gain from relationships I form. My phd advisor asked me wtf is going on with my boss and I stayed super vague in writing, thinking I would talk to him when I see him. But why? what am I afraid of? They have zero points of contact! And I keep thinking about how he told me like 1.5 years ago that people I was collaborating with were spreading rumors about me, and that I had to be careful about what I told them, and how I then held back from ever asking them for help or showing any sign of weakness. Of course I believed him, I had no reason to believe he would lie to me! And even now I still don't know, so much of my perception of the rest of this university is coming from what he told us, I literally don't know what I know anymore, all I have to anchor me is my friendships with close colleagues who are all quitting.

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Joining an Affiliate Network

Selecting the Right Network

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Running Paid Advertising Campaigns

Crafting Effective Ad Copy

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Engaging with Affiliate Communities

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[pier-carlo-universe]

Università di Business e Scienze nella Regione di Namangan. Un nuovo polo educativo con l’obiettivo di formare professionisti competitivi a livello globale

La University of Business and Science (UBS) è una recente istituzione accademica situata nella regione di Namangan.

La University of Business and Science (UBS) è una recente istituzione accademica situata nella regione di Namangan. Fondata il 5 ottobre 2022 con una licenza iniziale concessa dall’Ispettorato statale per il controllo della qualità dell’istruzione sotto il Consiglio dei Ministri, l’università ha ampliato la sua offerta accademica grazie alla nuova licenza n. 432744, rilasciata il 9 ottobre 2024…