#eduardo bolsonaro

[arthropooda]

[brasil-e-com-s]

Quando o mal não é cortado logo, ele cresce. Bolsonaro e apoiadores não podem ficar sem punição. Nem quem invadiu, nem quem financiou e nem quem deu cobertura.

Chega de baderna. fascistas, neonazistas e simpatizantes NÂO. Aqui não!

[oinfodemaniaco]

Uma das últimas matérias da recém-falecida Nathalia Urban. Sentimos muita falta do seu brilho, mente aguda e humanismo. Vox é fundador do Foro Madrid, uma articulação neofascista internacional com financiamento sombrio. No ano passado divulgou a Carta de Madrid, um manifesto paranóico no extreme assinado por respresentantes da extrema direito do mundo inteiro. Os signatórios brasileiros são Eduardo Bolsonaro, ungido por Steve Bannon como representante de The Movement em América do Sul, e Bia Kicis, uma das militantes mais psicóticas da extrema direita católica, a Canção Nova. Um congresso internacional está marcado pro mês que vem. Entre os participante: o ex-Ministro de Relações Exteriores, o olavista Ernesto Araújo. Vou ficar de olho.

[blogoslibertarios]

“Prendam Bolsonaro, mas soltem Lula e deixem-no elegível”

Foto: Câmara dos Deputados/Pablo Valadares   O deputado federal Eduardo Bolsonaro (PL-SP) usou seu perfil na rede social X, nesta segunda-feira (8), para criticar o rumo da devassa promovida pelo Judiciário sobre o ex-presidente Jair Bolsonaro. Na oportunidade, o parlamentar se referiu ao grupo da Polícia Federal que atende às determinações do ministro Alexandre de Moraes, do Supremo Tribunal…

[adribosch-fan]

Iberoamérica sorprende en CPAC: Milei, Bukele, Abascal, Eduardo Bolsonaro y Verástegui juntos en la conferencia conservadora más importante del mundo

Cinco de los más conocidos líderes de la derecha iberoamericana hablarán en Washington D.C., en el CPAC. VANESSA VALLEJO CPAC ha dado este año un importante espacio a la derecha latinoamericana. Javier Milei, presidente libertario de Argentina; Nayib Bukele, presidente de El Salvador; Santiago Abascal, líder de VOX, el partido de derecha de España; Eduardo Bolsonaro, exdiputado e hijo del…

[transexualpirate]

HFBWHFHEHFJSJJFJRHEJFJRJF PLEASE NOT EDUARDO BOLSONARO GIVING AN INTERVIEW TO FOX NEWS I CAN'T BELIEVE IT. OF FUCKING COURSE HE WOULD

[patiobanews]

Mourão diz não ver motivo para Bolsonaro ser convocado para CPMI

Segundo o general, a comissão precisa ser conduzida "sem aquele clima de oba-oba, circo e bate-boca". Mourão também criticou a escolha de Ricardo Capelli para o comando do GSI

Olá sejam bem vindos ao Patioba News...

O senador e ex-vice-presidente Hamilton Mourão (Republicanos-RS) afirmou nesta segunda-feira dia 24 de abril de 2023, não ver motivos para que o ex-presidente Jair Bolsonaro (PL) seja ouvido pela Comissão Parlamentar Mista de Inquérito (CPMI) do dia 8 de janeiro.

Segundo o general, a comissão precisa ser conduzida "sem aquele clima de oba-oba, sem aquele clima de circo, sem aquele clima de bate-boca".

"No nosso caso, congressistas, precisamos apurar a invasão que houve aqui dentro do Congresso, esse é nosso principal mote para a CPMI.

 Independente do Planalto, STF que foi invadido, o Congresso as duas casas foram invadidas. Esse é o grande argumento para instalação dessa comissão mista.

Não vejo razão para chamar o presidente Bolsonaro, que no próprio inquérito que vem sendo conduzido no STF não foi chamado em nenhum momento. Estava fora do país", alegou Mourão em entrevista à CNN.

"A minha visão é que houve uma grande arruaça. Vários arruaceiros devidamente identificados, sendo qualificados no inquérito e denunciados. Nós vamos procurar esclarecer porque o aparato de segurança não foi acionado", completou.

Mourão também criticou a escolha de Ricardo Capelli para o comando do Gabinete de Segurança Institucional (GSI), ironizando que o mesmo "entende tanto de segurança nacional ou pública quanto eu de física quântica".

Então pessoal mais isso ai não é so a opinião de mourão não, tem inúmeros deputados e senadores que também acham que o bolsonaro não precisa depor pois se nem no brasil ele estava, mais vamos ver as senas dos próximos episódios

[stewy]

crazy how rome is simultaneously michele and renan.... meanwhile logan and mencken are bolsonaro MUCH to think about

off topic mas a linha de maquiagens da michelle é soooo connor tipo. meu deus. o lance com o maquiador é o roman d+

[born-in-hell]

Hi!

As some of you might know, southern Brazil, specifically the state of Rio Grande do Sul, has been struck by heavy rains and a consequential flood. The rains started on monday (29/abr) and only stopped today (5/mai), in Porto Alegre ─ the state capital, and the city i live in ─ and in the other cities nearby.

The lake that borders PoA (named Guaíba) has reached more than 5m up its normal level. This is higher than on the historic 1941 flood. The city's center ─ a big residential and commercial hub, beyond being the host of most of our public services (such as the city hall and the state government) ─ is completely taken by the water. Many other neighbourhoods were also affected.

Smaller cities that also border Guaíba were even more heavily affected, such as Eldorado do Sul, whose territory was almost 100% flooded.

The state is, for a lack of a better word, abandoned by the people that were supposed to aid.

Our governor, Eduardo Leite, is more worried about his plitical campaign ─ making dramatic videos, changing his facebook pfp to one of him with a public defense vest, making streams with no useful information ─ than with the people's lives. This year, he destinated only R$50.000 (~ USD250.000) for the Civil Defense. For the entire year. He is now, delegating the responsibility of recuperating our state to the Federal Government, stating that "the rbuilding of the RS will demand a Marshall Project".

Porto Alegre's mayor, Sebastião Mello, has vanished. He sold our city out to big enterprises ─ Melnick, Zaffari and Panvel, mainly ─, and hasn't destined any public resources to maintaining the Mauá wall (a wall built after the 1941 flood with a system made to protect the city from other floods), which caused many points to fail and the water to invade the city.

This is the danger we all face with a neoliberal system.

Neoliberalism is an individualist ideology. All these people and companies I named did close to nothing to help us. Or even made it worse. The Civil Defense, for example, published a map of all the areas that would be affected, but had to take it back, since it didn't consider the topography.

Its the people for the people.

This situation is being aided by people using their own resources. Donations of various natures and volunteer work. It is very beautiful, in a way. It shows that colaboration and union can do great things. It shows, at least to me, that the world can reach, one day, a self sustaining way of living, contrary to the ultra-individualistic capitalism some preach. Humans can, and are, good.

But it also lays out how much the people that govern us failed us.

Human lives were lost because of their negligency.

This flood isn't normal. It is a product of the huge levels of degradation multi-billionaire companies are causing the world, supported by higher class and their representatives. Eduardo Leite changed almost 500 points of our state's Environmental Code, for the worst, when he was first elected in 2019. His actions, and the actions of all other neoliberal politicians, such as our ex-president Bolsonaro, are what created this situation. They are responsible for everything that is going on here.

This flood isnt the only environmental crisis this state has faced in the last 6 months. This isn't the last one that will happen.

This text is, beyond a personal vent, a warning. We need to keep fighting against a system that is actively trying to kill us. Please, do not support ideals and people ─ especially if said people will rule you ─ that go against the environment, that preach that the capital, the money, the posesions, are more important than lives. Of the people, of the animals, of the environment. Fight for a better world, i know there can be one.

Always be aware of the climate in your areas. Things like this won't happen only here. Please be safe.

Sorry for the long post.

If you're interested in donating, @decaf-lesbian made this post with some links for international and national donations.

-> If you're from Brasil, check this link, that has a copilation of maps of risk areas, shelters, places to donate to, etc, made by a UFRGS student.

[allthebrazilianpolitics]

Brazil Police find fraud evidence against Jair Bolsonaro Jr

Jair Renan Bolsonaro, the youngest son of former Brazilian President Jair Messias Bolsonaro, is suspected together with a friend (and shooting instructor, Maciel Alves) of fraudulent misrepresentation, use of false documents, and money laundering in connection with an application for a bank loan, the Federal District Civil Police (PCDF) said in a statement Thursday. No further details were released, given the case's seal of secrecy.

Jair Bolsonaro Jr denied having committed anything illegal since a police raid in August last year during which some of his electronic devices were seized. According to the PCDF, it is now up to the Public Prosecutor's Office of the Federal District and Territories (MPDFT) to analyze the case and decide whether to file charges against both men.

Earlier this week, police searched the homes and offices of top aides to the former president as part of an investigation accusing them of plotting a coup to oust Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva on Jan. 8, 2023. Congressman Eduardo Bolsonaro, Senator Flávio Bolsonaro, and Carlos Bolsonaro, a Rio de Janeiro councilman - all sons of the former president - are also under investigation in separate cases.

Continue reading.

[justinspoliticalcorner]

Isabela Dias at Mother Jones:

It didn’t take long for the attempted assassination of former President Donald Trump at a rally in Pennsylvania to galvanize right-wing politicians and supporters of former far-right leader Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil. About a month before the election in 2018, Bolsonaro, then the frontrunner, was stabbed on the campaign trail. While Trump seems to have recovered from the shot in the ear, his Brazilian counterpart had to undergo a colostomy and several abdominal surgeries in the aftermath of the stabbing. The incident with Bolsonaro has lessons for how the attempted assassination of Trump could affect this year’s US election. In Brazil afterward, false theories spread—both on the left and the right—of either a staged attack or a purposeful attempt to kill a dangerous threat to the establishment. Critics softened rheotric. Right-wing actors blamed the media for instigating the attack. And the discussion about Bolsonaro’s anti-democratic politics became notably more complex.

After the Trump news, Brazilians on the right were quick to see the similarities and decried the shooting as part of a systematic persecution against conservatives. On X, Eduardo Bolsonaro, a congressman and the third son of the one-time Brazilian president, shared a photo montage of a bloodied Trump and a pained Bolsonaro. “Trust me: he is already elected,” he wrote in English. “We have experience with a situation like that, we know the enemy—and you too.” Senator Flávio Bolsonaro, the eldest son, also chimed in, blaming the left: “They tried to kill Trump, they tried to kill Bolsonaro, but the (extreme) right is the one accused of being violent. You may not like Trump or Bolsonaro, but ask yourself: why did they want to kill them?” A debunked video dubbed in Portuguese with a supposed message from Trump to Bolsonaro said, “They tried to do the same thing to me as they did to you.”

When asked about the shooting, Bolsonaro suggested “only conservatives suffer attacks.” Echoing talking points from some US Christian Nationalist groups, Bolsonaro said it was “a miracle from heaven” that Trump “was saved by a matter of a few centimeters,” just like it was a miracle that he survived in 2018. Calling the Republican nominee the “biggest world leader of the moment,” Bolsonaro, who has been barred from running for office until 2030, posted, “See you at the inauguration.” Earlier this year, the police confiscated Bolsonaro’s passport as part of a sweeping search-and-seizure operation linked to an ongoing federal investigation in Brazil—overseen by the Supreme Court—into Bolsonaro and his allies’ alleged coup-like efforts to overturn the results of the 2022 elections. Brazil’s President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva condemned the attack as a loss for democracy.

[...] The shooting also resurfaced false theories, from both sides of the political spectrum, about the attack against Bolsonaro six years ago. In September 2018, Adélio Bispo, who had previously been a member of a left-wing party, stabbed Bolsonaro in the abdomen. Although police investigations concluded that the perpetrator, who was arrested on the spot, acted alone, Bolsonaro and his supporters insisted that the stabbing had been ordered by someone and tried to blame it on the left. At the time, Bolsonaro called the left “aggressive,” saying they “have tried to eliminate their opponents no matter how.” His supporters have continued to use the stabbing to cultivate an image of Bolsonaro as a “political martyr.” Meanwhile, some on the left raised doubts about the incident, suggesting it had been staged and calling it a “fake stabbing.” After Saturday, André Janones, one of Lula’s allies in Congress, joked about Bolsonaro having “taught” Trump how to fake an attack and questioned the seriousness of the attempted assassination, mentioning the fact that Trump asked for his shoes amidst the chaos. “At least this time they remembered to provide the ‘blood,'” he posted on X. In response, a far-right congressman aligned with Bolsonaro has vowed to send a letter to the US Embassy requesting the cancelation of Janones’ US visa.

The impact of the assassination attempt against Trump on the presidential race remains to be seen. But there could be hints in what happened with Bolsonaro. Some political analysts in Brazil believe that staying away from the public stage during recovery ultimately helped the far-right Brazilian candidate insulate himself from fiercer criticism and potential debate confrontations. A voter intention poll by the Economist from that time shows a rise in support for Bolsonaro and a decline for the opponent Fernando Haddad, from the Worker’s Party, after September.

The attempted assassination of Donald Trump in 2024 in the US and the stabbing of Jair Bolsonaro in 2018 in Brazil have some things in common: they brought increased support for the person in polls (though it is too early to tell in Trump’s case).

[mariacallous]

Ahead of November’s U.S. presidential election, several right-wing Latin American leaders have been open about their support for Republican candidate and former President Donald Trump. Among them are Argentine President Javier Milei, Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele, and former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, as well as their allies and supporters. “With Trump’s election, we can see a major turnaround. And we will, God willing,” Eduardo Bolsonaro, the former president’s son and member of Brazil’s Congress, said at Brazil’s Conservative Political Action Conference in July.

Trump supporters across Latin America identify with the former U.S. president’s various culture war crusades and economic policies. Many also suggest that his return to the White House would put an end to U.S. interventions abroad and create a more peaceful world. In 2022, Jair Bolsonaro said, “Some think the war in Ukraine would not have happened if [Trump] were still been in power. I agree with that.” Bia Kicis, a politician and Bolsonaro ally, recently told the New York Times, “Back when Trump was a candidate, there was talk of a possible third war. But there was no war—until Trump left office, and now war is affecting the whole world.” Agustín Laje, an Argentine writer and Milei supporter, said that Trump’s return is essential “to guarantee peace.”

But there is strong evidence that, at least in the case of Latin America, Trump’s return to the White House would lead to a far more interventionist U.S. foreign policy, as was the case during his first term. At the time, Trump adopted “maximum pressure” tactics against countries like Cuba and Venezuela, and pressured—in vain—countries like Brazil to ban Chinese tech giant Huawei.

A second Trump presidency would likely see the return of more explicit U.S. pressure on Latin American countries to pick sides in the brewing competition between the United States and China. That could create considerable friction in the region, just as it did during Trump’s first term in office, when many countries warmed to China’s embrace. The more aggressive Trump’s approach to Latin America, the faster governments can be expected to balance Washington by fostering closer ties to Beijing.

Most of the recent U.S. administrations have explicitly distanced themselves from the Monroe Doctrine, which, in 1823, asserted Washington’s authority over meddling European powers in Latin America. The doctrine was often used as a pretext for U.S. military or diplomatic interventions in the Western Hemisphere and was largely seen as a form of U.S. imperialism, especially during the 20th century. In 2013, then-Secretary of State John Kerry announced, “The era of the Monroe Doctrine is over.”

Trump and his allies, however, have explicitly defended the doctrine. At the United Nations General Assembly in 2018, Trump argued that “it has been the formal policy of our country since President Monroe that we reject the interference of foreign nations in this hemisphere and in our own affairs.” This time, the warning was not directed at Europeans, but at Russia and China, the latter of which became the main trading partner of most South American countries in the last decade.

Perhaps the most extreme element of Trump’s worldview was revealed by his former National Security Advisor John Bolton, who noted in his 2020 book, The Room Where it Happened: A White House Memoir, “Trump insisted he wanted military options for Venezuela and then keep it because ‘it’s really part of the United States.’” In April 2019, Bolton said, “Today, we proudly proclaim for all to hear: The Monroe Doctrine is alive and well.”

All this suggests that Trump’s isolationist foreign policy in the world at large translates into a stronger urge to dominate the Western Hemisphere, a detail often lost on Trump supporters in the region. As Johns Hopkins University professor Hal Brands argued in Foreign Affairs, “‘America First’ would feature a reenergized Monroe Doctrine: U.S. retrenchment from Old World outposts would presage intensified and perhaps heavier-handed efforts to safeguard American influence in the New World, and to prevent rivals from gaining a foothold there.”

In retrospect, Trump’s strategy in Latin American failed to achieve its goals. Despite crippling sanctions and menacing rhetoric, the regimes of Nicaragua, Venezuela, and Cuba—which Bolton dubbed the “Troika of Tyranny”—remain in power. Trump’s efforts to convince Latin American governments to ban Huawei or downgrade their ties to China also did not produce any tangible results. Even during the Bolsonaro administration, Brazil’s trade with China only grew.

The Trump administration’s strategy vis-à-vis Huawei in particular caused bewilderment among Latin American policymakers. The United States pressured Latin American countries to exclude Huawei as a component provider of their 5G networks, arguing that the company could be used as a Trojan horse for Chinese spying activities. At the time, Trump officials threatened governments in Europe and Latin America not to use Huawei, warning them that doing so could lead Washington to stop sharing U.S. intelligence with them.

Yet Washington ignored political realities in Latin America, where there was little appetite among political or economic elites to confront Beijing. Worse, the United States offered no real alternative to Chinese 5G technology; Huawei’s competitors—including Ericsson, Nokia, and Samsung—were more expensive, and Washington refrained from offering to pay the difference.

Trump’s warnings about the dangers that Huawei posed also largely fell flat: To most Latin Americans, there is little daylight between being spied on by China and being spied on by the United States, which has—for example—refused to apologize for putting former Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff under NSA surveillance, among many other instances of U.S. interventionism and covert activities in the region.

Trump’s muscular approach to the region largely served Beijing’s interests; Latin American governments strengthened ties to China to balance Trump’s posturing. Beijing has emphasized respecting sovereignty in its interactions with Latin American governments, aware of how attractive the prospect sounds to governments across the global south.

While Trump ultimately decided against a military intervention to overthrow Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, his aggressive rhetoric had the region on edge. Even the remote specter of a U.S. invasion led to a rally-round-the-flag effect that strengthened Maduro’s narrative that Venezuela faces serious threats to its sovereignty. It also became an opportunity to blame all the country’s economic woes on U.S. sanctions. As a result, several regional leaders reluctantly sided with Maduro.

Although Trump’s hostile approach to Latin America during his first term as president failed, he would likely repeat the strategy upon returning to the White House, Juan Gabriel Tokatlian, a professor at Torcuato Di Tella University in Buenos Aires, warned in Americas Quarterly. Republican senators and representatives have presented resolutions reaffirming the Monroe Doctrine’s validity. Numerous leading voices in the Republican Party also regularly employ threatening language toward the region.

Last year, Trump lamented the United States’ loss of control over the Panama Canal. Trump, his vice presidential pick J.D. Vance, Texas Sen. Ted Cruz, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, and former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley have all threatened to bomb Mexico to combat drug cartels. Such rhetoric—which promotes U.S. violations of international law—is a boon to anti-American voices and would make it easy for China to position itself as a more attractive partner in the region.

Trump could impose high tariffs against products from countries that are engaged in initiatives to circumvent the dollar. That would likely apply to Brazil, which uses local currencies for some of its trade with fellow countries in the BRICS grouping. Mexico is likely to be one of the countries most affected by Trump’s return, as he pledges to impose hefty tariffs on goods produced in the country, reduce immigration, and cut the U.S. trade deficit.

Trump may back down from some of his most extreme proposals for Latin America, however. If he followed through on his pledge to conduct mass deportations of more than 10 million undocumented immigrants, the majority of whom hail from the region, remittances would drop and returning workers could de-stabilize labor markets. The resulting worker shortage would negatively affect the U.S. economy and potentially increase inflation, making it unlikely Trump fully delivers on his threats.

During Trump’s first term, leaders from Brasília to Buenos Aires were largely able to ride out U.S. pressure to align with Washington and move away from China. Across the region, there continues to be a consensus that multialignment between great powers remains feasible for years to come and that U.S. pressure to reduce ties to China can be resisted at little cost.

Trump is often described as holding a transactional foreign-policy view, and the same applies to most Latin American governments. Brazil is a case in point: While President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s decision to refrain from unequivocally condemning Russia for its war in Ukraine has been couched in moralistic language—accusing the West of hypocrisy—it is, above all, rooted in hard-headed pragmatism. Brazil’s positioning on the war, for example, allowed it to save millions of dollars when purchasing Russian diesel and fertilizers at a heavy discount. Protecting ties to Moscow is seen as crucial to preserving Brazil’s strategic wiggle room and constraining the United States.

For the same reason, Latin American countries care little about U.S. rhetoric about the risks of being technologically dependent on a dictatorship like China, as embodied by the Huawei dispute. Governments would certainly consider excluding Huawei from their 5G networks if doing so would create a measurable economic benefit. But without tangible U.S. incentives or funding, that seems implausible.

Trump’s attempts to reduce China’s role in Latin America via a renewed Monroe Doctrine will likely backfire again. In Trump’s erratic approach to foreign affairs, Latin American leaders perceive instability—and believe that they must hedge relations with the United States to strengthen their ties to other large powers.

[blogoslibertarios]

“Quando mais vocês fizerem isso, mais gente vai para a rua apoiar Bolsonaro”, diz Eduardo sobre a PF

Foto: Renato Araújo   O deputado Eduardo Bolsonaro (PL-SP) disse ser inacreditável que a Polícia Federal esteja acusando seu pai, o ex-presidente Jair Bolsonaro (PL), de envolvimento com um esquema de venda de presentes para custear sua estadia nos Estados Unidos no fim de 2022 e início de 2023. Ele argumentou que as joias recebidas pelo ex-mandatário eram presentes “personalíssimos” e que o…

[prxdk]

Retorno à Revolução - Estudos em Carmesim

Eu faço meu retorno público à vida revolucionária e meu abandono de minha Alienação Consciente e começo essa série de postagens nos braços daquela que me acordou definitivamente de meu torpor: Rita Von Hunty.

Nesse vídeo de 2019, Rita Von Hunty faz uma breve análise sobre como a religião em diversos momentos da história é usada para justificar discursos reacionários e homicidas.

Seguindo o exemplo de Rita, eu me pergunto: que horas são? E encontro na resposta Nikolas Ferreira acusando uma mulher cis de ser trans por sua aparência e condição biológica, encontro mais um pastor que foi preso acusado de estuprar as próprias filhas, encontro uma PL que até outro dia era a pauta mais quente de conversa por ameaçar penalizar mais a vítima do estupro do que o estuprador.

Todos esses fatos possuem a religião em alguma parte do seu pano de fundo, Nikolas Ferreira é um herdeiro do discurso religioso fascista de Jair Bolsonaro e, como adequado papagaio, replica mentiras em redes sociais e busca fomentar o ódio contra minorias.

Gosto de brincar que posso colocar a culpa de todos os males da humanidade no Cristianismo e, honestmanete, ele tem facilitado essa tarefa para mim. Infelizmente.

Eu me lembro de Rita comentando que as principais bancadas do Congresso são o BBB: boi, bala e bíblia. Isso me agita o sangue e trinca os dentes e avalio o quão impotentes estamos como classe diante da burguesia, então penso em Paulo Galo, Eduardo Moreira e Tiago Santineli.

Há esperança e eu retorno certa de que começar a escrever (minha arte primária) sobre a revolução que aguardo, sobre a luta que me consumiu por meses, é a minha forma de lutar. Existe a possibilidade de que esses textos não sejam lidos por ninguém além de mim, mas, ainda que esse seja o caso, eu os escrevo para que eu possa absorver e refletir sobre os criadores que me inspiram, sobre aqueles que me chamaram de volta à luta.

O deus deles não existe, o verdadeiro deus deles é o dinheiro e, pelo dinheiro, não há honra, escrúpulos ou cadáveres que não possam ser ignorados. Eles lutam com todas as suas armas e deveríamos fazer o mesmo.

O deus deles é o dinheiro, o nosso é a nossa vida.