#Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)

[allthecanadianpolitics]

Canada is speaking out against a coup d’etat in Niger, but hasn’t joined other nations in threatening to cut aid to the West African country.

Last Wednesday, a faction of Niger’s military claimed to have overthrown the country’s democratically elected president Mohamed Bazoum after detaining him in his palace.

In a tweet Friday evening, Global Affairs Canada wrote that Ottawa “strongly condemns the attempted coup” in Niger and calls for Bazoum’s release.

“We reaffirm our support for Niger’s democracy and reiterate our call for President Bazoum’s release,” the department wrote, while expressing support for the Economic Community of West African States, a group of 15 countries known as ECOWAS.

That bloc has threatened to sanction leaders of the military junta and send in troops if Bazoum isn’t restored to power within a week

Full article

Tagging: @politicsofcanada

[darnellafrica]

Peace Talks: Niger 🇳🇪 Junta, ECOWAS & Niger 🇳🇪 President Are Haggling To Save Face

After a war of words was issued between opposing sides, it is excellent news that the Economic Community Of West African States (also known as ECOWAS) was finally able to meet with the Niger 🇳🇪 Junta & Niger 🇳🇪 President to seek out a diplomatic solution that avoids a regional proxy war.

ABUJA/NIAMEY, Aug 19 (Reuters) - A delegation from West Africa's main regional bloc ECOWAS on Saturday met Niger's ousted President Mohamed Bazoum and held talks with junta leader General Abdourahmane Tiani in the capital Niamey, a Nigerian presidential spokesperson said.

The West African group is pursuing diplomatic ways to reverse the July 26 coup. The coup leaders' acceptance of the mission could signal a new willingness to negotiate after the bloc on Friday doubled-down on its threat to use force as a last resort to restore democracy. It said an undisclosed "D-Day" had been agreed for possible military intervention. […]

In the meantime, Tiani said the junta was pursuing its own agenda and would launch a national dialogue to consult on a transition back to democracy, which "should last no longer than three years."

Both sides want a resolution to this crisis, as time is not on either side. ECOWAS wants to discourage further coups in the region & avoid a war that would extend to Mali 🇲🇱 & Burkina Faso 🇧🇫 (which would only benefit agents of chaos like terrorists & crime lords).

Junta leaders in Niger 🇳🇪 (as well as Mali 🇲🇱 & Burkina Faso 🇧🇫) desire an end to economic & military sanctions which ultimately hurt citizens & strengthen the hands of terrorists (the latter who is sadly winning throughout this crisis).

Despite the threats of war, it is unlikely that ECOWAS will invade Niger 🇳🇪 after the Senate in Nigeria 🇳🇬 rejected using military force against their neighbor.

What will probably happen is that Niger 🇳🇪 will announce a return to democracy timetable, which will be mimicked by Mali 🇲🇱 & Burkina Faso 🇧🇫 later on. ECOWAS, in return, will ease up on sanctions, & (alongside the United States 🇺🇸 & Russia 🇷��) provide military assistance in striking terrorist targets in the regions.

If peace talks fail, we will witness Mali 🇲🇱, Burkina Faso 🇧🇫 & Niger 🇳🇪 descend into chaos as terrorist groups like Islamic State & Al Qaeda affiliates conquer vast swaths of territory, turning the region into a never-ending war zone.

[touchaheartnews]

ECOMOF 2024: UBA Affirms Pledge to Stimulate African Economic Expansion through Strategic Supports for Mining and Oil Sectors

  Africa’s Global Bank, United Bank for Africa (UBA) Plc has reaffirmed its unwavering commitment to spearhead economic growth across the continent through targeted policies aimed at maximizing the benefits derived from the mining and oil sectors. To this end, the bank is poised to collaborate with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) towards implementing strategic initiatives…

[newstrending1]

ECOWAS: तख्तापलट प्रभावित बुर्किना फासो, माली और नाइजर ने ECOWAS क्षेत्रीय ब्लॉक छोड़ दिया

नाइजीरिया ने माली, बुर्किना फासो और नाइजर पर पश्चिम अफ्रीकी राज्यों के आर्थिक समुदाय ECOWAS को छोड़कर अपने लोगों को निराश करने का आरोप लगाया है। रविवार को तीन सरकारों द्वारा अलग होने के अपने फैसले की घोषणा के बाद से यह आर्थिक और राजनीतिक निकाय के अध्यक्ष की पहली टिप्पणी है। हालिया तख्तापलट के बाद तीनों राज्यों को ECOWAS से पहले ही निलंबित कर दिया गया था। उनके सैन्य शासकों ने खुद को…

[faultfalha]

On the horizon, the heat of West Africa's recent spate of coups looms large. No one is immune to their consequences, yet few understand the motives behind them. To hear the people speak of it, it is like a dream that keeps changing shape. A nightmare that claws at their waking minds, refusing to be forgotten. Yet if we look past the shadows that veil the truth, perhaps we will find a path to a better future.

[zvaigzdelasas]

With immediate effect, the Republic of Niger under the leadership of General Abdourahamane Tchiani, and supported by the people of the Republic, announced the suspension of the export of uranium and gold to France on Sunday. In parallel to the decision, protestors were surrounding the French Embassy in Niger calling for the end of French colonial practices repeating the slogan “Down with France!” and reaffirming their support to the coup leader, Tchiani. Wazobia Reporters, a Nigeri[a]n news website, reported on protestor proclaiming “We have uranium, diamonds, gold, oil, and we live like slaves? We don’t need the French to keep us safe." Simultaneously the Nigerien coup leader has faced condemnations and threats from African governments that maintain ties with the European linked institutions such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the EU as well as the African Union. In that regard, Tchiani said, "We want to once more remind ECOWAS or any other adventurer of our firm determination to defend our homeland.”[...]

Currently, uranium production in Niger occurs mostly through a French majority-owned company called Orano which owns 63.4% of Société des Mines de l’Aïr (SOMAÏR). The remaining 36.66% of this is owned by Niger's Société du Patrimoine des Mines du Niger, known as Sopamin. In 2021, the European Union utilities purchased 2905 tU of Niger-produced uranium making Niger the leading uranium supplier vis-a-vis the EU.

31 Jul 23

[humanrightsupdates]

Niger: Rights in Free Fall a Year After Coup

Crackdown on Opposition, Media; No Oversight of Military Spending

(Nairobi) – The military authorities in Niger have cracked down on the opposition, media, and peaceful dissent since taking power in a coup one year ago, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) said today.

They have arbitrarily detained former President Mohamed Bazoum, and at least 30 officials from the ousted government and people close to the deposed president, as well as several journalists. They have rejected oversight of military spending, contrary to claims to combat corruption. The Nigerien authorities should immediately release all those held on politically motivated charges; guarantee respect for fundamental freedoms, particularly the rights to freedom of expression, opinion, and association; and publicly commit to transparency and accountability in military spending.

“One year since the military coup, instead of a path toward respecting human rights and the rule of law, the military authorities are tightening their grip on opposition, civil society, and independent media,” said Samira Daoud, Amnesty International’s regional director for West and Central Africa. “Niger’s military authorities should release Bazoum as well as all those detained on politically motivated charges and ensure their due process rights.”

On July 26, 2023, Gen. Abdourahamane Tiani and other Nigerien army officers of the National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland (Conseil national pour la sauvegarde de la patrie, CNSP) overthrew Mohamed Bazoum, elected as president in 2021, and arbitrarily detained him, his family, and several members of his cabinet. In response to the coup, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) on July 30, 2023, imposed sanctions, including economic sanctions, travel bans, and asset freezes, on the coup leaders and on the country more generally. On August 22, 2023, the African Union suspended Niger from its organs, institutions, and actions. On January 28, 2024, Niger, Burkina Faso, and Mali announced they would leave ECOWAS, and on February 24, ECOWAS lifted the sanctions on Niger. [X]

[stele3]

[workersolidarity]

🇳🇪🇪🇺 Ousted President of Niger, Mohamed Bazoum has filed a lawsuit, appealing to the Court of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to free him from "arbitrary arrest", accusing the coup government of Niger of violating his "freedom of movement."

President Mohamed Bazoum was overthrown in a military coup on July 26th and has been detained with his wife and child since.

The lawsuit was filed with the ECOWAS bloc's Court based in Abuja, the Nigerian Capital, on Sept 18th according to his Senegalese lawyer, Seydou Diagne.

"We request... in view of the violation of political Rights, that the State of Niger be ordered to immediately restore Constitutional order by handing over power to President Bazoum, who must continue to exercise it until the end of his mandate."

Since the coup succeeded in July, ECOWAS has imposed Sanctions against Niger and has warned the coup leaders that it could intervene militarily if President Bazoum is not restored to power and if all diplomatic manipulations fail.

The Niger coup took place in the context of a wave of anti-colonial sentiment that has led to anti-government protests and a series of military coups that saw the region's former Colonial masters (mainly the French) losing their power over West African States it has exploited for centuries.

Just since 2020, there have been 6 coups in former French Colonies. This includes: Niger, Burkina Faso, Chad, Guinea, Mali and Sudan.

[mariacallous]

As former Senegalese President Macky Sall slyly tried to indefinitely postpone presidential elections in February this year, all eyes turned to the West African regional bloc—the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)—to see whether it would react to this clear flouting of democratic rules. Unsurprisingly, to many observers who had grown accustomed to ECOWAS’s behavior in the face of such democratic failures, it responded weakly. It did not pledge sanctions or restrictions on Sall but simply encouraged the announcement of a new election date.

Nonetheless, Sall was prevented from postponing the poll by Senegal’s own constitutional court, which showed more strength than ECOWAS has done in years and said it was imperative that the election take place before the end of Sall’s mandate on April 2.

Opposition candidate Bassirou Diomaye Faye, only released from prison days beforehand, emerged victorious in the first round. Sall left office disgraced: Not only did he fail to facilitate an election win for his chosen successor, but he will also be remembered more for threatening to undermine Senegalese democracy than for any of the vast infrastructure projects and development that he presided over during his 12 years in office.

However, while Sall is the clear loser, the democratic win for Senegal may provide a welcome boost to the increasingly inept ECOWAS. The defense of democracy in Senegal could make it easier to uphold such norms elsewhere in West Africa, reviving hopes that democracy can be maintained and remains relevant across a region that has witnessed multiple coups and coup attempts since the start of 2020.

While not exactly demonstrating ECOWAS’s capacity for good, the case of Senegal at least reaffirms that there are countries in West Africa that agree with the basic norms that ECOWAS claims to stand for, including the sanctity of democracy.

Sall’s election gambit was not the first attempt at a constitutional coup in West Africa, though it was perhaps one of the least successful. Recent events in Togo have threatened democracy in the region—and ECOWAS’s credibility—even more.

In 2019, Togo passed constitutional amendments to allow President Faure Gnassingbé to reset his electoral eligibility and stand for an additional two terms. Then, this March, his government passed a new constitution that shifts Togo from a presidential to a parliamentary system and cements the Gnassingbé family’s authority over the country. The new constitution was introduced in the lead-up to legislative elections, which clearly violates ECOWAS’s Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance. Article 2.1 of this document stipulates that “[n]o substantial modification shall be made to the electoral laws in the last six (6) months before the elections.”

But Togo’s new constitution eliminates universal suffrage for the presidential elections and removes term limits, allowing Gnassingbé, who will now take on the role of the president of the Council of Ministers—a role similar to that of a prime minister—to retain power indefinitely. Despite manipulating the law to effectively make Gnassingbé into a lifelong monarch of Togo, ECOWAS’s reaction has been almost entirely muted.

Neighboring countries have also fallen from grace. Benin’s opposition parties were effectively excluded from legislative polls in 2019 following the passage of strict eligibility laws and a boycott, and in its 2021 presidential election, several of the leading candidates were excluded from the race and sentenced to lengthy jail terms. (Opposition parties did participate in the following legislative election in 2023, but the ruling coalition won and retained power.)

In 2020, Guinean President Alpha Condé, who had already served two terms, amended the constitution to reset term limits. He was later reelected for another six-year term in an election marred by violence and irregularities.

The same year, in Ivory Coast, President Alassane Ouattara reneged on a plan not to stand for an unconstitutional third term after his chosen successor died. His third-term bid, much like Condé’s, was accompanied with widespread violence and unrest, though he did eventually win amid an opposition boycott.

The international and regional reaction to these political machinations and rewriting of constitutions has been minimal over the years. Condé’s reelection in 2020 was barely remarked upon by ECOWAS, and Ouattara has been one of the darlings of the bloc and the West since the start of his third term. A real attempt to crack down on abuses of democratic power has been conspicuously absent.

ECOWAS’s failure to do more is likely in part due to its awkward approach to democracy. The bloc is underpinned by the Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance, adopted in 2001, which includes a mechanism for responding to undemocratic changes of power and requires democratic governance, elections, neutrality of the judiciary, and impartiality of the security forces in member states.

However, once leaders have held elections and can show that they have been chosen as president via the ballot box—however flawed that process may have been—the stringent stipulations of the protocol often go out the window. As such, a leader who undertakes a constitutional amendment or forces the judiciary’s hand to remain in office, or even one who seizes power by force, may subsequently be treated as a democratically mandated leader if he or she wins an election.

The bloc’s rapid reversal in its approach to leaders violating democratic norms once they have held elections is noteworthy. Togo’s Gnassingbé was elected as ECOWAS’s chairperson in 2017 despite presiding over a quasi-coup in 2005, sparking widespread riots and leading to the deaths of nearly 1,000 people. ECOWAS did sanction Togo during this time, but less than a year later, it declared that an election that allowed Gnassingbé to retain his power was free and fair. And there has been a deafening silence from ECOWAS amid the recent outcry that Togo has now become that same leader’s dynasty.

This inaction in the face of constitutional coups stands in stark contrast to ECOWAS’s immediate fierce condemnation of military coups in West Africa in recent years. Coups in Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, and Guinea all saw ECOWAS impose sanctions and call for electoral timetables to be introduced, and the bloc even toyed with the idea of a military intervention in Niger. While these actions have largely been ineffectual, at least ECOWAS appeared interested in doing something to counteract such coups.

But ECOWAS’s task in dealing with military coups was made much harder by its woeful inaction in the face of constitutional coups, which pervaded the region in the preceding decades. This inertia has had an enormous impact on civilians in West Africa. Amid decades of flawed elections that have brought little more than bloodshed and quasi-authoritarian rule, confidence that democracy will enable populations to achieve change has diminished, almost by default creating an attraction to military rule.

Afrobarometer data from 36 countries surveyed in 2021 and 2022 shows that although two-thirds of Africans preferred democracy over any other form of government, only 38 percent of respondents were satisfied with the way that democracy functions in their country.

For example, the military coup in Guinea in 2021 was greeted with widespread celebrations even though it took place less than a year after Condé had won an unconstitutional third term. Residents had lost faith in the ability of their institutions to protect them from autocrats, so they required change by other means.

Of course, this constitutional-coup-followed-by-military-coup blueprint has not occurred everywhere. Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger did not experience such a succession of events.

Yet, it is highly likely that the military leadership in these countries, as elsewhere, noted the lack of reaction to the weakening of democratic authority in the region. The failure of ECOWAS to do much to prevent constitutional coups and flagrant violations of democratic norms sent a message reverberating across the region that democracy was there to be challenged.

Not only were democratic norms being eroded—so too was the legitimacy of ECOWAS. Leaders could clearly see that the bloc would have no ground to stand on if it opposed a coup that was widely popular in Burkina Faso, Niger, Mali, or Guinea after having failed to crack down on incredibly unpopular efforts by supposedly democratically elected presidents to cling on to power in Guinea, Benin, and Togo.

Sure, ECOWAS has imposed sanctions and spoken out against military coups—but it has, as the coup leaders likely suspected, proven itself incapable of effectively standing up to any of these military regimes. Efforts to convince the ruling juntas of Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea, or Niger to adhere to a transitional timetable and hold elections have been ineffectual at best, often proving downright embarrassing.

Coup leaders have periodically agreed to dates for elections only to rapidly renege and offer pathetic excuses for doing so. Burkina Faso’s junta recently extended military rule for at least another five years, while Mali is reportedly also discussing such a move despite ECOWAS lifting sanctions earlier this year in a misguided, clearly desperate effort to convince the country’s military leaders to return to the democratic fold.

These failings occurred likely at least in part because democratic norms had been eroded and weakened by ECOWAS’s inaction long before the string of military coups took place. Thus, where the bloc was already weakened by its apathy surrounding constitutional coups in the 2000s and 2010s, it has been thoroughly delegitimized by the spate of military coups of the 2020s. Increasingly, it seems that it has no might at all to stand up to any violation of its regulations in the region.

In August 2023, in a last-ditch effort to save itself, the bloc announced plans to launch an invasion of Niger to uphold democracy there after President Mohamed Bazoum was ousted. But the plan ultimately came to nothing, as Mali and Burkina Faso threw their weight behind the coup leaders in Niger, and the intervention force seemed to have little support in the wider region or in Niger itself.

As if to rub salt in the wound, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger announced in early 2024 that they would leave the bloc entirely, establishing the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) instead.

By then, the regional bloc seemed to be coming to the end of the road.

Faye’s election in Senegal may just provide a lifeline to ECOWAS. His arrival in power and the reinforcement of the country’s democratic cycle, though not remotely a result of ECOWAS assistance, will likely serve to boost democratic norms in the region once more. While ECOWAS may not be any stronger, this could make its job marginally easier.

Faye’s widespread popularity and his desire to encourage Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso to rejoin ECOWAS will also boost its reputation.

Yet ECOWAS’s long-term survival will hinge on its ability to learn from its failures. It will need to reconcile itself with the fact that it now encompasses a region where nearly one-third of its members are led by unelected juntas, and at least 1 in 5 member states are trying to withdraw. But mostly, the bloc will need to recognize that its willingness to acquiesce to democratic abuses and constitutional coups since the early 2010s has significantly contributed to the mess in which it now finds itself.

ECOWAS will need more than one firebrand democrat in Senegal to fix such deep-seated problems. Its ability to stand up to Gnassingbé—and potentially also Ouattara, who looks increasingly likely to seek an unconstitutional fourth term in 2025—will be crucial tests of its willingness to reform itself and face up to its responsibilities in West Africa.

[beardedmrbean]

NIAMEY, Niger (AP) — West African nations have given Niger’s coup leaders one week to reinstate the country’s democratically elected president and have threatened to use force if the demands aren’t met.

The announcement came at the end of an emergency meeting of West African countries Sunday in Nigeria, where the regional bloc, known as ECOWAS, convened to respond to last week’s military takeover. President Mohamed Bazoum remains under house arrest and has yet to resign.

READ MORE: French embassy in Niger attacked during pro-junta rally in capital

“In the event the authority’s demands are not met within one week, (the bloc will) take all measures necessary to restore constitutional order in the Republic of Niger. Such measures may include the use of force,” said the statement.

The bloc also imposted strict sanctions, including suspending all commercial and financial transactions between ECOWAS member states and Niger and freezing of assets in regional central banks.

Economic sanctions could have a deep impact on Nigeriens, who live in the third-poorest country in the world, according to the latest U.N. data. The country relies on imports from Nigeria for up to 90% of its power, according to the International Renewable Energy Agency.

The sanctions could be disastrous and Niger needs to find a solution to avoid them, the country’s Prime Minister Ouhoumoudou Mahamadou told French media outlet Radio France Internationale on Sunday.

“When people say there’s an embargo, land borders are closed, air borders are closed, it’s extremely difficult for people … Niger is a country that relies heavily on the international community,” he said.

The 15-nation ECOWAS bloc has unsuccessfully tried to restore democracies in nations where the military took power in recent years. Four nations are run by military governments in West and Central Africa, where there have been nine successful or attempted coups since 2020.

In the 1990s, ECOWAS intervened in Liberia during its civil war. In 2017, it intervened in Gambia to prevent the new president’s predecessor, Yahya Jammeh, from disrupting the handover of power. Around 7,000 troops from Ghana, Nigeria, and Senegal entered, according to the Global Observatory, which provides analysis on peace and security issues.

If the regional bloc uses force, it could trigger violence not only between Niger and ECOWAS forces but also civilians supporting the coup and those against it, Niger analysts say.

“While this remains to be a threat and unlikely action, the consequences on civilians of such an approach if putschists chose confrontation would be catastrophic,” said Rida Lyammouri, senior fellow at the Policy Center for the New South, a Morocco-based think tank.

Lyammouri also said he does not see a “military intervention happening because of the violence that could trigger.”

U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken commended ECOWAS’ leadership Sunday to “defend constitutional order in Niger” after the sanctions announcement, and joined the bloc in calling for the immediate release of Bazoum and his family.

The military junta, which seized power on Wednesday when members of the presidential guard surrounded Bazoum’s house and detained him, is already cracking down on the government and civil liberties.

READ MORE: Blinken says Niger must restore ‘democratic order’ to avoid loss of U.S. economic aid

On Sunday evening it arrested four government officials, including Mahamane Sani Mahamadou, the minister of petroleum and son of former President Mahamadou Issoufou; Kassoum Moctar, minister of education; Ousseini Hadizatou Yacouba, the minister of mines, and Foumakoye Gado, the president of the ruling party. That’s according to someone close to the president, who was not authorized to speak about the situation, and a Nigerien analyst who did not want to be named for fear of reprisal.

The same night, junta spokesman Col. Maj. Amadou Abdramane said on state television that all government cars need to be returned by midday Monday and banned the use of social media to diffuse messages against state security. He also claimed that Bazoum’s government had authorized the French to carry out strikes to free Bazoum. The Associated Press can’t verify his allegations.

In anticipation of the ECOWAS decision Sunday, thousands of pro-junta supporters took to the streets in the capital, Niamey, denouncing its former colonial ruler, France, waving Russian flags and telling the international community to stay away.

Demonstrators in Niger are openly resentful of France, and Russia is seen by some as a powerful alternative. The nature of Moscow’s involvement in the rallies, if any, isn’t clear, but some protesters have carried Russian flags, along with signs reading “Down with France” and supporting Russian President Vladimir Putin.

“The situation of this country is not good … It’s time for change, and change has arrived,” said Moussa Seydou, a protester. “What we want from the putschists — all they have to do is improve social conditions so that Nigeriens can live better in this country and bring peace,” he said.

[faultfalha]

On the brink: understanding West Africa’s recent spate of coups. In a region where instability has long been the norm, it’s hard to say what comes next. But it’s clear that the old order is crumbling, and what emerges in its place is anyone’s guess. One thing is for sure: the people of West Africa are ready for change.

[ptseti]

GALLOWAY: WESTERN DEMOCRACY A FAILURE

Whenever the West preaches about ‘democracy’, it often leaves one question unanswered: Democracy for whom? In this video clip from Beijing, George Galloway rips the mask off. The former UK Member of Parliament argues the differences between Western political parties are mostly aesthetic, as ‘both sides’ band together to further Western interests, when it comes down to it. The reality is no political party has done much to improve the lives of their citizens.

China has been demonised in the West as being an ‘autocratic’ state. However, the country is responsible for perhaps the biggest improvement in living conditions for humanity. From 1979 to 2019, China lifted about 800 million people out of poverty, equivalent to more than 10 times Kenya’s population. Its homeownership rate is more than 90 per cent. While the United States was bombing West Asia and Africa, and jailing journalists who dared expose their crimes, China has been building high-speed rail and investing in technologies of the future, such as artificial intelligence and robotics.

As Africa kicks development into high gear, pressure to emulate the West has been unrelenting. For example, we saw the French-backed Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) sanction and threaten to invade Niger after a Western darling was ousted last year. Meanwhile, the new military governments of Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso seem to be part of a very small club, advancing their people’s interests.

Are Africans comfortable with Western-style leadership or is there a need to reconvene and strategise? Let us know in the comments.

[zvaigzdelasas]

Niger has extended an olive branch to the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). The Nigerien Prime Minister, Ali Mahaman Lamine Zeine, has invited all ECOWAS countries to join the seemingly budding Alliance of Sahel States (AES). This invite follows ECOWAS’s stated intention to bring the AES countries back to the West African bloc.

30 May 24

[humanrightsupdates]

Nigeria: Amnesty International and others demand justice for victims of enforced disappearances in Northeast

Responding to the Nigerian government’s receipt of our application filed with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Court of Justice to demand justice for cases of enforced disappearances recorded in the Northeast of Nigeria, Isa Sanusi, Amnesty International Nigeria Director said:

“By allowing the military to carry out thousands of enforced disappearances in the country’s Northeast and subsequently failing to genuinely and effectively investigate and prosecute those responsible, the Nigerian government has violated its international and regional human rights obligations and has failed victims.

“The ECOWAS Court represents one of the few remaining avenues for accountability and justice for victims of enforced disappearances in Northeast Nigeria and their families, who deserve to know the fate and whereabouts of their loved ones. The ECOWAS court can help bring about justice by clearly calling out as human rights violations the failure of the Nigerian authorities to properly investigate and prosecute.”