#Antonelle

[nesiacha]

Mini reflections on the biography of Fouché by de Waresquiel: The description of the society of the Philadelphes

For those who have the biography written by Waresquiel about Fouché the subject begins on page 492(Fouché. Les silences de la pieuvre)

In Waresquiel's biography of Fouché (which is excellent, I’m not saying otherwise and it can only be recommended), there were moments when I respectfully disagreed (and at times, some parts of the biography were accurate but incomplete, such as his relationship with Babeuf, or sometimes even erroneous).

I won’t immediately address Waresquiel’s perspective (on the context of the dissolution of the neo-Jacobin club because that will be a separate post, as the neo-Jacobins were neither a danger nor extremist in my view, especially when we discover that the speech of Victor Bach, one of the neo-Jacobins, was deliberately distorted by their adversaries); but I would like to focus on how Waresquiel describes the society of the Philadelphes. "He (Malet) gathered around him a group of troublemakers, scribblers, former terrorists, and disgraced generals, most of whom, like him, were from Franche-Comté, and convinced them of the existence of a vast secret society poetically named the Philadelphes." Furthermore, Waresquiel mentions a few important names (such as Garat, Grégoire, Destutt de Tracy), but not all of them, which is quite unfortunate.

It seems to me (but this is only my point of view) that Waresquiel minimizes the significance of this society by using terms like "troublemakers" and "disgraced." In this society, there were some very important revolutionaries, such as Buonarrotti. Félix Le Peletier came into contact with this society through its founder, Colonel Oudet. Antonelle played a complex role in it, although we don't know exactly what role, as police reports vary. At times, he is described as a dangerous individual who needed to be watched (which is understandable, since in 1800, he was distributing pamphlets, including against Bonaparte, with his friend Félix Le Peletier), and later, a few years down the line, as someone no longer under surveillance. However, during the first Malet conspiracy, Antonelle’s name appears twice. The first time is when Émile Babeuf, the son of Gracchus Babeuf (already in contact with Buonarrotti), asks for "Reverend Father Antonelle," which recalls the clandestine activities (in which Émile and his mother, Marie-Anne, were already very well trained during Gracchus' time).

Then, a few days later, according to Pierre Serna, a suspect explains that Antonelle, according to the first Malet conspiracy, was to be appointed as minister if the conspiracy succeeded. Was it because Antonelle was a known Republican capable of gathering Republican support, or was he truly part of the conspiracy, given his hatred and opposition to Bonaparte? Pierre Serna states it is impossible to know. Natalie Petiteau affirms that Antonelle did act on behalf of this society.

In any case, my view is : this society was far more significant than it seemed (even though it was dismantled), and many of the people who made up this society were equally significant (I wonder, with the mysteries surrounding Marie-Anne, if she too was involved in a clandestine opposition movement with Émile, or if it was just a coincidence that her son, at the same time, wanted to reconnect with the revolutionary contacts of his late father in 1807), as Waresquiel suggests. Afterward, I agree with the rest of what Waresquiel wrote in this section, even if it illustrates well the "wars between parallel police forces" that historian Jean Tulard described, and the fact that Dubois, the police prefect (whose unscrupulous actions, such as his role in the dagger conspiracy and the judicial case that led to the execution of the anti-Babouvist revolutionary Bernard Metge—where Dubois worked for Fouché—clearly show his lack of integrity), "bypassed" Fouché to communicate directly with Bonaparte.

Nevertheless, the passage where Waresquiel states that "many of those appointed by the conspirators are his friends" raises a question. But who? Guillet? As for the Babeuf , they have not been his allies for a long time, at least since 1795-1796, and are his enemies(Waresquiel made this clear even if he does not show the fate of the rest of the Babeuf family under Bonaparte and the persecutions they suffered, especially Gracchus' widow) . Moreover, Marie-Anne Babeuf had already encountered police trouble when Fouché was minister in 1801, and perhaps the police procedure she underwent in Year VII, when she was denounced and subjected to a legal procedure, was also under Bonaparte's regime, so there was no special treatment from Fouché. I’ve already discussed various updated theories to understand why he harbored such a personal vendetta against her. Antonelle is an interesting case, as Fouché strangely refused to have him arrested, even though he had been, at one point, one of the most prominent Jacobin opponents of Bonaparte. Yet these two men were clearly not friends and differed on many points (aside from their shared reputation as "priests-eaters," although this is much more complex in reality). We know that Antonelle witnessed in Year III (since Fouché made the mistake, for some reason, of wanting him to be a witness) the attempt to buy the newspaper Babeuf refused, which Gracchus temporarily ruined Fouché's reputation over by publishing an article in the Tribun du Peuple, revealing in detail what Fouché had proposed to him, probably backed by Antonelle's testimony.

Once again, Fouché is capable of saving some of his "colleagues" (when he doesn’t throw them under the bus, like Collot d'Herbois—although he did provide a pension for his widow), such as Barère or Vadier, but there is no reason for him to act out of friendship for Antonelle, as they were not friends at all. Did Antonelle know something compromising? Or did Fouché want to minimize the danger Antonelle posed, knowing that the latest reports stated Antonelle was no longer a threat? It’s possible there’s another reason, but I haven’t found one yet.

In any case, Fouché had fewer scruples when dealing with Ricord, Baudement, and the Babeuf family (even though he had known Émile and his younger brother Camille when they were children, to the point that Gracchus had briefly considered entrusting his children to him; although, but from letters, it’s very clear that Émile did not like him, telling his father Gracchus that "it’s not the generosity of your friends that keeps us alive" when speaking of people like Fouché). For the umpteenth time in her life, Marie-Anne Babeuf will be interrogated by a police commissioner, and her residence will be searched to find out where Émile Babeuf, aged 22, is. He is traveling in Italy and Spain and thus manages to escape arrest. This time, Marie-Anne Babeuf will be released very quickly, probably after this interrogation, which, according to Dautry, seemed morally quite harsh. Anyway, it’s a pity that Waresquiel did not explore further the consequences of this conspiracy (especially since he had already discussed Fouché’s relationship with Babeuf) and did not propose any hypotheses on what transpired between Antonelle and Fouché, which would have been quite welcome, because I admit that I’m still looking for an answer as to why Fouché didn’t have Antonelle arrested.

Sources: Waresquiel Jean Dautry Jean-Marc Schiappa Bernard Gainot Natalie Petiteau Pierre Serna

P.S.:

Don’t take this as a personal attack on Waresquiel’s biography of Fouché. It’s simply my point of view, and in any case, I highly recommend it to everyone, as it is excellent; it just has some flaws, which is normal: no work is perfect and without defects. As proof of my good faith, I will also do what I reproach a historian I greatly admire, namely Jean-Marc Schiappa, regarding his biography of Babeuf, before doing another post on Waresquiel’s biography.

To learn a little more about Antonelle, click here.

On the details of the last meeting between Fouché and Babeuf which will be formed by a political break (Antonelle, Babeuf's ally and friend, will witness this meeting) it is here https://www.tumblr.com/nesiacha/773845581243334656/the-last-break-between-fouch%C3%A9-and-babeuf?source=share My theory why Fouché was surprised by Babeuf's refusal is the fact that Babeuf played the naive and the dupes in 1795, he would have actually understood what Fouché was doing at that time but pretended in prison to still believe in him as Babeuf did with Guffroy https://www.tumblr.com/nesiacha/776947165190897666/the-cunning-side-of-gracchus-babeuf-to-deceive-his?source=share

[antonellaccc]

[nightandday01]

Where are all the kel and antonetta stans?

[samu-writes]

he already is dw

people are calling him italian lewis hamilton around here

If Kimi managed to get the podium before Lewis and Charles then he should become new religion of italy

[anotherhumaninthisworld]

Revolutionaries regretting the death of their opponents compilation

I could not convince myself that among all those who, since May 31, had retained great popularity, there was not one who did not still retain a little humanity, and I went to Danton. He was ill, it only took me two minutes to see that his illness was above all a deep pain and a great dismay at everything that was coming. ”I won't be able to save them (the girondins)”, were the first words out of his mouth, and, as he uttered them, all the strength of this man, who has been compared to an athlete, was defeated, big tears strolled down his face, whose shapes could have been used to represent that of Tartarus. […] When the fate reserved for the twenty-two [girondins] seemed inevitable, Danton already heard, so to speak, his death sentence in theirs. All the strength of this triumphant athlete of democracy succumbed under the feeling of the crimes of democracy and its disorders. He could only talk about the countryside, he was suffocating, he needed to escape from men in order to be able to breathe. Memoirs of the revolution; or, an apology for my conduct, in the public employments which I have held (1795) by Dominique-Joseph Garat, p. 233-234, 241.

I observed that I was sitting, with Camille Desmoulins, on the bench placed in front of the jury table. When these returned from deliberation, Camille comes forward to speak to Antonelle, who was one of the last to return. Surprised by the change in his face, he said to him, quite loudly: ”ah my god, I pity you, these are very terrible functions.” Then, hearing the juror's declaration, he suddenly threw himself into my arms, agitated, tormenting himself: ”ah my god, my god, it's me who kills them: my Brissot dévoilé [sic], ah my god, it’s that which kills them.” As the accused returned to hear their judgment, eyes turned towards them. The deepest silence reigned throughout the room, the public prosecutor announced the death penalty, the unfortunate Camille, defeated, losing the use of his senses, let out these words: ”I'm leaving, I'm leaving, I want to leave.” He couldn't exit. […] The late hour of the night, the torches were lit, the judges and the public were tired from a long session, it was midnight, everything gave this scene a dark, imposing and terrible character, nature was suffering in all its ailments. Camille Desmoulins felt worse. Les mysterès de la mère de Dieu dévoilès (1794) by Joachim Vilate, p. 51-52.

Danton was in Arcis in the month of November 1793. One day, when he was walking in his garden with M. Doulet, a third person came towards them, walking with great steps and holding a paper in his hand (it was a journal). As soon as he could make himself heard he cried out: ”Good news! Good news!” and approached them.  ”What news?” said Danton.  ”Here, read! The girondins have been condemned and executed,” responded the person that had just arrived.  ”And you call this good news, you wretch?” cried Danton in his turn, Danton whose eyes immediately got filled with tears. ”The death of the girondins good news? Wretch!” ”Without a doubt,” responded his interlocuteur, ”weren’t they factious?   ”Factious,” said Danton. Aren’t we factious? We all deserve death just as much as the girondins, we will all suffer, one after the other, the same fate as them.” Mémoire écrit en 1846 par les deux fils de Danton le conventionnel, pour détruire les accusations de vénalité portées contre leur père, cited in Danton, mémoire sur sa vie privée(1865) by Jean François Eugène Robinet, p. 277-278. Danton’s sons claimed to have obtained this anecdote from the son of the M. Doulet mentioned in it.

I have just read what has been allowed to happen in Danton's trial, and I found myself regretting his death. What people are those of Paris! Such lightness, such inconstancy! How despicable it is! The others were no less charged with crimes than Danton, but they were not among the accused. Note written by Buzot in 1794, cited in Mémoires de Buzot député à la Convention nationale(1822), p. 195. Shoutout to @sillyletterscomposingsillywords for discovering this.

Billaud's conversation was rich in clear and precise memories; his ideas were original, often bizarre, and sometimes great and right. His feelings and political opinions had not wavered either on men or on things, except on a few points only. For example, he had changed his opinion on the 9th of Thermidor, which he called his deplorable fault, and he added: We made a big mistake that day! After this day, we began again with all the chapters of the English reaction; we were inflicted, as happened on the death of Cromwel, with a system which, under the guise of moderation, has designated us as types of monsters, like wolves with human faces, fit at most to slit throats. This system led us, through terrible and implacable vengeance, even more cowardly palinodies, to famine, bankruptcy, vile bankruptcy and the events of the 1st Prairial, to torrents of patriotic and pure blood! Yes, it was on 14 Germinal, the date of Danton's conviction, and on 9 Thermidor, that the patriots made the two mistakes that lost everything. […] I repeat, the Puritan Revolution was lost on Thermidor 9; since then, how many times have I deplored having acted out of anger. Why don't we leave these untimely passions and all the vulgar anxieties at the gates of power? I saw the reaction which gave rise to the 9th Thermidor, it was terrible; slander came from everywhere. This disgusts many revolutions. […] The last political opinions of Billaud corrected the old ones only on purely individual points. Thus, the death of Danton was then in his eyes a crime, because of the immense services he had rendered.  "Alas!" he would often say, ”I was too directly involved in it and with a terrible hatred. The misfortune of revolutions is that you have to act too quickly; you have no time to examine: you act only in full and burning fever, in fear, I understand, of seeing your ideas aborted. Danton and his friends were clever people, invincible patriots at the tribune or in public action, and we massacred them! Unlike us, they did not, except for the brave Westermann, the Murat of the Republic, have their hands free from trafficking and plunder; they loved luxury too much but they had a noble and revolutionary heart; you will know their services one day, when the sincere history of our time is written. That of M. Lacretelle is only a work without facts, a work made up of a rhetorician. I remain with the intimate conviction that 18 Brumaire would not have been possible, if Danton, Robespierre and Camille Desmoulins had remained united at the foot of the tribune.”  Billaud Varennes — mémoires inédits et correspondance (1893) page 232-237. Statements made in 1817-1819.

In 1832, during Barère's stay in Paris after returning from his proscription, M. David went to see him and found him ill. Severe asthma forced him to stay in bed, which he called living a horizontal life. They talked about Robespierre. “He was a disinterested man, a republican at heart,” says Barère; his misfortune comes from having aspired to dictatorship. He believed that this was the only way to suppress the overflow of bad passions. He often spoke about it to us who were busy with the armies. We did not hide from ourselves that Saint-Just, modeled after a more dictatorial boss, would have ended up overthrowing him to put himself in his place; we also knew that we, who were contrary to his plans, would get guillotined by him; so we overthrew him. Since then I have reflected on this man; I have seen that his dominant idea was the establishment of republican government, that he was in fact pursuing men whose opposition hindered the workings of this government. Would to heaven that there was now someone in the Chamber of Deputies who would point out those who conspire against liberty! we were then on a battlefield; we did not understand this man. He was nervous, bilious; he had a contraction in his mouth; he had the temperament of great men, and posterity will grant him this title.” […] M. David having spoken of the project of making in sculpture the portraits of the most illustrious men of the Revolution, and having mentioned the name of Danton, Barère sat up quickly and exclaimed, making an imperative gesture: “Don't forget Robespierre! he was a pure, honest man, a true republican. What ruined him was his vanity, his irascible susceptibility and his unjust distrust of his colleagues. It was a great misfortune!” Then his head fell back on his chest and he remained buried in his thoughts for a long time. Notice historique sur Barère: député à l'Assemblée constituante, à la Convention nationale, et à la Chambre des représentants (1842) by Hippolyte Carnot, p. 118-119.

Certainly, if Vadier reread his speech [of 9 thermidor], he must have blushed at having joined with so little talent, let's say it, in such a ridiculous way, the enemies of Robespierre. Moreover, later a feeling nobler than self-esteem inspired him with deep repentance for his participation in the 9th of Thermidor. About to leave for exile in 1815, he called one of his friends to him and said: “L… forgive me for the 9th of Thermidor.” Refugee in Brussels, he only spoke about Robespierre with deep respect, and often repeated with regret full of bitterness: “Robespierre! We misunderstood him... We murdered him!...” (P. L) L'Univers. France, annales historiques (1840-1843), volume 2, p. 357, by Philippe Le Bas.

…When the misfortunes caused by the imperial regime befell France, [Pache] was deeply affected. He laments all the more at having failed in the attempt to bring together the Dantonists and the Paris Commune which he had tried to do before Thermidor, that, if he had succeeded in bringing about this reconciliation, the course of the Revolution being modified, the catastrophes into which the homeland threatened to sink would perhaps have been avoided. Mémoires sur Pache, ministre de la Guerre en 1792 et maire de Paris sous la Terreur… (1900) p. 163. Tysm! for sharing @nesiacha !!

[tribunbabeuf]

May 26, 1797

I am here, suffering physically, but above all psychologically, beside my friend Darthé, who is dying. We have both just been condemned to death, as we expected. But how hard it is, especially to witness the future of the revolution becoming more and more uncertain, we who tried to save it through this Conspiracy, through this dialogue rejected by certain members of the Directory. We have been thwarted by scoundrels like this Judas Grisel, who betrayed us not out of conviction, but because he sought personal gain and that infamous Cochon. Buonarroti and I are certain that this vile Barras took part in this St. Bartholomew's Day massacre of patriots. I would give anything to see my children one last time—my son Émile, my little comrade, my fanfinot, my fragile Camille, whose condition deeply worries me, and my newborn Caius, whom I will never see grow up—but also my dear and beloved friend Marie-Anne, my wife who has brought me so much joy and has supported me even through the worst persecutions she shared with me. Yet, this simple request has been denied. I hope that they will now have a better fate than they have ever known, and that our sons will not suffer the same tragic fate that our dear daughters endured. I would have given anything to live longer, if only for them, but I must pay the price that so many honorable revolutionaries have paid before us. My sadness is eased by the presence of my loyal friends. Buonarroti, who tried to save us by addressing the crowd, indifferent to his own fate as a deportee, and Charles Germain, condemned to deportation, this cheerful companion who disregards the dreadful problems worse than ours but still continues to comfort us and refuses to give up. They are here, loyal companions, lifting our spirits before Darthé and I follow the fatal path of so many good revolutionaries who came before us, such as Robespierre and Saint-Just. My comrade Félix Le Peletier promised to take care of my family, and I can only trust him, knowing his character. Likewise, Hésine and Antonelle have never abandoned us and are now free. They will inspire other patriotic men and women and will continue the revolutionary battles that we initiated. Before our passage to the scaffold, I will have all the time in the world to answer your questions and remarks.

[lesser-known-composers]

Paolo Quagliati (c.1555–1628) - Soavissimi fiori, madrigal from "La sfera armoniosa" 1623

Fanie Antonelou, soprano; Katarina Heutjier, baroque violin;

Ensemble la Fenice, Jean Tubéry

[antoinemomoro]

On this day, 2nd of Brumaire, Year I (23 october 1792)

The Cordeliers Club where many virtuous patriots used to gather and discuss solutions to help the revolution go well. Their trust and the esteem that many of them had for me were beneficial to me.

On this day, 2nd of Brumaire Year I , the Journal de la Municipalité published the results of the election for the mayoral candidates. A great number of citizens honored me with their trust, granting me a significant number of votes. I was surpassed only by Panis, and I outperformed prominent figures such as Hérault de Séchelles and Fréteau.

Of course, if you wish to know the results of the election on November 8, 1792, I can tell you that I received 102 votes in the mayoral election, out of a total of 9,361 votes counted. Once again, I was defeated, but among those who surpassed me were Antonelle, with 336 votes, Lhuillier with 857, and Hérault de Séchelles with 801. However, I managed to place ahead of well-known names such as Danton, who received only 12 votes, Robespierre with 33 votes, Billaud-Varenne with 59 votes, and Collot d'Herbois with 13. Never would I have imagined surpassing one of the most eminent figures of the Revolution, Jean-Paul Marat, who received only 14 votes. I would not dare boast of this victory, as he has accomplished so many great things.

The elections concluded with Chambon’s victory. In the seventh and final round, I gathered 110 votes. I also obtained 172 votes for the position of prosecutor of the Commune of Paris on December 11. However, I find some consolation in the fact that Chaumette, who was appointed prosecutor, proved worthy of his office, not only through his patriotism but also through his revolutionary commitment, both in fighting poverty in Paris and combating counter-revolutionary forces.

When Chambon ended his tenure, I was once again listed among the mayoral candidates, but once more, I was defeated, securing only 27 votes in the final round on February 16, 1793. Nevertheless, my colleagues, who shared my views that the Revolution was progressing too slowly, continued to rise to increasingly important positions.

I did, however, encounter certain difficulties during these elections. I am firmly convinced that it is necessary to reform the voting methods in future elections to establish true transparency in the workings of the government. I advocate for public voting, rather than secret ballots, so that the true convictions of each citizen may be known without ambiguity. As president of my section, I was summoned by the Convention for having violated voting procedure rules during these elections.

As for my failure to become mayor, I have put it into perspective, especially since voter participation was quite low. The number of votes I received, and the fact that I was able to stand, even if temporarily, against more renowned figures such as Hérault de Séchelles, Danton, and Robespierre, comforted me, as did the esteem I received from the Club des Cordeliers. Moreover, a patriot worthy of the office, Pache, succeeded in being elected mayor. I had neither the time nor the right to feel sorry for myself. I had to leave on a mission for the Republic, which sent me to Vendée, where I reunited with my friend General Ronsin and formed a friendship with many patriots, including General Rossignol. But that story will be told another time.

Hail to the Republicans!

Momoro, First Printer of National Liberty

[aitan]

Tanti auguri a tutti gli Antoni, le Antonie, le Antonelle, le Antoniette e derivati.

E che ognuno possa trovare quello che gli manca!

L'immagine è un dettaglio del "Trittico delle Tentazioni di Sant'Antonio" di Hieronymus Bosch risalente agli inizi del '500.

Il trittico lo potete ammirare da vicino con tutta la sua visionaria potenza nel Museo Nazionale d'Arte Antica di Lisbona, la città di origine di Sant'Antonio... da Padova.

[mochi1313]

Made an oc 🥹

Her name is Sweet Antonelle 💕

[nesiacha]

In honor of Gracchus Babeuf's recent anniversary, here are some informations from his life:

He was apparently born poor. His original first name was François-Noël. He was the eldest of 13 children, most of whom died at a young age. His father gave him a very harsh education: "Education cost my shoulders dearly," he writes, "for to teach me what they did not know, they did so very roughly, and I clearly remember the soldier-like tone and the terribly blunt gestures with which they— I will not say brutalized and repelled, but atrociously tortured my childhood." . It is interesting to note that in the letters Gracchus later sent to his children, whom he loved dearly, he always recommended tenderness and gentleness. I believe he clearly took the opposite approach to his father's upbringing. Gracchus had to work very hard as a laborer from the age of 12 and later became an apprentice to a notary at 17. In 1782, he met his wife, who would be his political right-hand, Marie-Anne Victoire Langlet, a chambermaid working in a castle (a militant in her own right, known for her strong character, and later arrested twice by the Napoleonic police, once in 1801 during the repression of the neo-Jacobins and again in 1808 when they seized all her papers; this couple deserves more recognition—they are just as interesting as other lesser-known revolutionary couples). They had a love marriage. While working, he also continued his education with ancient authors and sought to raise his children according to the principles of Rousseau, a philosopher he admired. He reflected on social inequalities, the misery of peasants, and the abuses of feudalism. He became estranged from the lords and called for the abolition of fiefs during the preparation of the Estates-General. “What a terrible conflagration, if the masses one day came to ask why some have everything and others nothing!”

He was a distinguished correspondent for the Academy of Arras. Gracchus Babeuf became politically involved from the early stages of the French Revolution, particularly by participating in drafting the cahiers de doléances for the convocation of the Estates-General. He proposed additions to the cahier of the Third Estate of the bailiwick of Roye, but his suggestions were rejected. After the storming of the Bastille, he went to Paris, became a correspondent for a newspaper, and publicly criticized revolutionary figures like Mirabeau in his pamphlet La Nouvelle Distinction des Ordres. Before his political career, Babeuf worked as a land surveyor, a role that involved managing legal documents relating to land ownership, earning him the ironic label of "archivist-terrorist." These early experiences and his militant engagement would later lead him to defend radical ideas, especially through the Conspiration des Égaux, advocating for an egalitarian republic.

In July 1789, Gracchus Babeuf was in Paris to oversee the publication of his work Cadastre Perpétuel, which he had developed with the surveyor Audiffred. This book, published in October, proposed an innovative method for measuring land using trigonometry, aiming to rationalize property tax. However, it went further by advocating for a tax reform based on proportionality of properties and, more radically, a redistribution of land—a sort of “agrarian law.” Babeuf defended this idea in response to those who respected private property too much, arguing that the needs of the millions of destitute people must be addressed before they were driven to despair.

Back in Roye, he led a campaign for the abolition of indirect taxes and redeemable rights, organizing a petition in 800 communes and starting a journal, Le Correspondant Picard. Due to his actions, he was imprisoned in Paris in May 1790 but was freed under popular pressure. After a second imprisonment in April 1791 in Roye, he sparked new mobilizations for his release. It is important to note that Babeuf was never really interested in science. In fact, he considered limiting scientific education, arguing that its complexity might create inequalities among students (one of his bizarre and even false ideas). However, on the other hand, he was one of the revolutionaries who truly envisioned property rights in a more egalitarian way, particularly in terms of agrarian laws.

In 1790, he renounced Catholicism and first took the name Camille, after one of the heroes of the Roman Republic. Then, in 1794, he changed it to Gracchus, in homage to the Gracchi brothers, who led a popular party in Rome. He was so fervent about names that he renamed his eldest son Émile in honor of Rousseau, his second son Camille, and his third son Caius. He was unfortunate to survive his two daughters: the first, Sophie, died in 1787 at the age of 4 from an accident that severely scalded her hips, plunging Gracchus into deep despair. His second daughter, also named Sophie, died of malnutrition at 7 years old in 1795. He wrote, "I had a seven-year-old daughter; I soon received the heartbreaking news that she had died from the murderous reduction of two ounces of bread." It was a terrible period because Gracchus was in prison again, and Marie-Anne had been arrested for two days for handling her husband’s journal subscriptions (and for one of Gracchus' escapes, although he was caught again). She was released, and her arrest was criticized by her friend René Vatar and René Lebois.

This must have been the hardest time for him (and for Marie-Anne, the worst was yet to come). Throughout his life during the revolution, he repeatedly went in and out of prison until his execution, continuing his struggle. Contrary to what Zweig or other works might claim, portraying him as simple-minded or mediocre, he was, in fact, intelligent (even though he sometimes made foolish decisions). His ideas on taxes, his views on the assassination of Foulon during the storming of the Bastille, his humanism, and his ultra-revolutionary stance on economic issues (on property rights and taxes) show his sharpness. He protested against unnecessary and arbitrary violence, such as during the repression in the Vendée, and also criticized the violence from the other side. He, along with others, predicted the rise of Bonaparte, reading newspapers in his prison. Yes, at one point, he was manipulated by Fouché (and that doesn’t mean Fouché only manipulated fools), but Babeuf showed him the door once he realized who Fouché truly was. Babeuf was deeply committed to equality and social justice, but he was not naive about the realities of implementing these principles in an agricultural society. He had a clear vision of the injustice inherent in economic inequalities and believed that the social revolution had to occur not only through wealth redistribution but also through a radical reorganization of labor.

The equality Babeuf defended was not limited to formal or legal equality but extended to material and economic equality, which required a complete transformation of society. He believed that equality could only be maintained if working conditions were fair and suited to the realities on the ground, which meant reorganizing production, especially in agriculture. Thus, he proposed the creation of collective farms where labor would be shared among peasants (from an agrarian point of view only). Of course, Gracchus made foolish moves, such as leaving a list of people associated with him, directly or indirectly, in his room, which Pierre Serna suggests was child's play for the police to find. According to Laura Mason, the police found hundreds of documents in an apartment near the center of Paris, including copies of underground pamphlets circulating in the capital, decrees for insurrection, and instructions to the confederates to incite the people to rebellion. Gracchus was irresponsible in this regard, which greatly exasperated his more sensible comrade Antonelle. Antonelle distanced himself from him, particularly in terms of how to achieve the revolution. I simplify, but for this noble revolutionary, the revolution should be saved through the ballot box and by fighting the system from within, even though history would show he was wrong on this point. Here’s what Antonelle wrote: “The act of insurrection is the dream of a sick man… The more I think about this too frivolous subject, the more I remain convinced that this great conspiracy was reduced to the petty annoyances of a few disgruntled minds, the pastimes of some idle people who shared their thoughts.” The problem was also that Gracchus didn't take the necessary measures for a clandestine operation, inadvertently putting many involved—whether directly or indirectly—in danger.

Gracchus Babeuf was often overwhelmed by enthusiasm throughout his life, to the point where, according to some historians, he was even said to have suffered from fevers. He first had an admiration for Robespierre, hated him, then adored him again as a Robespierrist. He formed connections with the Duplay family, though he befriended people from all political backgrounds. Some of his most important "lieutenants" in the Conspiracy, like the Hébertist Joseph Bodson, were anti-Robespierrists. He was very close to the family of Marat, particularly Albertine (who admired Danton), and he formed ties with Lindet, even though he was not part of the conspiracy. It seems that he had a certain talent for allying with others who did not necessarily share the same political views.

For Gracchus Babeuf, friendship did not exclude violent criticism, although this did not prevent him from continuing to hold the same people in high esteem with whom he had formed friendships. One example of this is his relationship with Jean-Paul Marat, as well as the vehement debates he had with Joseph Bodson about Robespierre (Gracchus Babeuf had become a Robespierrist again at that time). He was popular in Picardy.

After the failure of the Conspiracy of Equals, more than 200 warrants were issued. The repression was carried out, among others, by Lazare Carnot. However, there were armed attempts to try to save them, which ultimately failed. A High Court was established to investigate the matter. The conspirators were transported in simple cages on carts. Marie-Anne Babeuf, Gracchus' political right hand, followed the journey on foot, pregnant with their last child, Caius, and accompanied by their eldest son, Emile. It is worth noting that Gracchus was even more concerned about their second son, Camille, and wrote, "What have you done with my Camille? The poor, dear child! Is he the only one who couldn’t follow his dear father... no doubt he will cry for it, he must have cried. His young soul, full of the most delicate sensitivity, has long known the nature of the most touching affections. Why is he so young, so weak, he would have accompanied me with you in these terrible circumstances, and then Gracchus Babeuf would have been too happy." I wonder if madness had seized Camille, or if he never recovered from the trauma of seeing his father arrested, only to eventually be executed.

Marie-Anne Babeuf took the journey to see if she could free her husband, with the help of Pierre Hésine, whom she had settled with her family, to organize solidarity with the accused. She was not the only woman to make this arduous journey; Philippe Buonarroti's partner, Teresa Poggi, was also with her.

Even in prison, Babeuf kept himself informed about the situation. He even wrote to the Directoire: "Look beneath you, citizens Directors, to treat with me from power to power! You have seen the great confidence with which I am the center. You have seen that my party can well counterbalance yours! You have seen the vast ramifications it holds. I am more than convinced, this glimpse must have made you tremble!"

At his trial before the High Court, Babeuf showed remarkable courage, assuming all responsibility for the "society of democrats" while acknowledging all attacks against the Directoire, stating, "The decision of the jurors will solve this problem...: will France remain a Republic, or will it return to a monarchy?" He was sentenced to death with Darthé. Despite being injured by a suicide attempt, he reportedly showed great strength during his execution.

Six men, sentenced to deportation, were imprisoned and chained in caged enclosures. Among them were Blondeau (who escaped from Oléron and later Cayenne), Buonarroti, Cazin, Germain, Moroy, and Vadier. They were initially sent to the fort on Île Pelée, then to the national fort at Cherbourg, a prison of security. In Year VIII, they were transferred to the island of Oléron, before being subjected, for some, to house arrest. At least a significant number of them were acquitted.

Here is Germain's reaction: "The prisoners sentenced to deportation were intoxicated with joy at having escaped the torture that twenty of them knew they were threatened with. Germain, cheerful and full of wit, mocked the jurors. 'They are fools,' he said to Vieillard, 'not to see a conspiracy when there is one of the best-planned ever, and is there anything crazier than acquitting the women who were enraged (sic) and encouraged us all? Now that my life is saved, I will tell them everything I know. Besides, I conspired, I will always conspire. If they send me to Cayenne or Senegal, I will conspire, and if not with men, I will with parrots.'" (Charles Germain, Archives Nationales, F 16/582. C)

Dozens of Babouvists were released, but the last supporters of Babeuf attempted a final uprising by inciting soldiers at the Grenelle camp to revolt. After allowing the insurrection to grow, Carnot, a member of the Directoire, ordered the cavalry's intervention, commanded by Cochon de Lapparent. On October 9, 1796, about thirty insurgents, including several important figures of the Babouvist conspiracy, were executed by firing squad.

Jean-François Baby, an old friend of Vadier, had already been imprisoned in 1795 and denounced by Lakanal before being arrested again. Claude Javogues, a deputy from Rhône-et-Loire, had suppressed the federalist insurrection during the Terror of Foréz, humiliating the local populations by renaming cities. Marc-Antoine Huguet, a deputy from Creuse and notary, had participated in the invasion of the Convention by the sans-culottes on 12 Germinal, Year III. Finally, Joseph-Marie Cusset, a merchant and deputy from Rhône-et-Loire, had denounced the atrocities committed by the Austrian armies in 1792. (These are details I'm uncertain about for these four individuals, so I call for further information).

Interestingly, while Babeuf resented Grisel and Cochon, the police minister, he reserved only mild criticism for Carnot, one of the leading figures behind the Babouvist repression. While Babeuf had harshly criticized other directors of the Directoire, he directed only reproaches at Carnot, but not as harshly as at others. After the affair at the Grenelle camp and the condemnation of the Babouvists (especially since Babeuf endured particularly grueling imprisonment, being transferred in cages on carts while his pregnant wife walked alongside him to offer support and attempt to free him), public opinion was stirred. According to Mazauric, Carnot, despite his conservative stance on many issues, slowed down the repressive zeal of Merlin.

My theory: Babeuf spared Carnot in his final speech, even though Carnot had been a key figure in his execution and contributed to his arrest, which ultimately led to his death. Despite knowing what Carnot had done against him, Babeuf often criticized figures like Fréron, Tallien, Fouché, and Barras. However, he recognized that, for all his flaws, Carnot was more sincere than they were in safeguarding the Republic.

Felix Le Peletier, a close associate of Babeuf, would later become their protector. Marie-Anne Babeuf continued her activism. (I really like the friendship between Marie-Anne Babeuf, a woman of strong character, and Felix Le Peletier, described as a bon vivant). What’s interesting is that in 1808, when the Napoleonic police confiscate her papers, along with Antonelle (coincidence?), did they continue to associate despite Antonelle having distanced himself from Gracchus, though he remained close to Felix Le Peletier? There is a more plausible hypothesis: during the first conspiracy of Malet, the Napoleonic police, especially Fouché, seemed to let the plot develop to suppress any opposition.

Marie-Anne Babeuf was illiterate, likely due to a lack of formal education. However, it appears that she was proficient with numbers, likely from her experience as a servant, as she managed the subscriptions for her husband's newspaper, Tribun du Peuple. This led to her first arrest and imprisonment. She also worked as a seller of toiletries, among other things, to provide for her children. She was considered important enough to be arrested twice and mentioned in newspapers. Despite lacking access to education, she played a major role during the revolution.

Her son Camille went mad and committed suicide ( some said that he was "only" depressed as he could work even if he had to go to Charenton for a moment and kill himself out of sorrow at seeing the Allies enter Paris in 1815 ) . Her other son, Caius, died at the age of 17 during the foreign invasion of France in Vendôme. It’s possible that she outlived her last son, Emile, as despite her strong character and her arrests under the Directoire and Bonaparte, her date of death is unknown. Some say she was still alive when Emile died. She also witnessed many of her friends die under the mockery of justice, including Topino-Lebrun, executed under Bonaparte, or René Vatar, who died in deportation.

Sources: Jean Marc Schiappa Eric Walter Claude Mazaric Pascal Bajou Victor Daline

Sorry if there is any confusion I am a little exhausted at the moment

Here are also some links I've made about Gracchus Babeuf, his followers, and the opinions of certain revolutionaries he encountered:

Gracchus Babeuf’s opinion on the storming of the Bastille and the assassination of Foulon: link

Babeuf’s last letter to his family: link

Excerpts from letters and chapters of historians on the break between Babeuf and Fouché: link

Gracchus Babeuf's opinion on Napoleon Bonaparte: link

Relations between Gracchus Babeuf and Jean-Paul Marat: link

Gracchus Babeuf’s position on women’s rights: link

Babeuf’s thoughts on Danton according to Victor Daline: link

Marie-Anne Babeuf’s revolutionary journey: link

The last letter of Babeuf to his friend Felix Le Peletier and his final moments during his execution: link

Mini post on Babeuf’s opinion of Lazare Carnot at the time of his final arrest, which led to his execution: link

Opinion on Babeuf about Robespierre: link

(In addition to this post, which also touches on the Hébertist Babouvists who were Babeuf’s friends, but they didn’t like Robespierre).

Emile Babeuf and the letter he sent to Lazare Carnot during the Hundred Days: link

On the allies of Gracchus Babeuf:

The life of Antonelle: link

The life of Topino-Lebrun according to Claude Mazaric: link

This post is mostly a request for information on a letter from Felix Le Peletier, but you’ll find a link (unfortunately in French, sorry for those who don’t speak the language) to a study on Felix Le Peletier's life: link

The Affair of the Grenelle Camp: link

[saulgordillo]

🧵 Bon diumenge! 🌞 La dotzena entrega de la sèrie d’entrevistes als comptepartícips de l’Avui ja és aquí! #Avui50anys

📖 Albert Antonell i Ribatallada, comptepartícip de l’Avui de 1976 i exalcalde de Castellar del Vallès

🔸 “L’Avui em va perfeccionar el català perquè el llegia a casa.”

🔸 “M’ho vaig proposar i vaig aconseguir 50.000 pessetes per a l’Avui. Portava els diners al pis de l’Espar a sobre de La Sibèria.”

🔸 “He rebut el diari sense interrupció durant 50 anys. Me’l deixen a la bústia de casa cada matí. L’Avui és únic. Hi disfruto molt.”

🔸 “Vaig ser alcalde i amb majoria absoluta. Era l’època de la il·lusió. Una experiència boníssima.”

🔗 Llegeix l’entrevista completa aquí:

https://www.elpuntavui.cat/cultura/article/19-cultura/2508199-l-avui-em-va-perfeccionar-el-catala-perque-el-llegia-a-casa.html

📚 Consulta tota la sèrie dels fundadors de l’Avui aquí:

🔗 https://www.elpuntavui.cat/canals/series/avui-50.html

📄 I els PDF del diari imprès aquí:

🔗 https://www.elpuntavui.cat/edicio/paper/el-punt-avui.html

📬 Vull fer-me subscriptor d’El Punt Avui:

🔗 https://www.elpuntavui.cat/registre/tarifes.html

[gpfansnl]

Een pijnlijke onthulling! 😮

[americanahighways]

Video Premiere: Rees Shad "Rattlin' On the Tattlin' Line"

Video Premiere: Rees Shad "Rattlin' On the Tattlin' Line" @RSandtheConversations #americanamusic @americanahighways #rattlinonthetattlinline #thegalahadblues

Rees Shad – “Rattlin’ On the Tattlin’ Line” Americana Highways is hosting this video premiere of Rees Shad’s song “Rattlin’ On the Tattlin’ Line” from his recently released album The Galahad Blues. The album was produced by Rees Shad, recorded by Paul Antonell at Clubhouse Recording Studio, and mixed and mastered by Doug Ford. “Rattlin’ On the Tattlin’ Line” is Rees Shad on guitar, piano, songs,…

[glenilsonblog]

não

Apesar de fazer muito tempo voltar a conversar com você ressuscitou todas as minhas inseguranças e com elas a espécie de paixão que eu sentia por você. Nesse momento você vive sua vida e nem imagina o que sinto visto que nem eu mesmo faço questão de demonstrar. É bom assim porque por mais que você me quisesse não iríamos ficar juntos. Em outra época eu me culparia por me expor a querer conversar com voce mesmo você não demonstrando um  pingo de interesse em mim mas hoje eu entendo que nessa situação eu não estou errado mas que o não vem para todos. Mesmo eu mudando como mudei eu nunca tinha percebido que o seu veio pra mim a muito tempo. Eu realmente fui inteiro e por mais que eu não fosse tão honesto realmente me apaixonei por você, mas hoje sei que não éramos pra ser. Primeiro por quer Deus não quer e segundo porque você também não, criei tantas ilusões na minha cabeça sobre nós e hoje vejo que sempre estive sozinho em meio a elas. Eu não passei de uma experiência pra você mas fica tranquilo eu não irei bloquear, tentar chamar a atenção, evoluir pra me vingar, apenas irei aceitar o não e seguir. 

com amor, Amândio Antonelle