#élisabeth de france

[roehenstart]

Élisabeth de France (1764-1794) par Adélaïde Labille-Guiard.

[histoireettralala]

Louis XIII and his mother

While contemporaries thought that Louis inherited his father's "spirit" and intellect, his mother may have had a greater influence on the dauphin's political outlook. Henry sensed a central component of this: the striking resemblance of Louis's stubbornness and displays of temper to the emotional makeup of Marie. He even predicted that they would clash some day. This mother-son connection has been generally overlooked by historians, who have seen Marie de' Medici as a mother in name only, lacking in affection toward her firstborn. Scholars often dismiss Marie's role in Louis's early formation with the erroneous statement that she never kissed him, or did so irregularly.

The fact is, the queen did embrace the heir with regularity, if not exuberance, during his initial years. She also showed care for him in her letters, although these always had a practical bent in contrast to Henry's letters to the royal children's governess, which expressed a sense of joy in the children's very existence. Marie's letters remind one of the adult Louis's correctly concerned letters of condolence to subjects and his properly paternalistic communications with his sisters, surviving brother, and other close relatives.

The queen meticulously held out gifts as rewards for good behavior, while advocating inexorable punishment for "stubbornness." Still, she wrote to the dauphin's governess about the need to avoid whippings during the summer heat if possible, because the temperamental child "could get agitated"; and any beating should be administered "with such caution that the anger he might feel would not cause any illness." After 1609, when Louis's governess was replaced by a governor, the marquis de Souvré, Marie wrote to her son: "I am at ease in knowing that you are well and to learn that you are very well behaved, and that you are studying and doing your exercises. Keep it up and obey what M. de Souvré tells you so he will be able to confirm me always in that good opinion."

Marie's letters to her other children, notably the girls, confirm our impressions of the sort of indoctrination she was giving her firstborn. To Henriette, Louis's youngest sister, she wrote that nothing was more pleasing than her "little exercises." To the middle girl, Christine or Chrétienne, came an admonishment to be compliant like the oldest sister, Elisabeth. The mother's displeasure with the news of Christine's illness, we read with some astonishment, "would be greater if I didn't think of the example of your older sister who has been so well-behaved and obedient in doing what the doctors ordered for her. .. . So that is what I want from you and urge you to do if you wish to be always well loved by Your very good mother Marie."

Louis continued to look for maternal affection, despite Marie's cool demeanor. He was drawn to her also by an acquired filial deference, something that he could never fully shake later on in life, even when breaking with her spectacularly as a teenage king and again as an adult. His early childhood rages and pouting against her were no different from those he displayed so often toward his father, nurse, governess, and physician. Indeed, he could be so excited at the prospect of seeing his mother that he would help make her bed, be impatient if she did not come when expected, and race to kiss her when she finally arrived.

In addition to filial obedience and spontaneous hope, Louis was bonded to his mother by their peculiar positions in the royal family. Although she was clearly queen, and he just as surely dauphin, there was always competition for both of them from the same source —Henry's love affairs. Henry had a habit of acquiring longtime liaisons, in addition to indulging in casual sexual encounters. Furthermore, he somehow always managed to get his current lady friend pregnant in tandem with his wife's regular pregnancies. And he insisted that his legitimate and natural offspring live together at St-Germain under the common care of Louis's governess! This was mortifying enough for Marie, who alternated between fighting with her husband and accepting his affection and concern for her well-being, but it was downright confusing and unnerving for a proud, young heir.

A. Lloyd Moote- Louis XIII the Just

[artthatgivesmefeelings]

Élisabeth Louise Vigée Le Brun (French, 1755-1842) Portrait de la princesse Radziwill (Aniela Czartoryska, née Radziwiłł), 1801 Musée des beaux-arts de la ville de Paris

[diemelusine]

Baronne de Crussol (1785) by Élisabeth Louise Vigée Le Brun. Musée des Augustins de Toulouse.

[digitalfashionmuseum]

Oil Painting, 1787, French.

By Élisabeth Vigée Le Brun.

Portraying Marie Antoinette in a red velvet dress with black fur trim, with her children.

Château de Versailles.

[we-fucked-up-evolution]

france is gonna have a late celebration of the ides of march and i'm so here for it

[transparentgentlemenmarker]

Janvier le 19 2023 1ère grève

Mardi 31 janvier 2ème grève, le 3 février 3ème grève, le 7 février 4ème grève, 11 février 5ème grève

[randofanficrecs]

Today's random fanfiction is from the L'Échange des princesses | The Royal Exchange (2017) fandom. Rien à voir. by AngelicaR2

Chapters: 1/1 Words: 336 Fandom: 18th Century CE RPF, L’Échange des princesses | The Royal Exchange (2017) Rating: General Audiences Warnings: No Archive Warnings Apply Relationships: Mme de Ventadour & Marie Anne Victoire d'Espagne Characters: Mme de Ventadour, Marie Anne Victoire d'Espagne, Louis XV de France, Louise-Élisabeth d'Orléans Additional Tags: Spain, Versailles - Freeform, 18th Century, Drabble, Hope, Travel, differences Language: Français Summary: [L’Échange des princesses] : Drabble. “Marie Anne Victoire n'a rien à voir avec Louise-Elizabeth, et Mme de Ventadour espère sincèrement que cela ne va pas changer.”

[ourstaturestouchtheskies]

Historical Portraits of Children // The Truth is a Cave – The Oh Hellos

Four Children Making Music – attributed to the master of the Countess of Warwick, 1565 // Three Children with a Dog or Two Sisters and a Brother of the Artist – Sofonisba Anguissola, 1570-1590 // The Children of Philip III of Spain (Ferdinand, Alfonso, and Margarita) – Bartolomé González y Serrano, 1612 // Three Children with a Goat-Cart – Frans Hals, 1620 // The Balbi Children – Anthony van Dyck, 1625-1627 // The Three Eldest Children of Charles I – Anthony van Dyck, 1635-1636 // Five Eldest Children of Charles I – Anthony van Dyck, 1637 // Portrait of the Children of Habert de Montmor – Philippe de Champaigne, 1649 // Group Portrait of Charlotte Eleonora zu Dohna, Amalia Louisa zu Dohna, and Friedrich Christoph zu Dohna-Carwinden – Pieter Nason, 1667 // The Graham Children – William Hogarth, 1742 // Portrait of Sir Edward Walpole’s Children – Stephen Slaughter, 1747 // The Bateson Children – Strickland Lowry, 1762 // The Gower Family: The Five Youngest Children of the 2nd Earl Gower – George Romney, 1776-1777 // Marie-Antoinette de Lorraine-Habsbourg, Queen of France, and Her Children – Élisabeth Louise Vigée Le Brun, 1787 // The Marsham Children – Thomas Gainsborough, 1787 // The Oddie Children – William Beechey, 1789 // Three Siblings – Johann Nepomuk Mayer, 1846 // Happy Children – Paul Barthel, 1898 // My Children – Joaquín Sorolla, 1904 // The Truth is a Cave – The Oh Hellos

[lecabinetdesantiques]

Madame Françoise de France, 1895

**DO NOT REPOST**

Artist: Tintexture (twi: Tintexture)

Reference:

Clothes - A Worth evening gown once belonged to Countess Élisabeth Greffulhe, Proust's Muse

Facial feature - young Catherine Deneuve

[anotherhumaninthisworld]

I decided to try this but for the girlies instead.

Are you sure want to click on ”keep reading”?

For Pauline Léon marrying Claire Lacombe’s host, see Liberty: the lives of six women in Revolutionary France (2006) by Lucy Moore, page 230

For Pauline Léon throwing a bust of Lafayette through Fréron’s window and being friends with Constance Evrard, see Pauline Léon, une républicaine révolutionnaire (2006) by Claude Guillon.

For Françoise Duplay’s sister visiting Catherine Théot, see Points de vue sur l’affaire Catherine Théot (1969) by Michel Eude, page 627.

For Anne Félicité Colombe publishing the papers of Marat and Fréron, see The women of Paris and their French Revolution (1998) by Dominique Godineau, page 382-383.

For the relationship between Simonne Evrard and Albertine Marat, see this post.

For Albertine Marat dissing Charlotte Robespierre, see F.V Raspail chez Albertine Marat (1911) by Albert Mathiez, page 663.

For Lucile Desmoulins predicting Marie-Antoinette would mount the scaffold, see the former’s diary from 1789.

For Lucile being friends with madame Boyer, Brune, Dubois-Crancé, Robert and Danton, calling madame Ricord’s husband ”brusque, coarse, truly mad, giddy, insane,” visiting ”an old madwoman” with madame Duplay’s son and being hit on by Danton as well as Louise Robert saying she would stab Danton, see Lucile’s diary 1792-1793.

For the relationship between Lucile Desmoulins and Marie Hébert, see this post.

For the relationship between Lucile Desmoulins and Thérèse Jeanne Fréron de la Poype, and the one between Annette Duplessis and Marguerite Philippeaux, see letters cited in Camille Desmoulins and his wife: passages from the history of the dantonists (1876) page 463-464 and 464-469.

For Adèle Duplessis having been engaged to Robespierre, see this letter from Annette Duplessis to Robespierre, seemingly written April 13 1794.

For Claire Panis helping look after Horace Desmoulins, see Panis précepteur d’Horace Desmoulins (1912) by Charles Valley.

For Élisabeth Lebas being slandered by Guffroy, molested by Danton, treated like a daughter by Claire Panis, accusing Ricord of seducing her sister-in-law and being helped out in prison by Éléonore, see Le conventionnel Le Bas : d'après des documents inédits et les mémoires de sa veuve, page 108, 125-126, 139 and 140-142.

For Élisabeth Lebas being given an obscene book by Desmoulins, see this post.

For Charlotte Robespierre dissing Joséphine, Éléonore Duplay, madame Genlis, Roland and Ricord, see Mémoires de Charlotte Robespierre sur ses deux frères (1834), page  76-77,  90-91, 96-97, 109-116 and 128-129.

For Charlotte Robespierre arriving two hours early to Rosalie Jullien’s dinner, see Journal d’une Bourgeoise pendant la Révolution 1791–1793, page 345.

For Charlotte Robespierre physically restraining Couthon, see this post.

For Charlotte Robespierre and Françoise Duplay’s relationship, see Mémoires de Charlotte Robespierre sur ses deux frères (1834) page 85-92 and Le conventional Le Bas: d’après des documents inédits et les mémoires de sa veuve (1902) page 104-105

For the relationship between Charlotte Robespierre and Victoire and Élisabeth Lebas, see this post.

For Charlotte Robespierre visiting madame Guffroy, moving in with madame Laporte and Victoire Duplay being arrested by one of Charlotte’s friends, see Charlotte Robespierre et ses amis (1961)

For Louise de Kéralio calling Etta Palm a spy, see Appel aux Françoises sur la régénération des mœurs et nécessité de l’influence des femmes dans un gouvernement libre (1791) by the latter.

For the relationship between Manon Roland and Louise de Kéralio Robert, see Mémoires de Madame Roland, volume 2, page 198-207 

For the relationship between Madame Pétion and Manon Roland, see Mémoires de Madame Roland, volume 2, page 158 and 244-245 as well as Lettres de Madame Roland, volume 2, page 510.

For the relationship between Madame Roland and Madame Buzot, see Mémoires de Madame Roland (1793), volume 1, page 372, volume 2, page 167 as well as this letter from Manon to her husband dated September 9 1791. For the affair between Manon and Buzot, see this post.

For Manon Roland praising Condorcet, see Mémoires de Madame Roland, volume 2, page 14-15.

For the relationship between Manon Roland and Félicité Brissot, see Mémoires de Madame Roland, volume 1, page 360.

For the relationship between Helen Maria Williams and Manon Roland, see Memoirs of the Reign of Robespierre (1795), written by the former.

For the relationship between Mary Wollstonecraft and Helena Maria Williams, see Collected letters of Mary Wollstonecraft (1979), page 226.

For Constance Charpentier painting a portrait of Louise Sébastienne Danton, see Constance Charpentier: Peintre (1767-1849), page 74.

For Olympe de Gouges writing a play with fictional versions of the Fernig sisters, see L’Entrée de Dumourier à Bruxelles ou les Vivandiers (1793) page 94-97 and 105-110.

For Olympe de Gouges calling Charlotte Corday ”a monster who has shown an unusual courage,” see a letter from the former dated July 20 1793, cited on page 204 of Marie-Olympe de Gouges: une humaniste à la fin du XVIIIe siècle (2003) by Oliver Blanc.

For Olympe de Gouges adressing her declaration to Marie-Antoinette, see Les droits de la femme: à la reine (1791) written by the former.

For Germaine de Staël defending Marie-Antoinette, see Réflexions sur le procès de la Reine par une femme (1793) by the former.

For the friendship between Madame Royale and Pauline Tourzel, see Souvernirs de quarante ans: 1789-1830: récit d’une dame de Madame la Dauphine (1861) by the latter.

For Félicité Brissot possibly translating Mary Wollstonecraft, see Who translated into French and annotated Mary Wollstonecraft’s Vindication of the Rights of Woman? (2022) by Isabelle Bour.

For Félicité Brissot working as a maid for Louise Marie Adélaïde de Bourbon, see Mémoires inédites de Madame la comptesse de Genlis: sur le dix-huitième siècle et sur la révolution française, volume 4, page 106.

For Reine Audu, Claire Lacombe and Théroigne de Méricourt being given civic crowns together, see Gazette nationale ou le Moniteur universel, September 3, 1792.

For Reine Audu taking part in the women’s march on Versailles, see Reine Audu: les légendes des journées d’octobre (1917) by Marc de Villiers.

For Marie-Antoinette calling Lamballe ”my dear heart,” see Correspondance inédite de Marie Antoinette, page 197, 209 and 252.

For Marie-Antoinette disliking Madame du Barry, see https://plume-dhistoire.fr/marie-antoinette-contre-la-du-barry/

For Marie-Antoinette disliking Anne de Noailles, see Correspondance inédite de Marie Antoinette, page 30.

For Louise-Élisabeth Tourzel and Lamballe being friends, see Memoirs of the Duchess de Tourzel: Governess to the Children of France during the years 1789, 1790, 1791, 1792, 1793 and 1795 volume 2, page 257-258

For Félicité de Genlis being the mistress of Louise Marie Adélaïde de Bourbon’s husband, see La duchesse d’Orléans et Madame de Genlis (1913).

For Pétion escorting Madame Genlis out of France, see Mémoires inédites de Madame la comptesse de Genlis…, volume 4, page 99.

For the relationship between Félicité de Genlis and Louise de Kéralio Robert, see Mémoires de Madame de Genlis: en un volume, page 352-354

For the relationship between Félicité de Genlis and Germaine de Staël, see Mémoires inédits de Madame la comptesse de Genlis, volume 2, page 316-317

For the relationship between Félicité de Genlis and Théophile Fernig, see Mémoires inédits de Madame la comptesse de Genlis, volume 4, page 300-304

For the relationship between Félicité de Genlis and Félicité Brissot, see Mémoires inédites de Madame la comptesse de Genlis, volume 4, page 106-110, as well as this letter dated June 1783 from Félicité Brissot to Félicité Genlis.

For the relationship between Félicité de Genlis and Théresa Cabarrus, see Mémoires de Madame de Genlis: en un volume (1857) page 391.

For Félicité de Genlis inviting Lucile to dinner, see this letter from Sillery to Desmoulins dated March 3 1791.

For Marinette Bouquey hiding the husbands of madame Buzot, Pétion and Guadet, see Romances of the French Revolution (1909) by G. Lenotre, volume 2, page 304-323

Hey, don’t say I didn’t warn you!

[roehenstart]

Portrait of Louise Elisabeth of France (1727-1759), Duchess of Parma, in court dress. By Jean-Marc Nattier.

[histoireettralala]

Passive resistance

Condé feared that the king would become the tool of a nonentity or coquette, but it did not enter his head that the monarch could use the crutch of a friendship to realize his own political goals. Marie was even less astute, reportedly devising the strategty of surrounding him with persons of "mediocre capacity and little spirit." Among these was the man who would help Louis overthrow his mother and her favorite.

His name was Charles d'Albert, sieur de Luynes. Stories circulated that Luynes and his two younger brothers shared the same best suit, and that a hare could quickly jump across their family lands. Yet they were of the same lesser nobility that had predominated at the Estates General. Henri IV's friendship for Luynes' father, a soldier of fortune, caused him to place the younger Luynes among the dauphin Louis's noble comrades. The gentilhomme began to look after the heir's birds of prey; and the young boy's fondness for the gentle, handsome, and supportive middle-aged man grew.

By the end of 1614 Louis's attachment was so strong that it bothered Queen Mother Marie, her Italian favorite Concini, and the king's former governor, Souvré. Yet Luynes remained in Louis's favor and his brothers also gained easy access to the king. How did the king prevent a sequel to his mother's earlier banishment of Alexandre de Vendôme? We need follow only one example. In October 1614, Souvré made the Albert brothers stay away from the royal bedchamber, even during the ceremonial lever and coucher, hoping to supplant the gentleman-favorite with his own son, Courtenvaux. Someone told the king that his former governor was responsible, and Louis countered by treating Souvré with silence and dark looks, until the mortified man got the queen mother to negotiate an accommodation.

In employing passive resistance here, Louis had discovered the only way he could assert himself, considering the queen mother's imperiousness and his own timidity. The son also held his ground in refusing to tell his mother who had told him of Souvré's maneuver against Luynes, until she promised not to punish that individual. Equally revealing was the fact that Louis did not bear a grudge against Souvré or Courtenvaux, both of whom he actually liked. He paid for all this agitation with a soaring pulse and symptoms of illness. This powerful combination of indirect strategy, fierce loyalty, forgiveness, and sacrifice of personal health, then, separates the real adolescent Louis XIII from both the weakling and the vindictive Louis of historical fiction and scholarship.

If the court was baffled by the dynamics of Louis's friendships, it was equally unaware that his interests always had a serious element, even when they appeared frivolous. When he sketched with pen and ink, it was of horses pulling cannon, although incongruously placed in a child's setting of trees, churches, and village brides. Louis dutifully took part in court masques and ballets; however, his dislike of elaborate protocol and showing off caused him to refuse outright to lead his sister Elisabeth in a dance before the Spanish ambassador. The Spaniards were disconcerted by this affront so close to the marriages of Louis and Elisabeth to the children of King Philip III of Spain, Anne of Austria and the future Philip IV. The French court poet, Malherbe, could only comment: "If age and love don't change his ways, he will be inquisitive only of things that are solide."

A. Lloyd Moote - Louis XIII the Just

[royalty-nobility]

Portrait of the Marquise de Grollier, nee Charlotte Eustache Sophie de Fuligny Damas

Artist: Élisabeth Vigée Le Brun (French, 1755 – 1842)

Genre: Portrait

Date: 1788

Description

Charlotte Eustace Sophie de Fuligny-Damas, more commonly known as the Marquise de Grollier (21 December 1741, Paris – 1828, Épinay-sur-Seine), was a French flower painter.

In 1760, de Fuligny-Damas married Pierre Louis de Grollier, Marquis de Grollier and Treffort (1730-1793), the Governor of Pont-d'Ain and Deputy of the Nobility. The couple would have three children before separating. Later, they lived at the court in Versailles, where the Marquise de Grollier became friends with the portrait painter Elisabeth Vigée Le Brun. Le Brun would often mention Grollier in her diaries, describing her as “always simple and natural, and never showed any pretension, nor an ounce of pedantry.” The Marquise was attracted to the gardens at Versailles and later created one of her own in Lainville-en-Vexin.

In 1793, de Fuligny-Damas lost her husband to the guillotine and was forced to leave France. She went to Switzerland, then Germany and, finally, Italy. In Florence, her talent was soon recognized. The sculptor, Antonio Canova, once referred to her as the "Raphael of flowers". At this time, she also created some mosaics. Joseph-Marie Vien, Director of the French Academy in Rome, arranged for her return to France. She settled in with her nephew, Alexandre-Charles-Emmanuel de Crussol, at his château in Épinay-sur-Seine, where she practiced horticulture as well as painting. After his death, she began to give large sums to charity in his name.

In 1823, she prevailed upon the engineer, Louis-Georges Mulot, to create an artesian aquifer in the château's park to provide clean drinking water for the local villagers. The work lasted for three years. In recognition for her efforts, she was named one of the founding members of the "Société d'Horticulture". She died shortly after, aged 86.

[beatricecenci]

Élisabeth Vigée Le Brun (French, 1755-1842)

Elisabeth-Philippe-Marie-Hélène de France dite Madame Elisabeth

[eucanthos]

eucanthos

Frans Pourbus the Younger: Élisabeth of France, ca. 1615

Jean-Baptiste Marc Bourgery anatomy table

François Gérard Portrait de Juliette Récamier [arm]

Alexandra Von Fuerst photography [snake]

Flower Fairies I / 1, 2020 by Kathrin Linkersdorff

Fly from Portrait of a Woman of the Hofer Family 1470

Nose shaping tool 1944 US add