#majoritarianism
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When you're only 3% of the population, you rely on the other 97% to do the right thing," she says. It comes down to human compassion [but] there's still a blame the victim mentality - as though what happens to us is what we deserve. Maybe future generations will change that narrative.
Raylene Nixon, mother of Steven Nixon-McKellar
#Raylene Nixon#Steven Nixon-McKellar#majoritarianism#democracy#compassion#victim blaming#racism#Australia#Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people
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Despite the challenges posed by GST rate inflation in pump, grinder, and OEM industries, as well as the significant setbacks faced by the textile industry due to central government policies over the past decade, Coimbatore has remained resilient.
This resilience can be attributed to the robust infrastructure developed by successive Dravidian governments, the presence of reputable educational institutions, the establishment of Tidel parks, favorable climatic conditions, and the enduring spirit of its people.
To suggest that Coimbatore's development hinges solely on the intervention of a BJP is not only inaccurate but also disrespectful to the contributions of Dravidian leaders spanning generations.
From Diwan Bahadur Rathnasabapathy to present-day governance, their efforts have played a pivotal role in shaping the city's progress.
In the aftermath of the bomb blasts in Coimbatore, many individuals who once sought livelihoods in the city departed, leaving behind a community determined to restore normalcy.
However, among those who returned, a faction emerged— individuals who, instead of contributing positively, sought to assert dominance over local businesses. These individuals, often identified by their support for particular religious affiliations, engaged in practices that suppressed native enterprises.
Absolutely, democracy empowers us to make informed choices based on the principles of justice, equality, and secularism. It's crucial to assess candidates based on their commitment to these values rather than succumbing to divisive narratives or majoritarian dominance. Each vote is an opportunity to uphold the ideals of a pluralistic society and ensure that the voice of every citizen is heard and respected.
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there are only 2 kinds of queer headcanons that i hate:
"we didn't have (enough?) skinny white men to ship together so we created them" (think the onceler and himself or phil coulson and hawkeye)
"the only way for us to recuperate this (skinny white) character we hate/don't relate to (usually for the way his [always his] cis/het-ness colors how we understand his bad behavior) is to queer them and change literally nothing else!"
#medium post?#i swear this thought came to me from nowhere#queerness being used to contain (control?) abject qualities of majoritarian society just always gives me pause
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How did the people in these mobs — made up mostly of white men in the American accounts I’ve read — rev themselves up to peak barbarity? At what point did their humanity go dormant and bloodlust consume their beings?
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why is it the damn tumblr polls that made me realize just how much i hate our electoral system because it’s always so heartbreaking to see like my second or third fav options get no votes when i KNOW people love those options too 😔😔😔😔
#maybe michael being the least voted options in all these polls is making me realize how shitty a majoritarian voting system is#@ staff next update make the tumblr polls a preferential voting system#so i can stop being upset over nothing thank youuuuu
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In times of absolute horror and destruction I wish for you all the transformational creativity of an utterly beautiful madness, and I offer you the blessing of a holy human freak.
she was such a queen for this
#inspo#help#listen i think a lot of rhetoric esp in cis white majoritarian spaces focuses too much on the tragedy of being ‘’other’’’#how much harder we have it etc#i will never forget one of my friends (who made the difficult decision of shaving his dreads for oci)#said during our race n the law class which was mostly abt enumerating genocides of so many people#‘’why would i ever want to be white?’’#there’s such a revolutionary strength and power of personhood to turn around and say#to turn the mirror onto the oppressor and tell them i pity you#actually i reject everything you’ve put on me and here I am actually#anyway#she really went off here#f slur#camille moran#txtit
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There is one issue now, and only one: keeping alive the vestiges of American democracy, with its commitment to meaningful checks and balances and to individual rights as well as majoritarian rule. American democracy has never been perfect, but it’s all we’ve got. When we have it, we can disagree peacefully and hope to remedy policy mistakes through discussion, legal action, and the ballot box. If we lose it, we’re done. So, whether you’re a fan of Bernie Sanders and the Squad or an admirer of Liz Cheney, we all need to stand together against Trump. To have any hope of achieving the kind of disciplined unity that will be essential to countering Trump, we also need a rhetoric and politics of inclusion. The left needs to ease up on cancel culture, rigid purity tests, and petty identity politics. We can’t give up on one another, and we can’t waste time wallowing in self-pity, or make plans to emigrate to Canada. This is our country. Around the world, millions of brave people have pushed back against far more abusive and frightening leaders than Donald Trump. If they can stand up against truly horrific regimes in their own countries, Americans can handle Trump.
I Helped Run “War Games” on Trump’s Plans. They Were Not Reassuring.
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Where does this curious Hindutva-Zionist solidarity spring from? One origin is from the earliest Hindu nationalists who modelled their Hindu state on Zionism. Hindutva’s founder, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, supported majoritarian nationalism and the rooting out of all disintegrating forces. These included Muslims who supported electoral quotas for their community and left-wing internationalists. As a result, he even condoned the Nazis’ antisemitic legislation in two speeches in 1938 because, as he saw it: “a nation is formed by a majority living therein”. Yet Savarkar was not antisemitic himself. He often spoke favourably of the tiny Jewish-Indian minority because he considered it too insignificant to threaten Hindu cohesion. In fact, Savarkar praised Zionism as the perfection of ethno-nationalist thinking. The way Zionism seamlessly blended ethnic attachment to a motherland and religious attachment to a holy land was precisely what Savarkar wanted for the Hindus. This double attachment was far more powerful to his mind than the European model of “blood and soil” nationalism without sacred space. Today, Hindu nationalists perpetuate this legacy and still look to Zionism as a uniquely attractive political ideology. To Hindu nationalists, some Zionists were engaged in a project to reclaim their holy land from a Muslim population whose religious roots in the region were not as ancient as their own.
[...]
In 2018, Israel passed a law that rebranded the country as “the nation-state of the Jewish people” and delegitimised its non-Jewish citizens. Similarly, India’s controversial Citizenship Amendment Act in 2019 eased paths to citizenship for immigrants from several religious groups, but not Muslims. Coupled with rhetoric associating millions of Indian Muslims with illegal immigration, human rights groups argue that this law could be used to strip many Muslims of their Indian citizenship. Hindu nationalists have also stoked a culture war to consolidate “Hindu civilisation” and sweep away symbols of Islam. This is very much in keeping with the wish of Israel’s far right to rebuild Solomon’s Temple on the site of the holy Temple Mount in Jerusalem, where al-Aqsa mosque compound currently sits. In 1969, a Zionist extremist burned the south wing of al-Aqsa. And in 1980, the fundamentalist group Jewish Underground plotted to blow up the Dome of the Rock, an Islamic shrine at the centre of the compound. A similar project of demolishing mosques and building temples in their place was suggested by Savarkar and Golwalkar. Hindu nationalist organisations focused their attention on Babri Masjid mosque in Ayodha, since this was the mythical birthplace of the Hindu god, Ram.
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“Why then,” posited the judge, “except for the very real possibility of implicit majoritarian animus, is the limitation of two persons inserted into the definition of a family-like relationship for the purposes of receiving the same protections from eviction accorded to legally formalized or blood relationships? Is ‘two’ a ‘code word’ for monogamy? Why does a person have to be committed to one other person in only certain prescribed ways in order to enjoy stability in housing after the departure of a loved one?”
YES!!
The judge concluded that polyamorous relationships are entitled to the same sort of legal protection given to two-person relationships.
#incredible#also majoritarian animus is like literally the people in the majority disregarding diversity as valid and literally codifying that into law#that only their way is the protected way#like obviously this isn't new law or sweeping reform#but it's concrete change#however small#in moving away from the oppressive mandating of monogamy
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Whatever the historical social contradictions in Manipur between the Kukis and Meiteis, the horror unfolding at present has been exacerbated by the present governments at the state and the Centre. They have legitimised majoritarianism in Manipur and unleashed ethnic fear. Every institution, from police to NHRC, has become part of the problem, not the solution. It is astonishing that a government that prides itself on "national security" actively creates a national security threat in its own country.
Pratap Bhanu Mehta, ‘Our morality after Manipur, Indian Express
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[ID: Map of the partition plan approved by the UN general assembly on November 29, 1947. It marks the "Jewish state" in green (all the border to the east with Syria, much of the south and the inland west including the southern half of the Dead Sea; and most of the northern coastline with the Mediterranean Sea) and the "Arab state" in orange (a strip on the western border with Egypt and southern part of the border with the Mediterranean, including Rafah and Gaza; and the mostly inland north including the area where the Jordan flows into the Dead Sea. In purple the "Jerusalem district" in the center of the country is marked. End ID]
But how fair, balanced, pragmatic, and practicable was the UN 1947 partition plan itself? In gross terms, the partition resolution awarded 55.5 percent of the total area of Palestine to the Jews (most of whom were recent immigrants) who constituted less than a third of the population and who owned less than 7 percent of the land. The Palestinians, on the other hand, who made up over two thirds of the population and who owned the vast bulk of the land, were awarded 45.5 percent of the country of which they had enjoyed continuous possession for centuries.
Looking at the situation in greater detail, Palestine was a country of 27 million dunams (4 dunams = 1 acre). Its population in December 1946 was just under 2 million (1,972,000): 1,364,000 Palestinians and 608,000 Jews. The partition plan divided the country into eight sections: three Jewish, three Palestinian, an international enclave (corpus separatum) including municipal Jerusalem and the surrounding villages, and an enclave for Jaffa that would be part of the Palestinian state, albeit completely surrounded by the Jewish state [...].
At the time, one of the arguments frequently raised by the Jews against a unitary state in Palestine had been the unfairness of Arab majoritarian rule over the Jewish minority. Commenting on this argument, the Pakistani delegate at the UN, Muhammad Zafrulla Khan, remarked: "If it is unfair that 33 percent of the population of Palestine [the Jews in the proposed unitary state] should be subject to 67 percent of the population, is it less unfair that 46 percent of the population [the Arabs in the proposed Jewish state] should be subject to 54 percent?" [...]
In terms of land ownership, despite over seventy years of intensive, centrally organized and internationally financed colonization since the early 1880s, Jewish-owned land on the eve of the partition resolution amounted, according to Jewish sources, to 1,820,000 dunams, or less than 7 percent of the total land area of the country. Now, at the bang of his gavel [...], the president of the UNGA [...] "awarded" the Jews 15,000,000 dunams for the Jewish state. Within the borders of this state, Jewish-owned land at its most inflated estimate amounted to 1,678,000 dunams, or 11.2 percent. [...]
But it was not only the extent of the land allotted to the Jewish state that was at issue. The best lands were incorporated within it—most of the fertile coastal plains (from Jaffa to Haifa) and all the interior plains (from Haifa to Baysan and Tiberias). These included almost all the citrus and cereal producing areas. Half of the former and the vast bulk of the latter were owned by Palestinians. Citrus was the main export crop of the country, accounting before World War II for 80 percent of the total value of exports. [...] As if this were not enough, a full 40 percent of Palestinian industry and the major sources of the country's electrical supply fell within the envisaged Jewish state.
[...] Jaffa [...], the historical Palestinian port and vibrant center of Palestinian cultural and social life, was not only confined within its municipal borders, with no living space for any growth or development, but was also cut off from the orange groves that bore its name and were its principal source of economic livelihood. Haifa—the main port of Palestine, the terminal of the oil pipeline from Iraq, the petroleum depot for the entire country, seat of the most active entrepreneurial sectors of Palestinian society [...]—fell squarely within the Jewish state. Many of the other major Arab towns included in the Palestinian state [...] were left just inside its borders but without their most fertile lands or economic hinterlands. The upper reaches of the Jordan River, and therefore control of the major source of riverine water supply to the Palestinian state, were vested in the Jewish state. The whole of Lake Tiberias and its rich fishing industry, traditionally in Palestinian hands, was incorporated within the Jewish state. The bulk of the Palestinian state, restricted to the central highlands, was landlocked with no direct access to the Red Sea southward or the Mediterranean westward. Its two other coastal towns (apart from isolated Jaffa) had no harbors or port facilities. The only airport (near Lydda) in the country with international connections went to the Jewish state, leaving the Palestinian state with no air access either.
– 1997. Walid Khalidi, “Revisiting the UNGA Partition Resolution,” Journal of Palestine Studies 27.1, pp. 5-21.
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Western food imperialism has not spread veganism to non-Western countries or to Indigenous domestic populations; rather, it has imposed animal agriculture, animal foods, and factory farming on cultures whose diets have traditionally been plant-based, replacing relational hunting and sacred eating practices with the deaded life of animal agriculture. As Deckha writes, arguments about veganism as food imperialism discount the enormous amounts of plant and land resources that are required to sustain current Western levels of flesh consumption and ignore the richness of non-Western flesh-free food traditions and ideologies of nonviolence toward all living beings. Indeed, these accusations align with the centuries-old majoritarian habit in Western cultures of deriding vegetarianism and, as it has come more into popular consciousness, veganism. What is different (and remarkable) today is that flesh-free diets are impugned for purported imperialist aspirations when they were denounced in the time of British empire-building as markers of anti-imperial and countercultural allegiance. Further… arguments that invoke multiculturalist discourse to disparage vegetarianism/veganism and otherwise sanction cruel animal practices have themselves “gone imperial” in their disregard for animal otherness, vulnerability, and marginalization. Along similar lines, Richard Twine insists that we must “set debates around vegan universalism within the larger context of the present-day universalization of Western food practices which include, of course, increasing global trajectories of meat and dairy consumption in, for example, Asia and Latin America,” and hence “contemporary accusations of food colonialism and imposition must… be directed [not at vegan activists but] at the unsustainable Westernization of high rates of meat and dairy consumption in new parts of the world.”
-Colonialism and animality: anti-colonial perspectives in critical animal studies (2020)
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Do not even try coming into my replies with this garbage. I am not going to condemn Hamas. I will grieve for their victims and the lives lost and suffering, and I will never commend or condone anybody's violence. But to see it as anything but the reaction to an unrelenting torment inflicted on their own people tenfold by Israel is utterly reprehensible. There is no monster more evil than the hands that created it.
Condemning Hamas is to deflect from holding Israel accountable and contributing to the alienation and oppression of the Palestinian people. And I will never, ever support "wiping out" Hamas, full of the sons and daughters of murdered, raped and pillaged families, the way I hope the IDF and Israeli government gets eviscerated. I have no sympathy for colonists. The Nuremberg Principle applies.
It's amazing how the word "nuance" has been turned into a cheap coin for colonialism.
Nuance: "It makes me uncomfortable to take a moral stand against oppression and colonization so I'm going to pretend it's too fucking complicated to listen to the people who have been systemically expelled, displaced and ethnically cleansed for the last seventy years."
Someone said in a tag that "white ignorance is called objectivity and white knowledge expertise" and that is exactly what's going on here.
#i wish i had had the knowledge and capability to have said this on behalf of the LTTE during the last genocide of the civil war#the devastation was so absolute that Tamils called it The Apocalypse#but i just have the luxury of my majoritarian guilt while they have nothing#not even a stick of incense on the ground for their murdered children#not a memorial for the thousands gunned down and shelled in no man's land#no forgiveness for having believed the army and persuaded their children to lay down their arms and surrender#only for the military to open fire on them while holding white flags and dump their bodies in mass graves#how am i to ever hate them dear god#so no I will never condemn them#we were always the architects of our own destruction#free palestine#israel is a terrorist state#death to israel#knee of huss
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Territories in Africa where black people (negroid) is majoritarian.
by worldwide_map
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Hindutvawadis don't like monkey man reva :(
So sad to starve oneself from a good movie
😔
That's because Dev Patel is actually a westernized Indian who knows nothing about the motherland he's literally British he has NO ❌️ right to speak about majoritarianism and minority rights when he's from the UK did I mention he's westernized
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Excerpted with permission from BREAKING WORLDS: Religion, Law and Citizenship in Majoritarian India; The Story of Assam, a report by the Political Conflict, Gender and People’s Rights Initiative at the Center for Race and Gender at UC Berkeley.
The publication of the draft NRC in Assam in 2018 revealed the exclusion of more than four million persons from the survey rolls. Reportedly, some people were excluded due to spelling errors in their names or inconsistent names in documents. After the draft list was made public, excluded individuals were permitted to submit further documentation proving their citizenship. While a majority were not of Hindu descent, reportedly between one and 1.5 million were Hindus. The exclusion of a large number of Hindus from the 2018 NRC list is presumed to be the foremost reason that changes were made to the citizenship law, and that the Citizenship (Amendment) Act of 2019 was enacted, whereby, in effect, only Muslims would be excluded from citizenship.
The (ostensibly “final”) update to the Assam NRC was undertaken on August 31, 2019. Approximately 1.9 million persons (numbering 1,906,657) were excluded from the 2019 published list, and may potentially lose their citizenship, and face expulsion, exile, and statelessness.
[...]
The Foreigners Tribunal of Assam remains the state mechanism for appeal for persons excluded from the NRC. Individuals may petition the Foreigners Tribunals with requisite documentation validating their citizenship. An appellant is deemed to be either “foreigner” or “citizen” as per the ruling of the tribunal. The process is hard, complex, and arbitrarily and routinely discriminatory. An analysis of 787 Guwahati High Court orders and judgments published by The Wire found that cases before the tribunals took about 3.3 years on average
[...]
September 2019, a Muslim family with land documents dating back to 1927 found that all members of their family were not on the NRC due to: “an objection filed [apparently anonymously] by someone against their inclusion in the final draft.” It is unclear who may file bad-faith objections or how they may be held accountable. Reportedly, approximately 250,000 such objections have been made, mostly anonymously.
[...]
Once declared a “foreigner,” an individual may be held in detention. Immigration detention centers are often locally referred to as “concentration camps.” Detention serves to criminalize and confine those deemed “illegal foreigners.” Without established limits or protocols for ethical resolution of the matter, detentions can be prolonged or indefinite unless deportation ensues. Currently, India operates thirteen detention centers, and others are being constructed to assumedly hold “undocumented” individuals.
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