#lider proteste

[longliveblackness]

The Sharpeville Massacre occurred on 21st March, 1960, in the township of Sharpeville, South Africa. It resulted in the largest number of South African deaths (up to that point) in a protest against apartheid.

Sharpeville, a black suburb outside of Vereeniging (about 50 miles south of Johannesburg), was untouched by anti-apartheid demonstrations that occurred in surrounding towns throughout the 1950s. By 1960, however, anti-apartheid activism reached the town.

In March 1960, Robert Sobukwe, a leader in the anti-apartheid Pan-Africanist Congress organized the town's first anti-apartheid protest. In order to reduce the possibility of violence, he wrote a letter to the police commissioner to emphasize that it would be non-violent.

On March 21, an estimated 7,000 South Africans gathered in front of the Sharpeville police station to protest against the restrictive pass laws. Nearly 300 police officers arrived to put an end to the peaceful protest.

As they attempted to disperse the crowd, a police officer was knocked down and many in the crowd began to move forward to see what had happened. Police witnesses claimed that stones were thrown, and in a panicked reaction, they opened fire.

As the protesters tried to flee the violent scene, police continued to shoot into the crowd.

The police version, only 69 Africans were killed and 186 were wounded, with most shot in the back.

The Sharpeville Massacre awakened the international community to the horrors of apartheid. The massacre also sparked hundreds of mass protests by black South Africans.

On March 30, the South African government declared a state of emergency which made any protest illegal. The ban remained in effect until August 31, 1960. During those five months roughly 25,000 people were arrested throughout the nation.

The government's repressive measures intensified and expended the opposition to apartheid, ushering in three decades of resistance & protest

With the election of Nelson Mandela as president of South Africa in 1994, the apartheid system ended. In 1994, Mandela signed the nation's first post-apartheid constitution near the site of the 1960 massacre.

•••

La Masacre de Sharpeville sucedió el 21 de marzo de 1960, en el municipio de Sharpeville, Sudáfrica. Resultó en la mayor cantidad de muertes de sudafricanos (hasta ese punto) en un protesta en contra de la segregación racial.

Sharpeville, un suburbio habitado por personas negras en las afueras de Vereeniging (cincuenta millas al sur de Johannesburg), había permanecido intacto de las demostraciones anti-segregadoras que estaban ocurriendo en ciudades cercanas a lo largo de los 1950. En 1960, el activismo anti segregacionista llegó a la ciudad.

En marzo de 1960, Robert Sobukwe, un lider del Congreso Panafricano Anti-Segregacionista organizó la primera protesta anti segregacional. Para poder reducir la posibilidad de violencia, le escribió una carta al comisionado de la policía para enfatizar que seria una protesta pacífica.

El 21 de marzo, alrededor de 7,000 sudafricanos se reunieron en frente de la estación policial de Sharpeville para protestar en contra de las leyes restrictivas de paso (desplazamiento). Alrededor de 300 policías llegaron para poner fin a la protesta.

Mientras intentaban dispersar a la multitud, un oficial de policía fue derribado y muchos en la multitud comenzaron a acercarse para ver qué había sucedido. Testigos policiales afirmaron que se arrojaron piedras y, en una reacción de pánico, abrieron fuego. Mientras los protestantes estaban tratando de huir de la escena violenta, la policía siguió disparando contra la multitud.

Según la versión policial, 69 africanos fueron asesinados y 186 resultaron heridos, la mayoría disparados en la espalda.

La Masacre de Sharpeville despertó a la comunidad internacional a los horrores de la segregación racial. La masacre también provocó cientos de protestas masivas de sudafricanos negros.

El 30 de marzo, el gobierno sudafricano declaró un estado de emergencia, lo cual hizo que cualquier protesta fuese ilegal. La prohibición duró hasta el 31 de agosto de 1960. Durante esos cinco meses alrededor de 25,000 personas fueron arrestadas a lo largo de la nación.

Las medidas represivas del gobierno intensificaron y expandieron la oposición a la segregación racial, dando paso a tres décadas de resistencia y protesta.

Con la elección de Nelson Mandela como presidente de Sudáfrica en 1994, el sistema segregacional terminó. En 1994, Mándela firmó la primera constitución post segregación racial, cerca del lugar donde sucedió la masacre del año 1960.

[satttanderna]

Hii, Save! I must ask... How did Shrignold came out as a male and how did he knew he was transgender? 😁

Hi Darie!

Well, From what I see they're two separate questions, I should assume that the first one is how he expressed it to others, then: how i did un da tracey post, in a human version i think that just everyone realized by their own for his little signals like make faces when they called him by her, or even correct when they said "the pastor's daughter". Eventually the adepts just accepted it. ( i hc that in a human au he would be raise in the cult, being the lider's son. Although this situation was setting in the late 90s, I think that, as followers, they would not question anything, especially when the leader himself did not say anything about it and also corrected them. )

And in the anthropomorfic bug way, he would realize at a very young fase of transformation, before giving himself a name. therefore he didn't need to clarify nothing. And well, a while ago he would make all the cult soo.

And, the second question.

Human and bug way, At first it was in protest against his father/mentor, who pressured him with the traditional role of wife and mother, however over time his protest faded until it became a fact, he discovered that his concerns were about the idea of Not fitting into feminine standards (I think he would have broad shoulders and, in general, solid features) and other shit, he felt comfortable with this "looking more like a man" thing. Even when it came time to overcome his insecurities, he simply accepted that he was never a woman anyway.

Edit: i forgot, all this happened around in his twelve to fourteen in the human way, and in the bug was two years since his "sudden-magical evolution of being" lol

[abr]

La protesta di Vincenzo De Luca di venerdì 16 febbraio a Roma contro l'autonomia differenziata (,,,) è tecnicamente fallita. (...) Se lo scopo era denunciare i danni (...) dell'autonomia differenziata nei confronti della Campania e di tutto il Sud Italia, è miseramente naufragato: in piazza c'era l'ego di De Luca, c'era la sua sola voce.

De Luca ha fatto e disfatto, si messo davanti al corteo, ha sbraitato alle forze dell'ordine «dovete caricarci! Dovete ucciderci! Da qui non ce ne andiamo!». E poi è andato via. È andato davanti al ministero del Sud e ha chiesto che qualcuno lo ricevesse. «Fate rispondere quei conigli!». Ma nessuno ha risposto.

Si è preso il più sprezzante degli insulti da una presidente del Consiglio che lo ha declassato ad agit prop: «Pensi a lavorare». Si è stizzito e gli ha riposto (pur senza sapere di essere ripreso dalle telecamere di La7) con un «Lavora, stronza!» che ha fatto la gioia di Tiktok ma che non è servito a niente. Un insulto puro, senza costrutto. Domenico Giordano, data analyst di Arcadiacom.it, numeri alla mano mostra come nelle discussioni in Rete ieri «la stronza ha divorato la protesta». (...) Che mancava? Ma è ovvio: la voce dei sindaci che Vincenzo De Luca, preponderante, ha totalmente oscurato. In piazza c'era un De Luca vs. resto del mondo, non a caso il sindaco della città capoluogo, Gaetano Manfredi, primo cittadino di Napoli, ha disertato. Assomigliava molto ad una di quelle proteste alla Luigi De Magistris, l'ex sindaco che in un decennio ha totalmente isolato la città che amministrava. (...)

Dunque ieri De Luca ha scoperto le sue carte e aveva in mano poco meno di niente. Perché non è coordinato col Partito Democratico (...), si sente il lider maximo ma è solo un orbo in una terra di ciechi, la Campania. (...)

Fuoco amico da fanpage, non La Padania che non c'é più, https://www.fanpage.it/napoli/troppo-ego-troppi-insulti-ecco-perche-la-protesta-di-vincenzo-de-luca-a-roma-e-fallita/

De Luca fa il terronista. Grazie per aver legittimato l'autonomia differenziata: per lui e per chi non l'ha capito e crede di poter campare a sbafo per sempre, é l'unica strada sensata per tentare di tenere unita una accozzaglia eterogenea, ricca solo e in soverchiante abbondanza delle sue diversità interne.

[sleptwithinthesun]

i don't really have any specific prompts, but i did just watch top gun today for the first time and i want to say that if you wrote anything for ice i'd love to read it 😊 allergies or cold or even just a plain fic--i really like your writing!

DUDE IT'S SO GOOD. t/op g/un is on my mind all the time i cannot let go i'm obsessed. anyway. this is hopefully good? i really have no clue bUT. if you ever want general t/op g/un recs i'd be happy to talk and share stuff!! i'm really into the rarepairs (h/ollywolf my beloved) lol and i've rambled for too long. onto the fic!

(fill for 🍁 on the fall snz prompts list... written for i/ceman & s/lider. s/lice, babey!! ~1.1K words.)

Slider wakes up, and the other side of the bed is cold.

He rolls over sleepily to remain in his own body heat, staunchly avoiding the area of the bed that once contained his boyfriend, then fights against the comforter as it tangles around his legs. Propping himself up on his elbow, Slider uses his free hand to rub absently at his eyes as he calls, "Ice?"

"hkt'SHHu!"

Slider sighs to himself as he finally opens his eyes, groaning a bit as he's met with the light that streams in from the windows. Ice sneezing in the autumn is never a good sign; the only thing that really gets to him around this time of year is the leftover ragweed pollen from the summer and dust. "Bless you."

"Thangks," Ice breathes, sniffling. His voice is already laden with congestion, Slider notes, and he forces himself to sit up against the headboard, finally getting a good look at his boyfriend as he walks into the room, eyes red and puffy, even from a distance.

"Shit, honey," he blurts, surging forward to the foot of their bed. "What happened?"

Ice's breath hitches for a second before settling back to normal, and he rubs at his nose aggressively. "Ragked the leaves," he explains, and then every piece of the puzzle falls neatly into place.

"I could've done that," Slider protests, brow furrowing. Before he can even finish the sentence, though, Ice is shaking his head.

"You were stdill asleep," he argues, then gasps. "ukT'SHH!"

"Bless you. I still could've raked them, Ice, if you'd just woken me up. You're going to be all sneezy and miserable for the rest of the day." He slides out of the bed, moving to stand next to Ice in his T-shirt and boxers and thumbs at Ice's eyelashes to wipe away an allergic tear. "Your eyes are swelling."

Ice just sniffles, rubbing harshly at his nose again as he presses his lips together. "I kdnow. I jusdt wandted to help."

"Aw, honey," he murmurs sympathetically, rerouting his finger across Ice's cheekbone and towards his sinuses. His boyfriend learns into the contact, posture relaxing slightly when his thumb presses into the side of his nose. "Does that feel good?"

"Yeah," Ice sighs, and Slider starts rubbing in circles, massaging his sinuses gently. "Oh... hold on."

He draws back, twisting away from Slider and pressing his face deep into his shoulder. "kt'SCH! TSHH! h'kSHuu!"

"Bless you, Ice." He kisses him lightly, then goes back to rubbing at his sinuses. "I'm serious, let me do it next time."

"You were sleeping," he tries to argue, but the point is moot.

Slider sighs, then moves to pull Ice's shirt off. He's already covered in whatever shit the leaves have kicked up; there's really no harm in dismantling him so he can take a shower. All the same, it sends Ice's breaths into wild hitches once more, and Slider pauses with the shirt in his hands. "Going to sneeze again?"

"Noht yet..." Ice breathes, shaking his head as if it'll dislodge the tickle in his nose. "Keep goigg. I'll be fide."

"Alright," Slider murmurs, getting it over Ice's head and doing his best to avoid letting it touch more of his body then necessary. His chest is already starting to break out in a rash, just a bit, but it's enough that he's concerned. "Almost there," he soothes.

Ice nods, but ends up brushing his nose against the shirt fabric. Normally, he's not sensitive at all, but when he's already itchy and losing control and the shirt is covered in leaf bits?

It's more than enough to set him off again.

"h'uHD'TSH!" Slider can hear the attempt to stifle in that one, and the way Ice gives up midway through, clearly seeing that there's no point. "ut'SHHH! KSHH! KSHH! huh'SHH-TSHH!" Ice pants for a second, catching his breath, and yanks the shirt the rest of the way off, revealing just how irritated he is. God, his entire expression is still twisted with the need to sneeze, and Slider feels himself melt in sympathy as his breath hitches yet again.

"You're not done, are you," he murmurs, standing and taking the shirt away from Ice before forcing his boyfriend to lean into him, pressing his face gently into his shoulder. "It's alright, honey, I've got you. Just clear all that shit out from your system, okay?"

Ice only gasps and sneezes again, this time, directly into Slider's collarbone. The first one is muffled, but harsh enough that his entire body shakes with the force of it against Slider's. "hmp'TSH! ut'SCH! h'USHH'uh!"

"Bless you, honey," Slider says, pulling away and ignoring the damp spot on the shoulder of his sleep shirt. "Come on, let's start that shower for you." He tugs Ice toward the bathroom.

"I'mb sorry," Ice murmurs, a pink flush beginning to creep up his neck towards his cheeks. Slider only kisses him below his ear, right at the sharp hinge of his jaw, even as he says, "Thatd was gross."

Slider kisses him again, moving a little closer to his mouth. "Don't apologize," he says, "it's normal. And further proof that you should let me rake the yard next time, instead of trying to do it yourself."

Ice laughs a little at that, sniffling while Slider starts the shower. While it looks like he might be done, Slider knows it's only a temporary state; with the way his sneezes have progressed from singles to entire fits, Ice definitely has some left in him.

"Fide," he concedes, although begrudgingly. "You cand ragke the yard fromb now ond."

"Ice, I hate to say this, but I can hardly understand you. Get in the shower once it's ready," Slider says, grinning when his boyfriend only flips him the bird then strips out of his pants and boxers. "I want to take a look at those hives, too, once you're done."

"You're so demandigg," Ice teases, but obliges. Slider leaves to change into day clothes, grateful that they still have shore leave for another week before they head back out.

He can hear as Ice dissolves into another rapid fit while in the shower, this one far less merciful than the last as the steam wreaks relieving havoc on Ice's sinuses. He sighs to himself, shaking his head in disbelief. Leave it to his boyfriend to do something he knows will set off his allergies just to make Slider's day a tad easier.

God, what did he do to deserve him?

[hetesiya]

Bütün İktidar Halka: Kara Panter Estetiğinde Siyah Gücü

Erika Doss, Çeviri: Elçin Gen

Kara Panter Partisi, 1966’da California’nın Oakland kentinde Huey Newton ve Bobby Seale tarafından kuruldu. 1950’lerin sonu ile 1960’ların başında, Martin Luther King öncülüğünde yürütülen medeni haklar hareketinin ılımlılığı ve sınırlı başarıları karşısında daha agresif bir politika benimseyen Parti, 1970’lerin ortalarına kadar sadece ABD’de değil tüm dünyada ses getiren bir direniş modeli oluşturdu. 1970’te ABD’nin 68 kentinde Parti şubesi bulunuyor, Black Panther gazetesi ülke çapında yüzbinlerle dağıtılıyordu. Dönemin FBI başkanı Edgar Hoover tarafından “en büyük iç güvenlik tehdidi” olarak tanımlanan Parti’nin dağılmasında, FBI’ın yürüttüğü yasadışı “Karşı İstihbarat Programı”nın ve lider kadrolarına yönelik suikastlerinin büyük etkisi olacaktı.

Frantz Fanon ve Malcolm X’in ezilen milliyetçiliği yaklaşımlarını benimseyen, Maocu bir örgüt olan Kara Panter Partisi, otoriter örgütlenmesi ve “siyah gücü” anlayışında öne çıkan erkeklik vurgusuyla, Parti içinden ve dışından eleştirilere konu olmuştur. Oysa kadınlar Parti içinde çok faal biçimde yer almış, Merkez Komite üyesi Kathleen Cleaver'ın ifadesiyle kadınlar Parti faaliyetlerinde hiçbir zaman 'ikincil' konumda görülmemiş, Panter afişlerinde ve görsellerinde direnişin ön saflarında resmedilen güçlü kadın portrelerine yer verilmiştir. Başlangıçtaki siyah milliyetçi vurgusuna rağmen, Parti’nin hem ABD içindeki diğer azınlık mücadeleleriyle ve ilerici hareketlerle, hem de başta Latin Amerika ve Asya ülkeleri olmak üzere ülke dışındaki devrimci mücadelelerle sıkı bir ilişkisi vardı. Vietnam, Kuzey Kore ve Çin’deki devrimci kadrolarla temaslar kurulmuştu; Panterler Vietnam'da ABD ordusuna karşı savaşmaya gitmiş, sürgündeki liderlerden Eldridge Cleaver Cezayir’de bir Kara Panter şubesi kurmuştu.

Kahverengi Bereler ile Kara Panterler, Huey Newton’a Özgürlük gösterisi için Adliye önünde, Oakland 1968.

Mahalle bazlı örgütlenme, özsavunma ve özerklik ilkeleri de, Kara Panterler’in siyahlar dışındaki ezilen kesimlerle somut bağını tesis ediyor; yarattıkları protest kültürü, dönemin karşı-kültür hareketleri içinde büyük yankı uyandırarak bu gruplarla aralarında dayanışma ağları örüyordu. Black Mask (New York), Beyaz Panter Partisi (Detroit) gibi beyaz sanatçı kolektifleri Kara Panterler’den esinlenmişti ve Parti’yle sıkı işbirliği içindeydi; manifesto ve bildirilerinde Panterler’in büyük etkisi görülüyordu. Parti’nin kapanacağı tarihe kadar Black Panther gazetesini yayınlayan Kara Panter Partisi Kültür Bakanı Emory Douglas’ın geliştirdiği özgün estetik ve dil, gazetenin sayfalarından yayılarak mahallelerde duvar yazılarına ve mürallere ilham veriyordu. Jean Seberg, Donald Sutherland, Marlon Brando, Jon Voight, Jane Fonda gibi popüler sanatçılar, Panterler'e hem kamusal etkinliklerde destek oluyor hem de para yardımında bulunuyorlardı (FBI'ın baş hedefi haline getirerek yalan haberlerle itibarsızlaştırdığı, kırk yaşında intihar eden Jean Seberg, bunun bedelini ağır biçimde ödeyecekti). 

Kara Panterler’in uluslararası boyut kazanmasının, ABD dışında gördüğü desteğin ve kazandığı entelektüel meşruiyetin önemli bir kaynağının da, Jean Genet gibi cinsiyet de dahil her türlü kimlik koduna karşı çıkmış bir yazar olduğunu unutmamak gerekir. Cezayir ve Filistin kurtuluş mücadelelerini de destekleyen Genet, 1970’te Kara Panterler’in daveti üzerine ABD’ye gitti ve üç ay boyunca Parti’nin kampanyalarına destek verdikten sonra, edindiği izlenimleri başta Foucault olmak üzere aydınlarla paylaştı. Foucault da, 1970’te ilk kez ABD’ye gidip yoksul siyah gettolarını gördüğünde, “ikinci bir aydınlanma yaşadığını” söylüyordu: Avrupa’dayken “neredeyse bittiğine kani olduğu” sınıf savaşının “hâlâ, hem de çok yoğun biçimde sürdüğünü” burada anlamıştı. George Jackson ile Angela Davis’in hapishane mektupları başta olmak üzere, Panterler’in ABD’deki disiplin teknikleri üzerine geliştirdikleri düşünceler ve hapishaneler etrafındaki örgütlenme pratikleri, Foucault üzerinde etkili oldu. 1971’de başka aydınlarla birlikte kurduğu Hapishane Bilgi Grubu (Groupe d’Information sur les Prisons - GIP), George Jackson’ın hapishanede katledilmesi üzerine çıkardığı bültende Jackson’la yapılmış röportajların yanı sıra Kara Panterler’in hapishanelerdeki örgütlenme pratikleri üzerine metinlere yer vermişti.

https://www.e-skop.com/images/UserFiles/images/Editor/dergi_09/02.jpg

Jean Genet ve Angela Davis

FBI’ın sistemli muhbirlik ve dezenformasyon faaliyetleri sonucu lider kadroları arasında oluşan çatlaklar, 1980’lerde Parti’nin feshine yol açtı. Kara Panterler’den geriye, temsil ettikleri karşı-kültür ikonlarının ötesinde, yoksul mahallelerde oluşturdukları dayanışma ve özerklik mirası kaldı. Hâlâ hapiste bulunan eski Kara Panter üyesi Mumia Ebu Cemal'in "Biz Özgürlük İstiyoruz" adlı kitabı Türkçe'de de yayınlandı. [EG]

Kaynaklar:

The Black Panthers: All Power to the People, Lee Lew-Lee, belgesel, Electronic News Group ve ZDF ortak yapımı, 1 saat 52 dakika [video en altta]

Elaine Brown, A Taste of Power: A Black Woman’s Story, bkz. libcom.org

Brady Thomas Heiner, “Foucault and the Black Panthers”, City, cilt 11 sayı 3, Aralık 2007, s. 316.

Michel Foucault, Catharine von Bülow, Daniel Defert, L'Assassinat de George Jackson (Gallimard, 10 Kasım 1971). İngilizce çevirisi: The Assasination of George Jackson, çev. Sirène Harb. Yeniden basıldığı yer: Warfare in the American Homeland: Policing and Prison in a Penal Democracy, (ed.) Joy James (Durham ve Londra: Duke University Press, 2007) s. 139-158.

James A. Tyner, “ ‘Defend the Ghetto’ ”: Space and the Urban Politics of the Black Panther Party”, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 96:1, 105-118.

Emory Douglas, “Sanat ve Devrim” bkz. www.e-skop.com

“Devrimci Sanat Bir Özgürleşme Aracıdır”: Emory Douglas ve Black Panther’in Protest Estetiği

Erika Doss

Kara Panter Partisi’nin gazetesi Black Panther’ın 21 Kasım 1970 tarihli sayısının arka kapağında, Emory Douglas’ın afiş boyutlarında bir çizimi yer alıyordu. Beyaz polisleri öldüren siyah erkekleri gösteren çizimin altında şu satırlar yazılıydı: “Kültür Bakanımız Emory Douglas’tan Bir Ders: ‘İnsanları Dışarı Çıkıp Domuzları Öldürmeye Cesaretlendirecek Resimler Yapmamız Gerek’ ”.

1970’lerin ortalarına ait bir hükümet raporunun yazarlarının dediği gibi, Kara Panterler “teatral bir altıncı hisse sahip”ti ve bu sayede “kendilerine izleyici buluyor, Amerika’yı korkutan bir imaj yansıtmayı başarıyorlar”dı.  Bu imajı kavramak, Panterler’i ve politikalarını anlamak açısından elzemdir. Parti’nin zirvede olduğu 1960’ların sonundan 1970’lerin başına kadar Black Panther gazetesinin baş sanatçısı olan Emory Douglas, Panterler’in silahlı direniş ve sosyal yardım programlarını destekleyen yüzlerce resim yaptı. Amerika’da ırk ve ırkçılık hakkında uzun zamandır hâkim olan varsayımlara meydan okuyan Douglas, izleyenleri siyah gücüne inandırmayı hedefleyen bir protest estetiği geliştirdi.

Douglas, 1970’te Black Panther’da yayınlanan bir makalesinde, devrimci bilincin yükseltilmesinde görsel imgelerin oynadığı merkezî rolü ayrıntılarıyla açıklıyordu: “Devrimci sanat, zorbalarla fiziksel bir karşılaşma sunar; aynı zamanda, saldırılarına devam etmeleri için insanları güçlendirir. Devrimci sanat, bir özgürleşme aracıdır.” Başka bir gazete yazısında “bütün ilerici sanatçıların, bir ellerinde fırçaları ve boyaları, diğer ellerinde silahları olmalıdır,” diye yazan Douglas, devrimci sanatçılara, “faşist yargıçları, avukatları, generalleri, domuz polisleri, itfaiyecileri, Senatörleri, Kongre üyelerini, valileri, Başkanları vs., Amerikan halkına ve tüm dünyada mücadele eden insanlara karşı işledikleri suçlar nedeniyle cezalandırılırken resmetmeyi” salık veriyordu.

1967’den 1972 yılına kadar Douglas’ın sözel düzeydeki ‘silahlara çağrı’sına, Black Panther gazetesi için yaptığı resimler eşlik etti. Shoot to Kill gibi kışkırtıcı direniş ve devrim imgelerinden, şehirlerdeki yoksulluğa ve toplumsal/siyasi değişim ihtiyacına odaklanan çizimlerine kadar, Douglas’ın resimleri Siyah Gücü döneminde tüm ülkede yüksek bir görünürlüğe ve Parti içinde büyük itibara sahip oldu.

Kara Panterler ve Görsel İmgelem

Kara Panterler, mesajlarını hem kendi mecralarında hem de ana-akım medya üzerinden yayıyorlardı. Gazeteciler, Amerikan anarşisiyle ilgili iyi bir hikâye yakalama umuduyla Panterler’e akın ediyorlardı; ama belki bundan da fazla ilgilerini çeken, Panterler’in kendilerine özgü görsel varlığıydı. Siyah bereleri ve deri ceketleri, Afro saçları, kara gözlükleri, havaya kaldırılmış sıkılı yumrukları ve askerî tertipleriyle, Panterler medya için tam bir görsel şölen sunuyordu. Bu da tesadüf değildi: Panterler, politik bilinci yükseltme aracı olarak görsel imgelemin cazibesinin ve etkisinin farkındaydılar. Huey Newton’ın, “Siyah toplumu, esasen okumayan bir toplumdur” iddiası, Afro-Amerikan kültüründe sözlü ifadenin ne kadar önemli bir yer tuttuğunun kabulü olarak yorumlanabilir. Ama bu sözler aynı zamanda, Panterler’in modern çağda insanların bilgi edindikleri ve politik/kültürel kodları devşirdikleri ana kaynağın görsellik olduğunu bildiklerini de gösteriyor. Douglas’ın dediği gibi: “Bildiğim bütün devrimci hareketlerin şu veya bu biçimde bir devrimci sanatı var”. Gerçekten de, resimsel, görsel unsurlar, Panter ideolojisinin ayrılmaz parçası olmuştur. Siyah kimliğini köklü biçimde yeniden tanımlamaları, özellikle de siyahilerin pasifliği ve güçsüzlüğü konusundaki alışıldık varsayımları yerle bir etmeleri, Panterler’in hızla ilgi çekmesini sağlamıştı. Görsel otoriteye gösterdikleri özen, Panterler’in kendini temsil tarzını 1960’ların radikalizminin başat imgesi haline getirecekti.

Siyahilere yönelik egemen karikatürleştirmelere kafa tutan Panterler, aynı zamanda, medeni haklar hareketi liderlerinin ve üyelerinin yerleştirdiği orta sınıf ve liberal siyah erkeklik temsillerini de yıkmışlardı. Panterler siyah gücünü yansıtıyordu, eşitlikçiliği değil. Martin Luther King Jr., siyahların yurttaş-özne olduklarını göstererek hâkim ırkçı kalıplara meydan okumaya çalışırken, Panterler bu medeni haklar imgesini altüst ediyor, siyah erkekleri devrimci öfkenin, başkaldırının, kadın düşmanlığının tecessümü haline getirerek romantize ediyordu. Eldridge Cleaver, Soul on Ice (1968) kitabında “Erkekliğimizi kazanacağız,” diyor ve şöyle ekliyordu: “Ya erkekliğimizi kazanacağız, ya da dünya bizim erkekliğimizi kazanma girişimlerimizle dize gelecek”. Medeni haklar hareketinin bütünleşme ve özerklik yönünde elde ettiği sınırlı başarılar karşısında öfkelenen, yerleşik siyasi eylem kalıplarına yabancılaşan, ikinci sınıf Amerikalı muamelesi görmekten bıkan Panterler (1960’ların diğer siyah özgürleşme hareketleri gibi) “siyah öznenin kültürel açıdan yeniden inşa edilmesine yer açmak için ortalığı temizleme” derdindeydi.

Medeni haklar hareketi de, devrimci siyah milliyetçi hareketleri de, siyah özneyi başat olarak maskülen bir çerçevede kavrıyordu. Sözgelimi, 1968’de Memphis’te grevdeki temizlik işçilerinin taşıdıkları pankartlarda “Ben Bir Erkeğim” yazılıydı. Kara Panter Partisi’nin daha saldırgan erkeklik biçimlerine yönelmesi, Vietnam Savaşı sırasında siyah erkeklerin kitleler halinde orduya alınmasından, ülke içindeki bariz baskı biçimlerine kadar, Amerika’nın siyah erkeklerine yönelik gerçek tehditlerle ilgili algıların sonucuydu. Medeni haklar hareketinin bu tehditleri bertaraf etmede başarısız olduğuna; fiziksel, psikolojik ve toplumsal açıdan yetersiz kaldığına kani olan Panterler, büyük ölçüde erkeklere ait bir alanda erkek gücünü olumlayan çok daha etkili bir siyah erkeklik imgesi yarattılar. 

Mayıs 1967’de Emory Douglas Black Panther gazetesinin mizanpaj ve görsel tasarım işlerinin başına geçti. Eldridge Cleaver ve Huey Newton’la birlikte çalışan Douglas, görselliğin egemen olduğu bir gazete yarattı – bu görselliğin, editörlerden birinin ifadesiyle gazetenin tirajında “muazzam etkisi” vardı. 1969’da 100 binden fazla satan gazete (o dönemde yeraltı yayınları için son derece yüksek bir rakamdı bu), aynı zamanda “Parti’nin en sağlam ve kazançlı gelir kaynağı” olmuştu.

Emory Douglas’ın Etkisi

Douglas, Black Panther’daki yılları boyunca, Kara Panter Partisi’nin siyah kitleleri devrimcileştirmede kullanacağı bir protest estetiği geliştirdi. Fanon’un Yeryüzünün Lanetlileri ve Bakunin’in Devrimcinin El Kitabı’yla birlikte, Douglas’ın siyah erkekleri ‘domuz’ polislerle savaşırken gösteren resimleri, “Bobby” ve “Huey” gibi kahramanlaştırıcı afişleri, siyah lümpen kitleleri arasında ideolojik bağlılık yaratmayı hedefliyordu. Gerek Panterler’i “karşı konulmaz müttefikleri” olarak gören beyaz solcular nezdinde, gerek resimlerde güç bulan Parti liderleri nezdinde, Douglas’ın sanatı büyük itibar görüyordu. Eldridge Cleaver, “Kara Panter Partisi’nin ideolojisi ve Huey P. Newton’ın öğretileri en saf haliyle Emory’nin sanatında barınmaktadır” diyordu. Reginald Major, Emory Douglas’ın “bir sanatçı olarak, politikacı konumundaki diğer Panterler’den daha fazla öncülük rolü olduğunu” iddia ediyor ve şöyle ekliyordu: “[Emory] Bir sanatçı olarak, Eldridge’in bir yazar olarak sahip olduğundan veya [Parti Kurmay Başkanı] Hilliard’ın konuşmacı olarak sahip olduğundan çok daha fazla ifade özgürlüğüne sahip. Emory’nin devrimci sanatın amacıyla ilgili görüşlerinin Parti politikası üzerinde belirleyici etkisi olmuştur.” Douglas’ın sanatı, dönemin siyah izleyicileri üzerinde olağanüstü bir görsel etki yaratmıştı. Afişleri ve Panter portreleri, Amerika’nın dört bir yanında evlerin duvarlarını kaplıyordu.

Kara Panter Partisi, Douglas’ın resimlerinin görsel çekiciliğini artırmak için, siyah mahallelerinde dağıtılmak üzere sayıları on binleri aşan afişler bastırıyordu. Devrimci sanat, Douglas’ın ifadesiyle “Hıristiyanından üniversite öğrencisine, lise terkten fahişesine, pezevenginden rahibine, sekreterinden çete üyesine kadar,” herkes içindi.[1] Getto, ona göre, devrimci sanatçının “galerisi”ydi: “Eserleri gettonun duvarlarındadır; dükkân vitrinlerinde, kapılarda, telefon direklerinde, tezgâhlarda, otobüslerde, benzin istasyonlarında, kuaförlerde, ve gettonun gecekondularında...”[2] Douglas sanatın devrimci gücüne inanıyordu ve imge üretmenin ve imgelere bakmanın başlı başına devrimci praksis olduğunu söylüyordu. “Asıl başyapıtlar insanlardır” diyerek, sanat dünyasının estetik özerklik fikrini reddediyor, devrimci kültürün popülist (ama esasen erkek) ve pragmatik temellerinde ısrar ediyordu. “Mahalle bizim sanatımızın müzesiydi. Bazı insanlar sanatla ilk kez benim afişlerim üzerinden karşılaşıyordu. Kimi onları görüp Kara Panter Partisi’ne üye oluyor, kimiyse sanat yapmak istiyordu”.

Douglas’ın afişlerinden ilham alanlar arasında mahalle müralistleri de vardı. 1960’lar boyunca kentte yaşayan sanatçılar, şehir içindeki binaların cephelerine Panterler’i toplu halde gösteren veya polisle çatışma sahnelerini resmeden Onur Duvarı ve Saygı Duvarı gibi dev duvar resimleri boyadılar. Başka Afro-Amerikalı sanatçılar da siyah gücüne odaklanan militan ve görsel açıdan çekici afişler ve tuval resimleri yaptılar.

Douglas gibi pek çok sanatçı, siyah mücadelesini ve özgürleşmesini esasen maskülinist bir çerçevede resmetmek suretiyle devrimci bilinci yükseltmeyi hedefliyordu. Fakat Betye Saar ve Elizabeth Vatlett gibi sanatçılar, Siyah Gücü hareketinin protest estetiğinin öfkesinden ve şiddetinden etkilenmekle birlikte, siyah erkeklere odaklanan dışlayıcı önyargılarını sorguluyorlardı. Ama bu tür tasvirler genelde istisnaydı: Siyah Gücü döneminin çoğu protest sanatçısı, Panterler’in yansıttığı agresif siyah erkekliğinin tehdit edici imgesine kapılmıştı.

Emory Douglas, gazetenin kapanacağı 1979 yılına kadar Black Panther’da çalışmaya devam etti. Ama sanatında, yavaş yavaş, kışkırtıcı direniş ve devrim imgelerinin yerini “Amerika’daki siyah halkların aşkları, neşeleri, umutları ve rüyaları” almaya başladı: “hayatın karanlık yanı kadar, aydınlık yanları”. Panter ideolojisinde vaktiyle merkezî yer tutan militan ve maskülinist temeller yerine Douglas artık siyah ailelerin ve çocukların resimlerine, Afro-Amerikan toplululuklarında hayal ettiği dayanışmaya yoğunlaşıyordu. 1993’te bu durumu şöyle açıklıyordu: “Sanatım Parti politikasının bir yansımasıydı, Parti toplum hizmeti faaliyetlerine yönelince benim çalışmalarımda da domuzların yerini çocuklar aldı”.

Douglas’ın protest estetiğindeki ilk amaç, siyah izleyicileri radikal bir siyah politik kültürünün etkisine ikna etmekti. Ama 1970’lerin başlarına gelindiğinde aynı estetik, başkaları tarafından, devrimci sanata yüklenen bu anlama ve amaca aykırı düşecek biçimde kullanılmaya başladı. Douglas’ın canlandırdığı domuz-polis [pig-policemen] imgesi, üzerinde P.I.G. –Pride, Integrity, Guts [Onur, Namus, Cesaret]– yazılı rozetler takmaya başlayan Amerikan polisleri tarafından temellük edildi. Siyah Gücü’nü temsil eden sıkılı yumruklar, biblodan yüzüğe kadar pek çok tüketim nesnesinde tasarım motifi olarak kullanıldı. Afro saçlı ve deri ceketli siyah erkek figürü, Shaft (1971) gibi siyah istismar filmlerinin maço anti-kahramanlarında kullanıldı. Melvin Van Peebles’ın 1972 tarihli Sweet Sweetback’s Baadassss Song’u gibi filmlerde siyah erkeklerle ilgili egemen kültürel varsayımlara meydan okunduysa da, bunlar, birkaç yıl öncesine kadar Panterler’in yerleşmesine bizzat katkıda bulunduğu öfke dolu, kanun dışı hayat süren, heteroseksüel ve cinsiyetçi siyah erkekliği mecazlarını yeniden üretip pekiştiriyordu.

1990’lara gelindiğinde, Kara Panterler hâlâ güçlü bir sembol olmaya devam ediyordu. Paris gibi veya Tupac Shakur gibi rapçiler (Shakur’un annesi Assata Shakur, New York 21 üyesiydi) Panterler’i siyah kahramanlar olarak kabul ediyorlardı; Public Enemy’nin pek çok şarkısında ve klibinde Panterler’e göndermeler (siyah bereler, siyah deri ceketler) ve “İktidar Halka” gibi sloganlar vardır. Günümüzün siyah erkekleri hayatlarını anlamlandırmaya çalışıp yaşamlarının kontrolünü ele alma mücadelesi verirken Panterler’in siyah erkek gücü ve otoritesiyle ilgili imgelerinin yeniden ��ekicilik kazanması şaşırtıcı değil. Fakat eski Panter liderlerinden Elaine Brown 1992’de şöyle diyordu: “Birçok genç, Kara Panter Partisi’ne baktığında birer ikon görüyor. Ama ikon yaratmak tehlikelidir. İkonlar hata yapar”. bell hooks da, “imajın bir cinayet silahı işlevi gördüğü, günümüzün sömürgeleştirme, gayri insanileştirme ve güçsüzleştirme gösterisini” sürdürmek istemiyorsak, özdeşleştiğimiz ikonlar konusunda çok dikkatli olmamız gerektiğini söylüyordu.

Kaynak: Erika Doss’un “‘Revolutionary Art Is a Tool for Liberation’: Emory Douglas and Protest Aesthetics at the Black Panther” başlıklı makalesinden kısaltılarak çevrilmiştir, Liberation, Imagination, and the Black Panther Party: A New Look at the Panthers and Their Legacy  içinde, (ed.) Kathleen Cleaver ve George Katsiaficas (New York ve Londra: Routledge) s. 175-187.

[1] http://www.e-skop.com/skopbulten/pasajlar-sanat-ve-devrim/2444

[2] A.g.e.

[lotorliderden]

Hey hey hey fellow explorers! It’s lider here!

As promised, you’ll find my ideas and contact info on this post. Please note that as of now I am not interested in doing any other plots besides the ones that are listed, though I am open to mixing them together, so please do not message me if you’re looking for something completely different to what I’ve got on offer.

Taking over:

The lifespan of a captain could sometimes end up being tragically short. It was the captain who was supposed to be the first to jump into their starfighter and guide their crew to victory whenever their ship was under threat, It was the captain who was expected to always be able to know what decisions were the right ones to make in regards to the welfare of the crew and it was the captain who took an oath upon receiving the keys to their ship to never put their own life before someone else's even when faced with the most difficult decision of all. When the much loved captain of the alliance ship Maelstrom loses their life after a mission gone wrong their second in command is the one who is chosen to take their place as the new captain despite the angry protests from some of the crew members. Will the new captain be able to follow in the footsteps of the one before them and lead the Maelstrom to success whilst earning the respect of the crew, or will the burden be too much to bear?

New recruit:

Whenever talks about potentially receiving some new crew members came around it wasn’t uncommon for people to get a little bit crazy. Not everyone hated the idea of seeing a new face or two running around given it meant that there could potentially be less tasks for them to do before they got to clock out for the day, but that didn’t mean they were exactly okay with the idea that their job was potentially at risk of being handed to someone else if the captain decided that they were no longer performing at the required standards. Many of the current crew members took great pleasure in reminding any newcomers about their place on the ship and weren’t afraid to use their rank to get away with a little less than friendly behaviour when it came to doing such things to the point where it was often an unspoken rule amongst the other crew mates to not interfere with the “initiation” process lest the wraith be turned upon them instead. When the “initiation” process itself stopped depended on when the captain finally cared enough to intervene. When a new recruit arrives in the form of a previous high ranking soldier who was stripped of their title for insubordination, chaos of an entirely different kind takes hold.

The mission (looking for someone to play as a human crew member):

Seven. Seven alliance ships had disappeared without a trace or been destroyed by unforeseen yet suspicious circumstances. Mining asteroid explosions, ambush attacks, ship failures, all unfortunate yet unpredictable occurrences that were happening far too frequently for anyone to be able to just comfortably sit back and go on with life. With tensions between the alien and human race at an all time high, the alliance itself was desperately trying to find a way to keep the peace without causing a panic. Eventually, a proposal was made. In an all time first since the end of the great alien/human wars, an alien would be chosen and sent to work onboard a human ship. This was considered to be a very large step given many planets were still hostile to one another and the rumours circulating about the missing ships were sparking some strong reactions from both sides but the alliance was desperate….and so was the alien they were planning to send onboard. For them, it was their last and only chance to start a new life and to put a difficult past behind them. Little did anyone know, the appearance of this newcomer was more than just the first step towards changing life as many knew it for the known galaxies.

One unit, one goal:

When someone was part of a team, it felt like the people who fought beside them were all that really mattered. They cried on each other’s shoulders. They cheered each other on. They were there for each other through thick and thin. Most of the pilots who served under the galactic alliance were pretty tight knit with one another, meaning the pain of loss was worsened whenever such a tragedy struck. When a member of one of the alliance’s top intergalactic defence force teams loses their life during a search and capture mission that had gone wrong a new pilot is sent in as a replacement. As they struggle to find their place amongst people that seem to have no intention of moving on from their loss, a new threat slowly begins to rise with the intention of causing chaos and destruction on a scale that no one has ever seen before.

No easy way out (looking for someone to play as the captain):

It was very rare for those who believed that their sole purpose in life was to reign terror and destruction upon those who dwelled within the known galaxies to take prisoners, even more so when said prisoner actively tries to fight back against their captors rather than quietly submitting and accepting their fate, and allowing them to live despite the trouble they cause. When a lone spacer is attacked by a captain who leads a crew of fairly notorious criminals that have been seen on more than just a couple of ruined wanted posters they are given one of two options to choose from: serve alongside them as a part of their crew in exchange for being allowed to live, or be left to face the vast depths of space alone in a ship that would soon become their tomb due to the state of disrepair it was in. Will the spacer accept their fate? Or will they take their last stand right there and then?

Stowaway (looking for someone to play as the owner of the ship):

Life in the known galaxies was harder for some than it was for most. Whilst many people were able to live freely with little rules and regulations as to what they did, others were bound by law to follow a certain way of life. Most accepted their predetermined paths and did their best to stay out of trouble, whilst for others it was just that little bit harder to accept the way things were supposedly meant to be. Especially when things could go downhill very quickly if one happened to be on the wrong side of those laws. Whilst many people frowned upon ship jumping, the act of sneaking onboard a ship and hiding away from its occupants in order to travel, some people felt like it was the only way to reach their destinations when a fresh start to their life was in order. When a stowaway is caught trying to hijack a ship, will mercy be given? Or will they find themselves facing a new threat?

Enslaved (looking for someone to play as the master/mistress):

imagine living the life of one of the most successful people on the run that could exist. Galaxies trembled at your name. You and your crew swam in wealth and the going was good. Mutiny, sadly and sometimes not sadly, exists on its own accord. One person in particular reflected on this as they were forced to their feet. A collar attached to a chain and electromagnetic handcuffs prevented their escape as they stood for all those who cared to glance as they walked by in the market to see. No one wants to have their only life’s purpose be to serve another......only sometimes people don’t get that choice.

Across a sea of stars (looking for someone to play as one of the captives):

Although they’d abandoned their less than humble watery origins well before the first spaceship had even been invented, Pirates were believed to be one of the biggest threats that anyone could encounter within the known galaxies. Those who were brave enough to attempt to navigate through the vast starry seas of space without a small fleet rallied behind them would often meet their fate at the hands of the bloodthirsty buccaneers whose lust for wealth and power had completely overtaken their ability to feel remorse for their actions. Any twinges of guilt that did attempt to surface were often easily washed away by consuming vast amounts of alcohol and then drunkenly brawling with other members of the crew during the celebratory dinners that came after a successful day of looting or the claiming of another captain’s ship as their own. When a ship is captured by the most feared pirate of all after accidentally flying into their territory and the crew fearfully plead for their lives, fate decides to take matters into its own hands in a most unexpected way.

Last chance (looking for someone to play as one of the crew members):

Criminals, ranging from wannabe thieves to true crime lords, have been around long before anyone had even thought of the idea of building a spaceship and go where no one had ever been before. They’re often cunning, tricky to catch and more often than not are clever at disguising themselves whenever those wanted posters come up. It takes true talent to be on the wrong side of the laws that had been made by those long gone and get away with it. When a criminal that has been giving the alliance a run for their money has finally been captured, they are given a second chance to redeem themselves by having to work alongside the crew of the ship that captured them and even aid them to defend the ship if the need arises. Will this be enough to encourage a change of heart, or will it be the downfall of the crew and the alliance itself?

Betrothed:

Long before other planets had even been discovered, and for far longer than anyone could truly remember, there had always been arranged marriages. Arranged marriages, or betrothals as they were more often called, consisted of pairing two people together and making them get married regardless of how they felt about one another in order to secure ties to another land or another planet for what many hoped would be forever. Political marriages benefited everyone but the married pair it always seemed. After all, no one could possibly be happy being married to a complete and utter stranger, could they? How does one who is betrothed build a life of love and prosperity when the one who bears the rings of their union is not the one who also bears their heart.

To those who have made it through both posts, thanks for reading! If you are interested in writing with me please shoot me a friend request on discord and send me a little introductory message about yourself that includes your time zone, your availability, which idea you liked, what ideas you may have, what pairing you want to do and your favourite food so that I know you read the whole post.

Anything that is just “hey, I saw your ad. Wanna rp?” Will be immediately ignored. Introductions are also required even if you are simply inquiring about whether or not I am still looking for new partners and these types of messages will be ignored if they do not contain them.

Discord contact info: tiberionwars

Can’t wait to write with ya!

[blog-aventin-de]

Fünfzehn

Fünfzehn · Reiner Kunze · Leben und Entwicklung

Sie trägt einen Rock, den kann man nicht beschreiben, denn schon ein einziges Wort wäre zu lang. Ihr bunter Schal dagegen ähnelt einer Doppel-Schleppe: lässig um den Hals geworfen, fällt er in ganzer Breite über Schienbein und Wade. Am liebsten hätte sie einen Schal, an dem mindestens drei Großmütter zweieinhalb Jahre gestrickt haben -- eine Art Niagara-Fall aus Wolle. Ich glaube, von einem solchen Schal würde sie behaupten, dass er genau ihrem Lebensgefühl entspricht. Doch wer hat vor zweieinhalb Jahren wissen können, dass solche Schals heute Mode sein würden. Zum Schal trägt sie Tennisschuhe, auf denen jeder ihrer Freunde und jede ihrer Freundinnen unterschrieben haben. Sie ist fünfzehn Jahre alt und gibt nichts auf die Meinung uralter Leute -- das sind alle Leute über dreißig. Könnte einer von ihnen sie verstehen, selbst wenn er sich bemühen würde? Ich bin über dreißig. Wenn sie Musik hört, vibrieren noch im übernächsten Zimmer die Türfüllungen. Ich weiß, diese Lautstärke bedeutet für sie Lustgewinn. Teilbefriedigung ihres Bedürfnisses nach Protest. Überschallverdrängung unangenehmer logischer Schlüsse. Trance. Dennoch ertappe ich mich immer wieder bei einer Kurzschlussreaktion: Ich spüre plötzlich den Drang in mir, sie zu bitten, das Radio leiser zu stellen. Wie also könnte ich sie verstehen -- bei diesem Nervensystem? Noch hinderlicher ist die Neigung, allzu hochragende Gedanken erden zu wollen. Auf den Möbeln ihres Zimmers flockt der Staub. Unter ihrem Bett wallt er. Dazwischen liegen Haarklemmen, ein Taschenspiegel, Knautschlacklederreste, Schnellhefter, Apfelstiele, ein Plastikbeutel mit der Aufschrift »Der Duft der großen weiten Welt«, angelesene und übereinander gestülpte Bücher (Hesse, Hölderlin), Jeans mit in sich gekehrten Hosenbeinen, halb- und dreiviertel gewendete Pullover, Strumpfhosen, Nylon und benutzte Taschentücher. Die Ausläufer dieser Hügellandschaft erstrecken sich bis ins Bad und in die Küche. Ich weiß: Sie will sich nicht den Nichtigkeiten des Lebens ausliefern. Sie fürchtet die Einengung des Blicks, des Geistes. Sie fürchtet die Abstumpfung der Seele durch Wiederholung! Außerdem wägt sie die Tätigkeiten gegeneinander ab nach dem Maß an Unlustgefühlen, das mit ihnen verbunden sein könnte, und betrachtet es als Ausdruck persönlicher Freiheit, die unlustintensiveren zu ignorieren. Doch nicht nur, dass ich ab und zu heimlich ihr Zimmer wische, um ihre Mutter vor Herzkrämpfen zu bewahren, -- ich muss mich auch der Versuchung erwehren, diese Nichtigkeiten ins Blickfeld zu rücken und auf die Ausbildung innerer Zwänge hinzuwirken. Einmal bin ich dieser Versuchung erlegen. Sie ekelt sich schrecklich vor Spinnen. Also sagte ich: »Unter deinem Bett waren zwei Spinnennester.« Ihre mit lila Augentusche nachgedunkelten Lider verschwanden hinter den hervortretenden Augäpfeln, und sie begann »Iix! Aäx! Uh!« zu rufen, so dass ihre Englischlehrerin, wäre sie zugegen gewesen, von soviel Kehlkopfknacklauten -- englisch »glottal stops« -- ohnmächtig geworden wäre. »Und warum bauen die ihre Nester gerade bei mir unterm Bett?« »Dort werden sie nicht oft gestört.« Direkter wollte ich nicht werden, und sie ist intelligent. Am Abend hatte sie ihr inneres Gleichgewicht wiedergewonnen. Im Bett liegend, machte sie einen fast überlegenen Eindruck. Ihre Hausschuhe standen auf dem Klavier. »Die stelle ich jetzt immer dorthin«, sagte sie. »Damit keine Spinnen hineinkriechen können.« Fünfzehn · Reiner Kunze · Leben und Entwicklung Read the full article

[badulescuradu14]

Gheorghe Flutur, încercând să-i copieze pe nemți, a organizat un „protest anti-extremism” (adică anti AUR) la Suceava. Jandarmii au luat pe sus un lider local al SOS România (partidul lui Șoșoacă)

Probabil încercând să copieze manifestațiile organizate în mai multe orașe din Germania pe 21 ianuarie 2024, împotriva ascensiunii partidelor considerate extremiste, în principal împotriva „Alternativei pentru Germania” (AfD), Gheorghe Flutur, liderul PNL din Suceava a organiza și el un miting „anti-extremism”, cică împotriva AUR.   Gheorghe Flutur și PNL Suceava au organizat cel mai mare miting…

[mariacallous]

JERUSALEM (JTA) — Every Saturday night, Michal Muszkat-Barkan heads out to the streets of Jerusalem to oppose the government’s effort to weaken the judiciary. As one of the leaders of a protest group called Safeguarding Our Shared Home, she is one of many activists who have brought out hundreds of thousands of Israelis to demonstrate against the judicial overhaul. 

But this week, Muszkat-Barkan’s group has been engaging people in another sort of group endeavor — aiming not to persuade or demonstrate, but to listen to differing views across the political and religious spectrum. 

The initiative is tied to the weeklong fall festival of Sukkot, in which Jews traditionally eat meals with guests in sukkahs, outdoor huts constructed for the holiday. Muszkat-Barkan’s movement, abbreviated as SOS Home, has enlisted more than 250 people across Israel to open their sukkahs to strangers, inviting Israelis from all walks of life to engage in dialogue on some of the key issues plaguing the country today — including but not limited to the judicial overhaul. 

“We want the public to learn and understand the issues at play here, and not just to learn how to protest,” Muszkat-Barkan, who is a Jewish education professor at Hebrew Union College, told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency. 

“Sukkot is a time when we leave our safe spaces,” she added. “You feel everything more – the cold, the heat, the rain — and there’s an underlying symbolism there. There’s also the idea of… inviting guests who aren’t immediate family, and here we’re inviting people that we wouldn’t otherwise necessarily talk to.”

SOS Home organized the project with 929, an Israeli Bible study initiative that was similarly founded to engage people across demographics in a shared Jewish activity. People who sign up for the project get matched with a sukkah, where a facilitator guides the group through conversations on Israel’s political and social issues, in addition to what it means to be Jewish and Israeli. 

Participants are asked to ponder what the past 10 months — during which Israeli social strife has spiked — have meant to them. If there was one guest, either living or from the past century, whom they could invite to their sukkah, who would it be? What do they think about the judicial overhaul? What does it mean for Israel to be a Jewish and democratic state?

The group has trained more than 100 facilitators to lead the discussions taking place in the sukkot, including famous Israeli musicians such as Ivri Lider and Berry Sakharof and liberal politicians and activists including Yaya Fink and Yuli Tamir. The list of facilitators also includes liberal religious Zionist Rabbi Benny Lau, who leads 929, and at least one prominent right-wing figure who supports the judicial overhaul, former Likud lawmaker Yehuda Glick. The sessions include “people calling to end the occupation alongside settlers,” Muszkat-Barkan said.

Several of the hosting sukkahs are in West Bank settlements, while others are hosted by members of cohorts of religious Jews who have moved into urban centers. Sarah Eliash, a former high school principal from the northern West Bank settlement of Kedumim and a political activist who is pushing for compromise on the judicial legislation, was a guest at one of the sukkahs.

“I certainly don’t share political ideologies with many of the others, but I will never dismiss them. We live here together and we need to find a way to straighten out our differences,” Eliash told JTA.

Muszkat-Barkan sees a continuum between the protest movement and the dialogue initiative her group is now leading. At the demonstrations, she said, the group has extended invitations to representatives of minority communities, including Ethiopian, Russian and haredi Orthodox Israelis. They have also invited Reform and Conservative Jewish leaders.

“No doubt that a lot of people won’t believe that a protest movement can also call for dialogue,” she told JTA. “But anyone who knows us knows that from the very first moment, that’s what we’ve called for.”

She added, “A lot of people say, your voice is one that we need. On the one hand, a voice of protest, of preserving democracy and a separation of powers, and on the other, a voice calling for a mechanism of broad consensus.”

She also isn’t concerned that opponents of the judicial overhaul will come to support the legislation after the dialogue sessions, though she said any participant “​​may arrive at different conclusions than those he entered with.”

“I’m not concerned that people who thought the reform was bad for Israel will now leave and be convinced it’s a good thing, but yes, they may leave thinking there’s a way forward for dialogue and agreement,” she said. “It’s really essential.”

Although this initiative was planned well before the start of the fall Jewish holiday season a few weeks ago, it gained added urgency for Muszkat-Barkan following Yom Kippur, when clashes broke out between secular protesters and worshipers at public prayers organized by an Orthodox outreach group in Tel Aviv. “This wasn’t a reaction to what happened on Yom Kippur because it was organized long before that, but in hindsight it stood as a kind of response,” she said.

“People are hurting badly,” she added. “They are angry at the leadership which is pushing us to hate one another. By and large, Israeli society is a very warm one but our leaders are trying to build walls between us. It’s a historical travesty.”

[leontiucmarius]

Proteste față de monarhie. Poliția a arestat deja un lider al unei grupări cunoscute

Așa cum au anticipat autoritățile, au apărut și proteste la adresa monarhiei. Poliția britanică a arestat cel puțin șase persoane. Autoritățile au refuzat să spună pentru ce au fost arestaţi protestatarii. Așa cum au anticipat autoritățile, au apărut și proteste la adresa monarhiei. Poliția britanică a arestat cel puțin șase persoane, potrivit SkyNews. Liderul unui grup antimonarhie se numără…

[organisationskoval]

551) New Zealand National Front, Nowozelandzki Front Narodowy - mała biała organizacja nacjonalistyczna w Nowej Zelandii. Odzwierciedlając rozwój wydarzeń w Wielkiej Brytanii, grupa zwana Frontem Narodowym wyewoluowała z nowozelandzkiego oddziału League of Empire Loyalists w 1967 roku. Prowadził ją Brian Thompson; innym godnym uwagi członkiem był Roger Clare, który później został aktywistą League of St George. Wydawał magazyn o nazwie Counter-attack. Grupa ta rozwiązała się na początku lat 70. Thompson pozostał zagranicznym zwolennikiem brytyjskiego Frontu Narodowego. Front Narodowy Nowej Zelandii, powszechnie znany jako „Nowozelandzki Front Narodowy” (NZNF), był inicjatywą Johna Tyndalla z Brytyjskiego Frontu Narodowego utworzonego w 1977 roku. Siostrzane organizacje powstały także w Australii i RPA w tym samym czasie. Pierwszym przewodniczącym partii był David Crawford, któremu pomagał Brian Thompson. Kerry Bolton dołączył w 1978 roku. Rozprowadzał „dużą liczbę broszur i książek zaprzeczających holokaustowi”. Thompson reprezentował partię na marszu w Lewisham w 1977 roku. Partia zachęcała swoich działaczy do infiltracji partii głównego nurtu, takich jak Partia Narodowa. Od czerwca 1978 partia wspólnie z Frontem Narodowym Australii wydawała magazyn Frontline. Po rozwiązaniu grupy australijskiej w 1984 r. Magazyn ukazywał się do marca 1987 r., wspierając bardziej ogólną bezpartyjną „sprawę nacjonalistyczną”. Organizacja była bliska zakończenia we wczesnych latach 80-tych; wielu jej członków odeszło, aby utworzyć „Nową Siłę”, którą Bolton utworzył w 1981 roku.

„Wszystkie białe kraje i tylko białe kraje są zalewane setkami milionów nie-białych ludzi… różnorodność to tylko hasło ludobójstwa białych” - Front Narodowy.

W 1989 roku Anton Foljambe starał się ożywić tytuł Frontline dla swojego ugrupowania „Front Konserwatywny”. Doprowadziło to do reformacji NZNF z Foljambe na czele. Wydawał magazyn, redagowany przez Foljambe, zatytułowany Viewpoint. Foljambe zrezygnował z funkcji lidera w 1997 roku i założył rywalizującą Partię Narodowo-Demokratyczną w 1999 roku. Kyle Chapman, który powiedział, że interesował się prawicową polityką od 12 roku życia, następnie przewodził partii aż do rezygnacji ze stanowiska lidera w 2005 roku. Bolton ponownie dołączył do partii w 2004 roku. Od 2008 roku na czele grupy stoi Colin Ansell. Ansell stwierdził, że grupa miała być „ruchem nacjonalistycznym o szerokim spektrum” ze „zdecydowanym poglądem na imigrację”. 23 października 2004 r. Front Narodowy zorganizował w Wellington, protest popierający utrzymanie obecnej flagi Nowej Zelandii, w którym wzięło udział około 45 osób. 800-osobowa kontrdemonstracja została zorganizowana przez koalicję MultiCultural Aotearoa i anarchistów, aby zdemaskować sympatie Frontu Narodowego. Według The New Zealand Herald, Chapman skarżył się następnego dnia na „niewystarczającą ochronę policji”. Ten „Rajd Dnia Flagi” stał się teraz corocznym wydarzeniem, w którym członkowie NF i protestujący walczą przed parlamentem. W październiku 2017 r. garstka członków Frontu Narodowego protestowała przed parlamentem. Spotkało ich „morze” kontrmanifestantów. Walki były bliskie wybuchu, a na wydarzeniu pojawiła się policja. Po strzelaninie w meczecie w Christchurch w 2019 r. Front Narodowy, podobnie jak inne skrajnie prawicowe grupy, „publicznie zamknął działalność” i w dużej mierze zeszedł do podziemia. Dokument RNZ z kwietnia 2019 r. opisał ich jako „starą gwardię skrajnej prawicy” w porównaniu z nowymi ruchami z bardziej wyrafinowanymi sieciami i wykorzystaniem technologii. Front Narodowy określił się jako partia polityczna, tak jak w 2010 roku. Lider Kyle Chapman startował w wyborach na burmistrza Christchurch w 2004 roku, otrzymując 1665 głosów (1,9%) i zajmując piąte miejsce na dziesięciu kandydatów. W poście na blogu ówczesny były przywódca Kyle Chapman zadeklarował, że Front Narodowy dołączy do Narodowych Demokratów i innej międzynarodowej organizacji, „Nowej Prawicy”, by zakwestionować wybory w 2008 roku pod nazwą „Sojusz Nacjonalistyczny”. To się nie wydarzyło; żaden kandydat nie startował pod tym nazwiskiem w wyborach w 2008 roku. Według Te Ara: The Encyclopedia of New Zealand dostrzegalną polityką Frontu Narodowego jest „homofobia, rasizm i patriotyczny nacjonalizm”.

Liderzy: Imię i nazwisko - Rok rozpoczęcia - Rok zakończenia - Czas urzędowania:

Kay Hopper - 1968 - 1977 - 9 lat

David Crawford - 1977 - 1989 - 12 lat

Anton Foljambe - 1989 - 1997 - 8 lat

Kyle Chapman - 1997 - 2005 - 8 lat

Colin Ansell - 2008 - nieznany.

[cypr24]

Nie chcą fermy kurczaków

Mieszkańcy protestują przeciwko budowie fermy kurczaków.

Mieszkańcy gmin Alaminos, Menogeia, Kofinou i Anafotia w prowincji Larnaka zorganizowali protest w związku z zamiarem przeniesienia dużej fermy drobiu i rzeźni z Limassol w te okolice. Mieszkańcy zebrali się w rejonie Alaminos, gdzie ma powstać ferma drobiu i zapowiedzieli, że za wszelką cenę wstrzymają jej budowę. Jak wspomniał lider społeczności Alaminos Frixos Hasikos, w Polemidii, gdzie…

[cgvijesti]

Tirana: Hiljade građana traži ostavku Edija Rame

Tirana: Hiljade građana traži ostavku Edija Rame

Foto: Twitter Hiljade građana okupilo se u Tirani ispred kabineta premijera vlade, tražeći ostavku Edija Rame i pokretanje borbe protiv organizovanog kriminala. Veliki protest opozicionih stranaka počeo je u subotu poslijepodne. Bivši premijer Sali Berisha optužuje Ramu za odlazak mladih iz Albanije, brojne afere, nazivajući njegovu vladavinu antiaalbanskom. Bivši predsednik Albanije i lider…

[jurnaldeoltenia]

Liderul protestelor anti-vaccin din Zalău indeamna la vaccinare : Îmi pare rău că nu m-am vaccinat

Liderul protestelor anti-vaccin din Zalău indeamna la vaccinare : Îmi pare rău că nu m-am vaccinat

[ruuutaa]

עברי לידר - לילד שלי - Ivri Lider My child will have palaces and days full of laughter and song My child will have games, colored cars and pictures on the wall For my child the world will be free of hatred among human beings The wars of the past were only in the books he would be taught in school my child Sometimes I have the power to forget Everything that scares me here All the cold and the evil began to sink When he and I and the garden To my child the tears will be diamond pieces in empty eyes My child will have a thousand desires and shades and shapes My child has the elaborate game, the damn grand empty house How many hours in a hundred years I have given my child as a gift? Sometimes I have the power to forget Everything that scares me here All the cold and the evil began to sink When he and I and the garden Ivri Lider is an Israeli singer. Aside being an amazing human being and great artist, he’s also a part of the lgbt community. His beautiful music helped me and so many other people. To me, Ivri simply says "F/uck you” to all the stigmas and stereotypes about proud parents who have children / plan have children in the future. Everyone deserve a family. Please support the lgbt protest in Israel

[scara-meow-che]

WHAT IS HAPPENING IN THE PHILIPPINES.

my apolgies for using this account for such matters but as to what some accounts used to see in my blog, i've stated somewhere that i am a part of a student council from a state college in my country the Philippines hence why i made this poorly drafted post in a hurry.

currently, as the 2022 election ended, atrocities and electoral anomalies were found during the vote counting process and statisticians had shown their data that had shown these anomalies (refer to this link) the normal distribution of votes as shown on their data is an indication how the vote counting process depicts a rigged tally since the population/demographics in the Philippines are unevenly distributed (we are an archipelagic country consisting of 17 regions with some congested areas such as areas in metro manila)

adding to this, as a history major myself, i am baffled with the amount of historical revisionism and distortion rampantly happening and we, as students of history and historians ourselves, are ridiculed and ignored despite countless efforts of presenting narratives, books, documentaries and photos that shows what majority dub as the "golden era" of the Philippines—this is the tyranny of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr. the 14-year rule of this dictator had thousands of filipinos killed, many are still unfound, human rights violation happened left and right, millions of debt were placed under our names, the democracy of the press and students actively participating in protests of this regime were illegally arrested against their own means and were tortured. once the filipinos had kicked this tyrant out of his seat during the EDSA PEOPLE POWER but the 2022 election had let the son's dictator be put into seat as the philippine president.

(if you wish to know more about martial law, i have this link that contains resources that can help)

this marked yet another year of our lives fighting for a just and transparent governance. the philippines is at it's peril. we have already made it into international headlines with the name of that dictator staining our identities.

this is not an issue of our moral integrity being bought by money in order to cope with the rampant poverty but this lies deeper with the miseducation of the people. the education system that we have are flawed, made to glorify the dictators and the corrupts. those who shares thw teuth and fights for our rights were killed, red-tagged, shunned off by textbooks and marked as terrorists.

please, spread the truth about our country and give comfort to any filipino mutual that you have. please spread awareness as to what is happening in our country because as much as my words pass by your timeline and reaches its end, a simple share can help those unaware of our situation. i can't stand not doing anything for my country, not everyone i know of are privileged enough to flourish after we suffer the consequences dictated by our distorted past.

please, comfort any filipino mutual that you have. by being emotiional about this, i have been out in the streets mobilizing and organizing campaigns to fight for a clean election and have been receiving dead threats here and there. it is fear inducing, yes, but what lies ahead of me if i stay quiet is a life without a future in a country i love so much.

bilang aktibong lider-estudyante, magkikita tayo sa lansangan para ipagpatuloy ang laban para sa bayan 🌸✨ hindi pa tayo tapos mga kazams 💕

if you wish to ask me questions about this topic, send me an ask!!