#histoire de France

[kiimarux]

Going further with my undertale au because i literally have no remorse and no dignity left

Talleyrand is sans, napoleon is frisk and lannes is undyne and if what i said doesnt make any sense, im on my way to make this au more confusing (actually i have an explanation for every choice i made with these people lmfao I SWEAR)

[year24groupedits]

Marion from the manga "Natsu e no Tobira" or "The Doorway to Summer" (1975) by Keiko Takemiya

[fidjiefidjie]

🇨🇵 25 Août 1944 🇨🇵Libération de Paris🗼

" ...Paris martyrisé, mais Paris libéré..."

Général de Gaulle

[miraculous-floconfettis]

"Il est interdit d'interdire !"

En revisionnant la série, je note de nouveaux petits détails qui m'avaient échappés.

Comme cette phrase prononcée par Chat Noir dans l'épisode Sangsure (saison 4) :

"IL EST INTERDIT D'INTERDIRE".

Cette boutade prononcée à l'origine par l'humoriste Jean Yanne est devenue l'un des slogans les plus marquants des évènements de Mai 68.

Mais qu'est-ce que c'est, Mai 68 ?

Ce mouvement de révolte sans précédent aux allures de révolution a éclaté en France en mai-juin 1968 dans les universités.

Le contexte : la France sort tout juste des Trente Glorieuses, une période de forte croissance économique et d'amélioration du niveau de vie qu’a connue la grande majorité des pays développés entre 1945 et 1975. Malgré tout, tout le monde ne profite pas de cette croissance économique : 2 millions de travailleurs en France sont payés au SMIG ("Salaire minimum interprofessionnel garanti", remplacé par le "salaire minimum interprofessionnel de croissance" (SMIC) en 1970), et le pays compte 500 000 chômeurs. Les travailleurs s'inquiètent pour leurs conditions de travail, et côté étudiant, la massification de l'enseignement supérieur cause d'innombrables problèmes (locaux peu adaptés à cette croissance rapide, manque de matériel, problèmes de transports...).

Au centre de Paris, la révolution gronde. Les étudiants s'inquiètent pour leur avenir. Des débats, des prises de paroles et des assemblées générales ont lieu dans les rues, les entreprises, les administrations et les universités.

Lorsque la police lance une intervention brutale le 3 mai 1968 pour disperser un meeting de protestation tenu par les étudiants dans la cour de la Sorbonne, la riposte est instantanée : de violents affrontements ont lieu dans les rues du Quartier latin, le point culminant étant atteint lors de la nuit désormais symbolique du 10-11 mai 1968 où les combats de rues ont donné lieu à bon nombres d'interpellations et a même fait plusieurs de victimes.

S'en suit la plus importante grève générale sauvage de l'histoire le 13 mai 1968 : la révolution étudiante s'est muée en crise sociale, et une vague de grèves s'enclenche. Le mouvement s'étend, et la France se retrouve totalement paralysée pendant des semaines.

Il y a encore énormément de choses à dire sur cette période qui a révolutionné l'histoire, je ne suis pas forcément la meilleure personne pour aborder le sujet.

Toujours est-il que Mai 68 reste à ce jour le plus important mouvement social de l'histoire de France du XXe siècle : en quelques semaines à peine, la France a fait bouger ses limites au delà de tout ce qui semblait possible. Et malgré l'échec apparent du mouvement de Mai 68, ses retombées sont énormes : cette crise a largement contribué à la modernisation de la société française. Ne serait-ce que pour les jeunes, les femmes, et les ouvriers qui ont réclamé et ont eu plus de pouvoir, plus de parole, plus de liberté. Bon nombre de leurs rêves sont devenus notre quotidien.

[if-you-fan-a-fire]

"The ideological climate of the defeat of 1940 and the establishment of the French State are related in many aspects to the climate that developed in reaction to Sedan and during the years that followed the defeat of the Paris Commune. For writers close to the National Revolution, the Commune was viewed in the same way as the Popular Front. A propaganda journal published by the new regime stated:

It is a constant law of history that defeats result in revolutions. The French had not forgotten the bloody disturbances of the commune of 1871… . France was going to add even more misfortune to those that already overwhelmed it. It was to be feared that, following the bent to which odious propaganda had accustomed them, minds would turn toward a bloody, fratricidal fight. . . . The Marshal’s government successfully confronted and dealt with this danger. Without any-movement, without one cry of dissension, the political revolution was brought about.

Henri Massis, the officer responsible for press relations to General Huntziger at the time, stated plainly that the first news of the armistice had evoked the memory of 1871 and the fear of a new Commune. Thus, the primary task of the armistice army was to maintain order. The defeat would appear to many intellectuals as the final blow to 'French decadence.’ The themes of national decline, collective fault, and biological and political sins echoed one another in an obsessive litany during the period following June 1940, just as during the 1870s. Maurras even suggested anthologizing Renan’s La Reforme intellectuelle et morale, which he felt might render “a great service to the French people of 1940, since those of 1870 failed to take proper note of it.” The precepts and maxims of the Marshal—the “guide in possession of incomparable and almost superhuman wisdom and intellectual control” — functioned like calls to self-flagellation, and many would lend their skills to an attempt at exegesis. Georges Bernanos offered a gripping expression of the political bases and effects of the encounter between the message of the defeat, spoken by the prophet, and the “expectation” of those who saw the National Revolution as a national opportunity:

All that is called the Right, which ranges from the self-styled monarchists of the Action francaise to the self-styled national socialist radicals and includes big industry, big business, the high clergy, the Academies, and the officers’ staff spontaneously united and cohered around the disaster of my country like a swarm of bees around their queen. I am not saying that they deliberately wished the disaster. They were waiting for it. This monstrous anticipation passes judgment on them.

- Francine Muel-Dreyfus, Vichy and the Eternal Feminine: A Contribution to a Political Sociology of Gender. Translated by Kathleen A. Johnson. Durham: Duke University Press, 2001. p. 15-16.

[fleurdusoir]

D’un consentement universel, il n’est dans aucun temps, dans aucun pays, aussi pure héroïne, récit plus merveilleux. Nul ne pourra l’entendre que ses yeux ne s’emplissent de larmes.

Jacques Bainville, Histoire de France

[laculturefrancaisecest]

la culture française c'est avoir une passion sans bornes pour Versailles et arriver sur tumblr pour trouver genre deux personnes qui ont lu les Colombes du Roi-Soleil dont une qui se souvient plus de l'intrigue

.

[jeviensdevoir]

Napoléon, Ridley Scott, 2023

Comme je suis assez nul en Histoire, ça m'a fait une leçon de rattrapage. Je me rends doucement compte que la période de la Révolution Française est quand même très compliquée à comprendre.

Le film quant à lui est décevant de la part de Ridley Scott. Le souffle épique ne fonctionne pas sur les batailles. Il ne se dégage presqu'aucune émotion d'aucun personnage, si ce n'est peut-être Joséphine. Après, l'histoire est en fait très triste. Après quelques victoires militaires, la vie de Napoléon est une succession de sacrifices qui mèneront à pas grand chose.

★✰✰✰✰

[culturefrancaise]

Quand j'étais en Terminale, mon prof d'histoire était fréquemment absent. Je ne sais même plus son nom. Je me souviens surtout que nous n'avons pas eu d'histoire géo pendant un bon moment et quand nous avons enfin eu un remplaçant, il a été effaré de voir le retard accumulé dans le programme, l'année du bac. On n'a jamais fini le programme.

Bref me voilà en train de regarder un documentaire sur Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, parce que j'ai l'impression de ne pas assez bien connaître l'histoire de mon propre pays au 20ème siècle. Si vous avez MyCanal, c'est sur Toute l'histoire, et ça s'appelle "VGE, le théâtre du pouvoir".

[vagabondageautourdesoi]

Jean-François Blondel

 Ces cathédrales aux mystérieux rayons de lumière Lorsque Jean-François Blondel a constaté le rai de lumière dans la Cathédrale de Chartres, le jour du solstice d’été, il décide d’en savoir plus. L’essai Ces Cathédrales aux mystérieux rayons de lumière est né de ses recherches. Jean-François Blondel croit que les bâtisseurs du Moyen-Âge ont attiré l’attention en mettant en place ce détail…

[studygrammeuse]

J'ai fini la bande dessinée 'Carnets d'Algérie' de Jacques Ferrandez. Je vous la conseille vivement ! C'est vraiment une pépite. L'histoire est inspirée de faits réels même si les personnages principaux sont totalement fictifs. De plus, elle contient des documents historiques sur la guerre d'Algérie, cela permet de venir préciser certains points sur cette guerre. C'est une BD importante qui mérite vraiment plus de visibilité !

[fidjiefidjie]

[…] trahi, fait prisonnier, affreusement torturé par un ennemi sans honneur, Jean Moulin mourrait pour la France, comme tant de bons soldats qui, sous le soleil ou dans l'ombre, sacrifièrent un long soir vide pour mieux « remplir leur matin ».

Charles de Gaulle

[if-you-fan-a-fire]

"The Vichy regime incorporated the forest into its ‘back-to-the-land’ programme constructing the forest as a traditional, stable site in which to morally regenerate France. Jacques Chevalier, conservative philosopher and minister for public instruction between December 1940 and February 1941, considered that ‘life in the forest is the most healthy there is for the body and the soul, freeing us from the artifices of modern society’. He suggested that ‘eternal’ France resides in the forest. The forest constituted:

A living symbol of tradition, perpetuating history; old France is preserved better here than anywhere else; the present unites effortlessly with the past. In the silence and depth of the forest centuries replace one another, slowly, continuously, in the same way that the oak’s sapwood binds a new layer to those of springs and autumns past.

For Chevalier, trees represented a link between France’s past and present and acted as a guarantor of French traditions. Chevalier’s musings on trees and tradition are by no means uncharacteristic of the symbolic appropriation of trees. In the words of Douglas Davies, the tree is ‘a living entity, spanning many human generations. As such it avails itself as a historical marker and social focus of events’.

Forestry associations strove to incorporate the forest within the ‘National Revolution’. Just after the defeat, J. Jagerschmidt, the general secretary of the Comité des forêts argued that the forest was a ‘refuge of [the] old principles’ of Work, Family, Homeland. For Jagerschmidt, the forest epitomised the virtues of labour because ‘woodcutters and charcoal burners laughed at the paid holidays and forty hour week that the [Third Republic] wanted to impose on them’. Forest workers did not need to be told to work ‘from sunrise to sunset’. Family and forest also went together, according to Jagerschmidt, because the latter was a

symbol of tradition . . . of which the evolutionary rhythm exceeds several times the length of human life, [so] chimes perfectly well with the notion of the family, the linking of successive generations.

Furthermore, it was in the depths of the forest that the country’s ‘heart’ belonged. It is unclear whether such rhetoric represents deeply held beliefs or lip service to the newly installed regime. Either way, the forest’s politicisation is evident. The irony was, however, that such ‘back-to-the-land’ rhetoric simultaneously politicised the forest and constructed it as a space of ‘natural’ (and therefore apolitical) values and traditions

In a similar way to the peasant, the bûcheron (or woodcutter) was transformed into a patriotic figure labouring to regenerate France. Working in the forest helped strengthen male bodies and remake masculinity in post-defeat France. Two state foresters, Roger Blais and Gérard Luzu, published a guide to the ‘tough school’ of the forest, which presented forestry work as the most ‘radical’ return to the land and ‘an integral part of rural reconstruction’. They highlighted the ‘physical and moral enrichment’ the forester gleaned from the forest, ‘contributing to the affirmation of values and personal autonomy within the framework of nature’s laws and collective life’. In contrast to the ease of city living, life in the forest was ‘hard and healthy’ and woodcutting a ‘noble and free occupation’. Blais and Luzu also called for the forestry profession to conform to the principles of ‘social spirit and true hierarchy as outlined by the head of state’. Similarly, a 1943 article in Revue des Eaux et Forêts argued that ‘living in nature’ is the ‘best school’ and working in forestry teams countered individualism and selfishness because it cultivated the qualities of ‘sacrifice and charity’. These visions of forest life chimed with Vichy’s assumption that hard work was redemptive and served a national purpose.

Likewise, the forestry work of the Chantiers de la Jeunesse was supposed to contribute to male moral and physical regeneration. The Chantiers leadership viewed the forest as a safe and wholesome place, distant from the supposed immorality and decadence of modern society that reached its zenith in the city. From the outset, the Chantiers strove to remove its recruits from the ‘deleterious influence of the towns’ by making them camp out ‘in the great outdoors (en pleine nature), in the middle of the forest, hidden from all forms of trouble or agitation’.

The forest supposedly held important lessons for these young men, as it did for the rest of society. At Tronçais, Group One of the Chantiers dedicated a tree to their leader, Commissaire Furioux. In his speech during the ceremony, Forestry Inspector Desjeux pronounced that

it is through the living example of the forest, an example of tradition, continuity, and grandeur that [Furioux] wanted to impress on all those who had the honour of obeying [his] orders.

In a similar vein, Forestry Conservator Pascaud used his speech to identify the forest’s exemplary demonstration of ‘solidarity’. In particular, the oak tree towering serenely above surrounding trees protects them so that they grow to share the ‘light in which he bathes’. Addressing the Chantiers, Pascaud continued:

This solidarity of all plants, is it not the image of the best of societies where the leader must dominate in his pre-eminence while feeling himself surrounded, supported, [and] aided [by his followers]? If his entourage fails him, he succumbs, whatever his qualities. Let us remember this example at a moment when divisions lie in wait for us.

There was, however, some discrepancy between the regime’s rhetoric and the reality of forest life. The Chantiers’ leaders were well aware of the young men’s indifference, even outright hostility, to their new role as woodcutters. A 1943 report lamented that the Chantiers’ early enthusiasm and their ‘mentality of explorers out to discover new lands’ had since dissipated. Instead, the men no longer recognised the ‘usefulness of their work’ and the leadership itself admitted that ‘forestry work, interesting at first, quickly becomes monotonous, [and] tedious. Their hearts are not in the felling. Boredom is the dominant characteristic’. The joys of being a woodcutter were lost on those forced to work in the forests.

Nonetheless, the image of a stately oak leading and protecting his followers was a popular one. Yvonne Estienne’s illustrated children’s story La belle histoire d’un chêne (1943) compared France to a forest that had just been struck by a fierce storm. During the storm, trees swayed alarmingly in the wind and petrified birds and animals rushed to find shelter 'all the forest is unhappy. It looks for help’. Help came from the forest’s leader, a ‘tall, solid, upright tree’ who fears nothing and protects its charges. In case her young readers had missed the analogy, Estienne moved the story onto contemporary events: during the military defeat the French had fled from the enemy and its bombs ‘like the rabbits of the wood’. But luckily for France there was hope:

there existed, as well, in the forest of France – because men [sic] resemble trees – a tall, beautiful oak, already old but so valiant that he stood strong to protect everybody. And this tall, beautiful oak was called Marshal Pétain.

Helpfully, the Pétain oak tree carefully explained where the forest had gone wrong and how it should reform itself.

Vichy’s ideological appropriation of the forest reached its high point in Tronçais where an oak tree was named after Pétain on the initiative of Chevalier (his godson) and in the presence of forestry officials. Like the supposedly exceptional qualities of Pétain, the oak tree chosen to bear his name stood out from the rest: it stood 35 m high, was 260 years old and boasted good foliage. During the naming ceremony, Pétain unveiled a plaque bearing the words ‘Chêne Maréchal Pétain’ and made three marks on the tree with a Forestry Administration hammer. On one level, this event can be interpreted within the framework of the cult of personality created around Pétain, who admitted that he hoped that he would be able to ‘remain as upright as this tree in order to be able to devote [himself] to the service of the country’. The ceremony also implied that Pétain, like his oak tree, embodied the latest in a vulnerable line of strong, upright men devoted to France. As Chevalier asked during the ceremony; ‘who could doubt a country which produces such trees and such men?’

But beyond the construction of Pétain’s cult of personality, it is not too fanciful to see this marking of the tree as a performative device to reinforce the importance of the forest and the state’s claim to govern it. The occasion also served as a reminder of the forest’s historical role as ‘saviour’ of France. During the ceremony, Chevalier reminded his audience that this ancient forest provided wood for the Navy in 1793 and timber for the Army in 1917. Caziot, in a speech prepared for the ceremony, also emphasised the forest’s role as a productive space of ‘exceptional value for the material reconstruction of the country’. Now that France had crumbled under German invasion, forests would enable the nation to recover its former glory.

The ceremony suggested that Tronçais, which the state had replanted in the late seventeenth century, was physical evidence that France could rebuild itself under Vichy’s guidance. Caziot called for a contemporary display of determination equal to that of foresters who had replanted Tronçais:

The state of the Tronçais forest in 1670, was it not the image of France today, of the ravaged France, morally demolished by more than half a century of hideous demagogy? The war then added its own disasters. Today, everything must be remade, morally and materially. It is a fearsome task and one which demands long and patient effort as the rot runs deep. But the base has remained healthy and solid and allows for hope . . . On this solid base, which is the foundation of France, we can, in the image of Tronçais, remake a vigorous and healthy France. The oak which bears [Pétain’s] name must be a lesson and a symbol for everyone.

In this speech, Caziot compared the Third Republic with the damaged pre-1670 forest, but suggested that all was not lost because the forest’s essential nature (like France’s) had remained intact. There is also a sense that the forest’s and France’s ‘true’ essence lay beneath the surface of democracy and modernity, waiting to be recovered and restored. This speech was a manifestation of the right-wing idealisation of ‘True France’, which, as Herman Lebovics suggests, relied on a ‘discourse [that] employs the essentialist determinist language of a lost hidden authenticity that, once uncovered, yields a single, immutable national identity’.

Yet the forest’s political symbolism need not be reactionary. Vichy’s appropriation of the oak tree echoed previous state manipulation of this species. Ironically, given Vichy’s hostility to the French Republic, in the years following the French Revolution oaks were moulded into ‘Liberty Trees’. Like Vichy, revolutionary governments elevated the oak to the status of a ‘beacon tree’ controlling and sheltering surrounding trees. Moreover, French resistance units occupied the forest’s physical and symbolic space, transforming it into a site of resistance.

As the Occupation dragged on, resistance fighters identified the forest as a place to seek refuge and a base from which to oppose the Vichy regime and the German occupier. In places this development manifested itself symbolically. At Tronçais in February 1943, a resister reportedly scaled Pétain’s oak, replacing the plaque bearing the Marshall’s name with the following:

Chêne Gabriel Peri French Patriot Shot by the Nazis

Consequently, Pétain’s oak is now officially known as the ‘Oak of the Resistance’. But beyond this symbolic act, the resistance reclaimed the forest in more material ways." - Chris Pearson, Scarred Landscapes: War and Nature in Vichy France. New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2008. p. 56-61.

[jaimelire-france]

Les Chouans est un récit historique authentique, haletant et poignant des guerres de Vendée de Pierre-Marie de Kerigant.

[year24groupedits]

A fan art of Queen Marie Antoinette and Oscar François de Jarjayes from the manga "Versailles no Bara" or "Lady Oscar- The Rose of Versailles" by Riyoko Ikeda

[dadaisme]

Maréchal, nous voilà...