#Thaksin

[falseandrealultravival]

Dialogue with Gemini (20) Causes of turmoil in Thailand

Prime Minister of Thai: Paetongtam（Thaksin's daughter）

My Question:

Thailand has been in political turmoil for over 10 years. The root of the problem seems to be Thaksin, a Hakka Chinese outsider. The fact that the Thai royal family is also of Chinese descent makes the situation even more complicated, but what is the balance of power between Chinese and non-Chinese residents in Thailand?

タイ国の政治的混乱が１０年以上続いている。根元はタクシンにあると思われるが、彼は中国系の客家で、タイ国にとっては外部の人だった。タイ国国王一家も中国系であることが問題を難しくしているが、タイ国での中国系、非中国系住民の力関係はどのようになっているのだろうか？

Gemini’s Answer:

Here's a breakdown of the balance of power between Chinese and non-Chinese residents in Thailand, incorporating insights from the provided information:

Historical Context:

Chinese Immigration: Chinese migration to Thailand dates back centuries, with significant influxes occurring during the 19th and 20th centuries. This established a substantial Chinese presence in the country.

Economic Influence: Over time, Thai Chinese have become prominent in the Thai economy, particularly in commerce and business. Their economic influence is considered substantial.

Current Situation:

Population: Thai Chinese constitute approximately 14% of Thailand's population, numbering around 10 million people.

Economic Power: Thai Chinese continue to hold significant economic influence, with a strong presence in various sectors.

Political Participation: While Thai Chinese have historically been active in politics, their direct political power is not proportional to their economic influence. There are both Chinese-Thai politicians and those of non-Chinese descent.

Nuances and Considerations:

Assimilation: Many Thai Chinese have assimilated into Thai society, adopting Thai customs and language while maintaining some cultural ties to their Chinese heritage.

Diversity: The term "Thai Chinese" encompasses individuals with varying degrees of cultural connection to China. Some may have stronger ties than others.

Generational Differences: The political and social views of Thai Chinese can vary across generations, with younger generations often having a stronger sense of Thai national identity.

Additional Insights:

The issue of political turmoil in Thailand is complex and multifaceted. While the role of Thaksin and his Chinese heritage is a factor, it's important to avoid oversimplifying the situation by solely attributing it to ethnic tensions.

The relationship between the Thai royal family and the Chinese community is nuanced. While the royal family has Chinese ancestry, it has also actively promoted Thai nationalism and sought to unify the country.

In Conclusion:

The balance of power between Chinese and non-Chinese residents in Thailand is complex and ever-evolving. While Thai Chinese hold significant economic influence, their political power is not proportional. The relationship between the two groups is multifaceted, with varying degrees of assimilation, cultural connection, and political views. It's crucial to avoid generalizations and recognize the diversity within both groups.

Impression:

While much of the unrest in many Southeast Asian countries stems from conflict between Chinese and non-Chinese residents, Thailand's political turmoil does not appear to be due to that single factor.

[southeastasianists]

The recent political developments orchestrated by Thaksin Shinawatra in Thailand, including his return from exile, strategic alliances, and the election of a Prime Minister from his party, pose a significant threat to Thai constitutional law and the rule of law. Thaksin’s strategic alliances with former military rivals, and the subsequent election of a Prime Minister from his party, the Pheu Thai Party, have ignited debates about the fragility of democratic institutions in Thailand.  Drawing parallels with Pakistan’s historical challenges, particularly in military intervention and constitutional manipulation, highlights the gravity of the situation. Both nations share a history of recurrent military interventions, underscoring the need for international engagement to safeguard democratic values globally.

Thaksin’s Machiavellian Moves

Thaksin Shinawatra’s return to Thailand after more than 15 years in exile marked a pivotal moment in the country’s political landscape. His immediate arrest and subsequent sentencing by the Supreme Court for past offences indicated a contentious relationship between the political elite and the judiciary. However, the real intrigue unfolded in the subsequent political events.

In light of these events, the coalition between the Pheu Thai Party and its former military rivals and Pro-royalists, including the Palang Pracharath Party and United Thai Nation Party, raised eyebrows and fuelled suspicions of a behind-the-scenes deal. This coalition, however, excluded the reformist Move Forward Party, indicating a strategic move by Thaksin to secure power by aligning with forces that had previously seized power from him. The election of Srettha Thavisin as Prime Minister, despite his party finishing second in the May elections, further underscored the complexity of the political manoeuvring orchestrated by Thaksin.

Constitutional Quagmire

Delving into the constitutional implications, both Thailand and Pakistan grapple with recurring challenges, notably military interventions disrupting constitutional norms. Thaksin’s adeptness in striking deals with former military rivals to secure political power mirrors instances in Pakistan’s history where military influence has shaped constitutional trajectories. The Thai Constitution of 2017, akin to its counterpart in Pakistan, has provisions allowing Senators to be appointed without the direct mandate of the people, creating potential loopholes for political manoeuvring. This was evident in the recent coalition formation where strategic alliances with military-backed parties played a crucial role, reflecting a hesitancy to challenge existing power structures.

Thailand’s constitutional order has faced repeated challenges, with military interventions becoming a recurring theme. Thaksin’s ability to strike deals with former military rivals and secure the premiership for his party highlights a concerning trend – the erosion of constitutional norms in favour of political expediency.

Tipping into Authoritarian Shadows

Thaksin’s exclusion of the Move Forward Party and alignment with military-backed forces raises concerns about the autonomy of democratic institutions, mirroring episodes in Pakistan where strategic alliances have tilted the balance towards authoritarian shadows. The international community’s role in discouraging such manipulations finds resonance in global responses to similar challenges faced by Pakistan.

By scrutinising these specific parallels, we uncover a shared narrative of constitutional challenges, illuminating the intricate similarities between Thailand and Pakistan’s political landscapes. Thaksin’s manoeuvres, seemingly unique to Thailand, find echoes in the historical pages of Pakistan’s constitutional struggles, emphasising the universal relevance of safeguarding democratic values.

Thaksin’s actions, while ostensibly aimed at securing power for his party, pose a significant threat to the democratic fabric of Thailand. The exclusion of the Move Forward Party, which won the most votes and seats in the May general election, from the coalition indicates a disregard for the will of the people. Moreover, the willingness to align with military-backed parties raises questions about the autonomy of democratic institutions.

The international community has a crucial role to play in discouraging such manipulations of democracy. Diplomatic pressure, sanctions, and international condemnation should be employed when democratic processes are subverted. The global commitment to democratic values necessitates a unified stance against actions that undermine the principles of democracy.

To reinforce the connection between Thaksin’s actions and the erosion of democratic values, strengthen the concluding sentence of this section by explicitly highlighting the potential consequences. Emphasise how these actions not only threaten the immediate democratic process but also have long-term implications for the overall health and resilience of democratic institutions in Thailand.

Shared Script of Political Turmoil

Thaksin Shinawatra’s return to Thailand after over 15 years in exile mirrors the return of political figures in Pakistan amid periods of constitutional uncertainty. His immediate clash with the judiciary, symbolised by his arrest and sentencing by the Supreme Court, echoes historical tensions between political elites and the judiciary in Pakistan.

The parallels between Thailand and Pakistan unfold as a shared script of political turmoil, echoing through the corridors of constitutional challenges. Thaksin Shinawatra’s strategic moves in Thailand bear an uncanny resemblance to chapters in Pakistan’s history marked by military interventions and constitutional upheavals. It is potent to dissect these parallels to unravel the constitutional threads that tie these nations together.

The engagement of the international community is crucial for encouraging positive change in both countries. The use of diplomatic pressure, sanctions, and international condemnation can serve as a cheque on the actions of military rulers and reinforce the global commitment to democratic values. By drawing parallels between Thailand and Pakistan, it becomes evident that the erosion of democratic institutions has far-reaching consequences that extend beyond national borders.

Thaksin’s strategic moves may have secured short-term political gains, but the long-term implications for Thai democracy are alarming. The consolidation of power within a network of political elites, including military figures, threatens the principles of democracy, transparency, and accountability. The exclusion of reformist parties like Move Forward from the coalition raises concerns about the government’s commitment to bold reforms and the push to remove military influence from politics.

The enduring tension between civilian governments and the military, as seen in both Thailand and Pakistan, creates a cycle of instability that hinders democratic consolidation. The perpetual turmoil not only erodes democratic institutions but also inflicts severe economic setbacks, hinders human rights, and tarnishes international reputations.

Conclusion

In a nutshell, the recent political developments in Thailand orchestrated by Thaksin Shinawatra indeed cast a shadow over the nation’s democratic foundations. The intricate parallels drawn between Thailand and Pakistan, both grappling with historical challenges of military intervention and constitutional manipulation, underscore the fragility of democratic institutions in the face of political expediency. Thaksin’s Machiavellian moves, including strategic alliances with former military rivals and the exclusion of reformist parties, pose a significant threat to Thai constitutional law and the rule of law, echoing episodes in Pakistan’s tumultuous political history.

Furthermore, the constitutional quagmire in both nations reveals shared patterns of erosion, with Thaksin’s adeptness in securing political power through alliances mirroring instances in Pakistan where military influence shaped constitutional trajectories. The autonomy of democratic institutions, crucial for the sustainability of democracy, is compromised when strategic alliances tilt the balance towards authoritarian shadows. The international community’s engagement is imperative in encouraging positive change, as demonstrated by the need for diplomatic pressure, sanctions, and condemnation to counteract manipulations of democracy.

The enduring tension between civilian governments and the military in both Thailand and Pakistan creates a cycle of instability, hindering democratic consolidation and causing far-reaching consequences. The exclusion of reformist parties raises concerns about the commitment to bold reforms, transparency, and accountability. As the erosion of democratic institutions transcends borders, a collective commitment to safeguarding democratic values globally becomes paramount for fostering stability, economic progress, human rights, and international reputation. Thaksin’s short-term political gains should not overshadow the imperative of preserving the long-term health and resilience of Thai democracy. This commentary underscores the urgent call for the international community to actively participate in safeguarding democratic principles, promoting stability, and fostering a global commitment to democratic values.

Prem Singh Gill Prem Singh Gill is a visiting scholar at Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia, and a scholar in Thailand.

[radioshiga]

Filha de Thaksin assume como nova primeira-ministra da Tailândia

Bangkok, Tailândia, 19 de agosto de 2024 (Agência de Notícias Reuters) – Paetongtarn Shinawatra, filha do ex-primeiro-ministro tailandês Thaksin Shinawatra, recebeu hoje a carta real de endosso, tornando-se oficialmente a mais jovem primeira-ministra da Tailândia aos 37 anos. Líder do maior partido governista, o Pheu Thai, Paetongtarn foi eleita pela câmara baixa tailandesa na sexta-feira (16)…

[telomeke]

An excellent commentary on the political situation in Thailand:

[trendynewsnow]

Surviving the Tak Bai Massacre: Maliki Dorok's Story

Surviving the Tak Bai Massacre: The Story of Maliki Dorok Maliki Dorok found himself crammed into a sweltering truck, surrounded by the suffocating presence of men packed tightly together like logs. The men were stacked up five high, a harrowing scene of desperation. Above him, three rows of bodies pressed down, their collective breath mingling in the stifling air. Below him lay another layer of…

[memenewsdotcom]

Paetongtarn Shinawatra becomes Thailand Prime Minister

[head-post]

Thailand to indict former prime minister Thaksin

Thailand’s attorney general would charge former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra for allegedly insulting the monarchy, Reuters reported.

The official announced the allegations on Wednesday, a blow to Thaksin, whose supporters were currently in the government. The complaint arose from an interview the political heavyweight gave to foreign media in 2015.

Other charges against him include violating the computer crime law. Spokesperson Prayuth Bejraguna reported that the former prime minister would appear in court on June 18.

The attorney-general has decided to indict Thaksin on all charges.

Thaksin, 74, denies guilt and has repeatedly sworn allegiance to the crown, criticism of which is banned under Thailand’s lese-majeste law. Thaksin’s case will be the most high-profile of more than 270 prosecutions brought in recent years under one of the strictest legislation. It carries a maximum jail term of 15 years for each alleged insult to the royal family.

His lawyer Winyat Chartmontri stated that a comprehensive defence had been prepared and his client would seek bail. He also questioned the authenticity of the video interview in which the alleged insult took place.

According to him, Thaksin did not appear for Wednesday’s hearing due to COVID-19 infection.

We have to proceed based on our rights in a criminal case. Thaksin Shinawatra is ready to prove his innocence in the justice system.

Thaksin is the founder of the strong Pheu Thai Party. His supporters have won all but one election since 2001, when three Shinawatra governments lost power through coups or court rulings.

Read more HERE

[lonnewulf]

Read about the sudden hospitalization of former Thai PM Thaksin Shinawatra during his first night in jail due to health concerns. Explore the political dynamics surrounding his return and its impact on Thailand's future.

[xylosemagazine]

Thailand's former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was imprisoned upon his return to the nation after 15 years in exile.

[zvaigzdelasas]

12 May 23

[broadpreedglobalnews]

📰 Paetongtarn Shinawatra Becomes Thailand's Youngest Prime Minister

On Friday, Paetongtarn Shinawatra, a newcomer to politics, was chosen as Thailand's youngest prime minister by the nation's parliament 🏛️. Her election comes shortly after a turbulent power struggle among the country's elite ⚔️.

The 37-year-old daughter of the controversial political figure Thaksin Shinawatra easily secured a majority in the parliamentary vote 🗳️, taking on the role just two days after the judiciary dismissed her ally, Srettha Thavisin, as prime minister. This puts her in a pivotal position, with the future of the influential Shinawatra family's political legacy at stake 🔗 after their first electoral defeat in over two decades 📉.

Paetongtarn will be Thailand's second female prime minister 👩‍⚖️, following in the footsteps of her aunt Yingluck Shinawatra and her father Thaksin, both of whom previously held the position. In her first statement as prime minister-elect, she expressed her resolve to lead the country forward 🌍, despite the recent upheavals ⛈️.

Winning with 319 votes, nearly two-thirds of the house 🏠, Paetongtarn shared her joy on Instagram 📱 by posting a picture of her lunch 🍗, symbolizing her first meal after the successful vote ✅.

Her appointment marks a risky move for the Pheu Thai party 🎲, led by her 75-year-old father, Thaksin. She will face immediate challenges, including a struggling economy 💸, growing competition from rival parties 🥊, and unmet promises from her party's cash handout programme 💰.

The political environment remains tense, with Thailand's history of coups and judicial interventions ⚖️ that have repeatedly disrupted governments. Paetongtarn's leadership will be closely watched 👀 as she navigates these turbulent waters 🌊, with the Shinawatra family's influence and political alliances at the center of the ongoing power struggle.

[maybe-boys-do-love]

So related to the news about Thailand today, I want to detail a thing i noticed when writing a longer piece about Boston on Only Friends, because I think especially watching as foreigners, we can forget or ignore some really cool subtextual commentary that's happening in the QL shows we're watching.

We learn a couple episodes in that Boston's dad is running for office. When we first meet Boston's dad, Nick is working on his campaign flyer, which reads among other slogans, "Give me a chance to improve." (Thanks to @thaisongsengsub for the translation). Boston enters the scene wearing a graphic tee that says 1998. In 1998, the Thai Rak Thai party was founded in Thailand by Thaksin Shinawatra, who would become the first democratically elected prime minister of Thailand to serve a full term in 2001. According to the Guardian article where much of my info's coming from, he "introduced a universal healthcare scheme, village funds to stimulate growth, as well as policies to boost entrepreneurship and help the country recover from the Asian financial crisis. He also presided over the repayment of the debt Thailand owed to the IMF ahead of schedule."

In 2006 Thaksin Shinawatra was deposed by a military coup and his party was outlawed. Only Friends spoiler alert: Just as Boston lives in exile from his friend group and from Thailand by the series' end, Shinawatra would live in self-imposed exile beginning in 2008 and lasting fifteen years to avoid legal charges. Interestingly the former prime minister returned for the first time the same month that Only Friends premiered, August of 2023 (upon his return he was promptly put into custody).

A new incarnation of this populist neoliberal party formed after the dissolution of Thai Rak Thai, the People's Power Party, followed by Pheu Thai Party when the PPP was dissolved. Shinawatra's younger sister, Yingluck Sinawatra, would take on leadership of the party and become the Thailands first female prime minister from 2011-2014, when her tenure was also ended by the courts and a military coup from which she fled to exile. The party is currently being run by Shinawatra's daughter, Paetongtarn Shinawatra.

The Move Forward Party, a more progressive Thai party, that was dissolved by the courts yesterday had previously been part of a coalition in Parliament with the Pheu Thai Party but decided to not vote for its candidate for Prime Minister after the PTP decided to include more conservative parties that supported the military junta in its coalition also in August of 2023 (you know, the period Only Friends was being written), as reported by Bangkok Post. All this is to say that there were a lot of politics in Thailand happening around the time of Only Friends.

For those willing to observe Jane Austen's "fine brush strokes" that she uses to offer portraits of romance, you'll find observations that would've otherwise been censored on slavery, the military, estate law, and most obviously, marriage law and female citizenship. Thai BL series don't have to be as explicit as Not Me to comment on political affairs. In fact, because of the political situation some of their commentaries require a deft touch like the one we see in Only Friends. I don't want to say exactly how I think Only Friends interprets the political situation it hints at here. Hopefully you can at least see that this idea of improvement, inclusion, and exile is as tied to the concept of friendship on Only Friends as it is to Thai politics. I only want to recommend that you watch for how QLs address class, political actors, geopolitics, and condemnation more broadly because to my eyes, they are doing some of the most subtle but radical commentary happening in any contemporary media, which I won't say makes them better or worse, but goddamn does it make them interesting.

[waitmyturtles]

From The New York Times: [Thai] Lawmakers Block Prime Minister Candidate From New Vote, Drawing Protests

[July 19, 2023: Pasting here to bypass the NYT paywall. I thought this was an excellent overview of the recent history of Thai elections, and how the Senate confirmation process works. Again, remember: references to what’s happening politically will likely make it into the dramas we watch later this year and next. By Mike Ives and Muktita Suhartoto.] 

Protests erupted in Bangkok on Wednesday, hours after Thailand’s conservative establishment suspended a progressive leader and lawmakers denied him the chance to stand for a second parliamentary vote for prime minister.

The candidate, Pita Limjaroenrat, leads a party that won the most votes in a May election after campaigning on an ambitious reform platform that challenged the country’s powerful conservative establishment. He lost an initial parliamentary vote for prime minister last week.

Late Wednesday, lawmakers voted to deny Mr. Pita, 42, the chance to stand for a second vote on the grounds that Parliament’s rules do not permit a “repeat motion.” Mr. Pita’s supporters see that as a not-so-subtle move to keep him out of power.

The mood in Bangkok, Thailand’s muggy capital, was anxious as protesters hit the streets on Wednesday afternoon. Mr. Pita’s supporters have been expressing outrage online toward an establishment that often pushes back against Thailand’s democratic process.

“In my heart, I knew this would happen, so it didn’t come as a shock,” said Wichuda Rotphai, 41, one of hundreds of people who gathered outside Parliament on Wednesday to support Mr. Pita’s doomed bid for premier. “But I’m still disappointed, and I can’t accept it.”

Here’s what to know.

What does Pita Limjaroenrat stand for?

Mr. Pita’s party, Move Forward, has proposed ambitious policies for challenging Thailand’s powerful institutions like the military and the monarchy. The party won 151 seats in Parliament, the most of any party, and 10 more than Pheu Thai, the party founded by the exiled populist Thaksin Shinawatra, whose influence still towers over Thai politics.

Mr. Pita’s party has formed an eight-party coalition, which nominated him for prime minister last week. He came up short in the first vote because the Senate is controlled by military-appointed lawmakers who oppose his candidacy and the Move Forward platform.

I’m confused. Why are senators so tied to the military?

Becoming prime minister requires a simple majority of the 500-seat House of Representatives and the 250-seat Senate.

But the rules governing Senate appointments were drafted by the military junta that seized power from a democratically elected government in a 2014 coup. They effectively give senators veto power over prime ministerial candidates.

Last week, Mr. Pita won only 13 votes from the 249 senators who voted for prime minister. Mr. Pita acknowledged in an Instagram post on Wednesday afternoon that he was unlikely to become prime minister.

“It’s clear now that in the current system, winning the people’s trust isn’t enough to run the country,” he wrote.

Why was it such an uphill battle?

Mr. Pita had faced a slew of challenges even before Parliament denied him a chance to stand for a second vote.

The Constitutional Court said on Wednesday morning, for example, that it was suspending Mr. Pita from Parliament until a ruling is made in a case involving his shares of a media company. Investigators are trying to determine whether Mr. Pita properly disclosed owning the shares before running for office, as required by Thai law.

The court’s ruling forced Mr. Pita to leave the chamber. It would not necessarily have prevented his coalition from nominating for a second time. But Parliament saw to that on its own.

Mr. Pita’s supporters have said the investigation is one of many ways that the establishment has been trying to unfairly derail his candidacy.

So who will be prime minister?

Before the drama on Wednesday, Mr. Pita had said if it became clear that he could not win, his party would allow its coalition partner, Pheu Thai, to nominate its own candidate.

Pheu Thai probably will do just that, but is also likely to form a brand-new coalition, one that is more palatable to conservative lawmakers who cannot stomach Mr. Pita and Move Forward.

Pheu Thai’s candidate would likely be Srettha Thavisin, 60, a property mogul with little political experience. If a new coalition materializes, he could be voted in as prime minister as early as this week.

Mr. Srettha would immediately present a sharp contrast to the current prime minister, former Gen. Prayuth Chan-ocha, who led the 2014 military coup.

A more remote, but not impossible, scenario is that Pheu Thai allows a party from the conservative establishment to nominate a candidate as a condition for joining a new coalition. That candidate could be Gen. Prawit Wongsuwan, 77, the deputy prime minister in the current government.

What would a Srettha victory represent?

Many would see it as a triumph for the democratic process in Thailand, a country with a long history of mass protests and military coups. Some foreign investors would also see a potential boost for a sluggish, coronavirus-battered economy.

But many of Move Forward’s progressive supporters would be angry about the establishment blocking their party from forming a government. On Wednesday evening, a demonstration reflecting that anger was taking shape at the city’s Democracy Monument.

The size of the protests over the next days or weeks will likely depend on who becomes prime minister. If it’s Mr. Srettha, demonstrations could be sporadic and modest. If it’s General Prawit or another military figure, they could be sustained and intense.

Ms. Wichuda, the protester, was one of hundreds who gathered outside Parliament on Wednesday afternoon, peering through its gates at police officers in riot gear. She said that while she did not agree with Mr. Pita’s contentious pledge to revise a law that criminalizes criticism of the monarchy, she still felt he had been “robbed” by politicians who were afraid to give a younger generation the chance to improve the country.

“If they can do such things to people with money and power,” she said, “what will be left for us, the common people, who have no position and no title?”

[radioshiga]

Filha de Thaksin é indicada para substituir premiê tailandês

Bangkok, Tailândia, 17 de agosto de 2024 (Agência de Notícias Thai PBS) – Os partidos da coalizão governante da Tailândia indicaram Paetongtarn Shinawatra, filha do ex-primeiro-ministro Thaksin Shinawatra, para suceder o premiê Srettha Thavisin, destituído na quarta-feira (14) pela Corte Constitucional. Paetongtarn, de 37 anos, deve ser aprovada como nova primeira-ministra em votação parlamentar…

[telomeke]

Thai politics is always a rollercoaster...

Reminder that many view ex-PM Srettha Thavisin as a stand-in for recently returned ex-PM Thaksin Shinawatra, who did not endear himself to the old guard populating the judiciary and royalist camps.

Anyway, while the various factions fight it out within the upper echelons of government, the general population has learnt to carry on with life as normal (or as close to normal as is possible). And they're keeping an eye out for the possibility of change in the next cycle of renewal.

Thai BL has been commenting on this for a while...

(top) My School President Ep.12 [1/4] 13.10; (bottom) Moonlight Chicken Ep.7 [2/4] 7.58

[beardedmrbean]

Aug. 14 (UPI) -- Thai Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin was removed from office on Wednesday on cronyism charges, less than a year after he was installed, by the country's powerful consitutional court.

In a 5-4 vote, the judges ruled Srettha's appointment to his cabinet of a close associate of his main backer, telecoms billionaire and former populist prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, breached the moral and ethical standards set out in the constitution.

The court has removed two other prime ministers since 2008.

Srettha's downfall came three months after about 40 unelected senators petitioned the court to dismiss him for selecting as the head of his cabinet office former Thaksin lawyer Pichit Chuenban over a 2008 conviction for attempted bribery.

His removal will be seen as a strong signal to Thaksin -- long viewed as a threat by the country's royal-military duopoly -- that his bid to reclaim his seat at the top table of power in South East Asia's second-largest economy is going to be anything but plain sailing.

Srettha, a 62-year-old billionaire real-estate developer, told reporters that he accepted the decision but insisted he had not acted with dishonesty.

"This chapter has ended as the constitutional court has decided," said Srettha whose interim replacement will be Phumtham Wechayachai, one of his deputies, pending the election of a new prime minister by parliament.

Strettha was installed in place of the real winner of last year's election, Move Forward Party leader Pita Limjaroenrat, who was blocked from becoming prime minister by the military-appointed senate. The court's decision to now remove Strettha may further alienate ordinary Thais, reinforcing a growing belief all political power ultimately lies with the establishment, regardless of who people vote for.

The constitutional court finalized the effective coup against Pita's reformist party, by dissolving it on Aug. 7 and imposing decade-long political ban on 11 of its leaders for manifesto pledges to reform tough royal defamation laws that the court ruled breached the constitution.

The frontrunners to replace Srettha are Anutin Charnvirakul, a deputy prime minister, and Thaksin's youngest daughter Paetongtarn Shinawatra.