#Post-Keynesian economics

[omegaphilosophia]

Theories of the Philosophy of Macroeconomics

The philosophy of macroeconomics deals with the study of large-scale economic phenomena, such as aggregate output, employment, inflation, and economic growth. It seeks to understand the principles, assumptions, and implications of overall economic activity and the interactions between different sectors of the economy. Some key theories in the philosophy of macroeconomics include:

Classical Economics: Classical economics emphasizes the long-run equilibrium of the economy, where prices and wages adjust to ensure full employment and resource utilization. It stresses the importance of free markets, minimal government intervention, and the self-regulating nature of the economy.

Keynesian Economics: Keynesian economics, developed by John Maynard Keynes, focuses on short-run fluctuations in economic activity and the role of aggregate demand in determining output and employment. It advocates for government intervention through fiscal policy (such as government spending and taxation) and monetary policy (such as interest rate adjustments) to stabilize the economy and address unemployment during recessions.

Monetarism: Monetarism, associated with economists like Milton Friedman, emphasizes the role of monetary policy in influencing aggregate demand and economic outcomes. It argues that changes in the money supply directly impact inflation and economic growth, advocating for stable and predictable growth in the money supply to maintain price stability and promote long-term economic growth.

New Classical Economics: New classical economics incorporates microeconomic foundations into macroeconomic models and emphasizes the rational expectations hypothesis. It posits that individuals form expectations about future economic variables based on all available information, leading to self-correcting market outcomes and limited effectiveness of government policies.

New Keynesian Economics: New Keynesian economics builds on Keynesian principles but incorporates microeconomic foundations and imperfect competition into macroeconomic models. It emphasizes the role of nominal rigidities, such as sticky prices and wages, in explaining short-run fluctuations in economic activity and advocates for countercyclical policies to stabilize the economy.

Real Business Cycle Theory: Real business cycle theory attributes fluctuations in economic activity to exogenous shocks to productivity and technology. It argues that changes in real factors, such as productivity shocks, drive business cycles, while monetary and fiscal policy have limited effects on real economic outcomes.

Post-Keynesian Economics: Post-Keynesian economics extends Keynesian principles by emphasizing the role of uncertainty, financial instability, and institutional factors in shaping economic behavior. It critiques mainstream macroeconomic models for their simplifying assumptions and advocates for a more heterodox approach to macroeconomic analysis.

Modern Monetary Theory (MMT): Modern Monetary Theory challenges traditional views on fiscal policy and government finance, arguing that countries with sovereign currencies can issue fiat money to finance government spending without facing solvency constraints. It emphasizes the role of fiscal policy in achieving full employment and price stability, advocating for policies that prioritize job creation and public investment.

These theories and approaches in the philosophy of macroeconomics provide frameworks for understanding the determinants of aggregate economic activity, the role of government policy, and the dynamics of economic fluctuations and growth.

[dailyanarchistposts]

J.4.4 What is the “economic structural crisis”?

There is an ongoing structural crisis in the global capitalist economy. Compared to the post-war “Golden Age” of 1950 to 1973, the period from 1974 has seen a continual worsening in economic performance in the West and for Japan. For example, growth is lower, unemployment is far higher, labour productivity lower as is investment. Average rates of unemployment in the major industrialised countries have risen sharply since 1973, especially after 1979. Unemployment “in the advanced capitalist countries … increased by 56 per cent between 1973 and 1980 (from an average 3.4 per cent to 5.3 per cent of the labour force) and by another 50 per cent since then (from 5.3 per cent of the labour force in 1980 to 8.0 per cent in 1994).” Job insecurity has increased with, for example, the USA, having the worse job insecurity since the depression of the 1930s. [Takis Fotopoulos, Towards and Inclusive Democracy, p. 35 and p. 141] In addition, the world economy have become far less stable with regular financial crises sweeping the world of de-regulated capitalism every few years or so.

This crisis is not confined to the economy. It extends into the ecological and the social, with the quality of life and well-being decreasing as GDP grows (as we noted in section C.10, economic factors cannot, and do not, indicate human happiness). However, here we discuss economic factors. This does not imply that the social and ecological crises are unimportant or are reducible to the economy. Far from it. We concentrate on the economic factor simply because this is the factor usually stressed by the establishment and it is useful to indicate the divergence of reality and hype we are currently being subjected to.

Ironically enough, as Marxist Robert Brenner points out, “as the neo-classical medicine has been administered in even stronger doses, the economy has performed steadily less well. The 1970s were worse than the 1960s, the 1980s worse than the 1970s, and the 1990s have been worse than the 1980s.” [“The Economics of Global Turbulence”, New Left Review, no. 229, p. 236] This is ironic because during the crisis of Keynesianism in the 1970s the right argued that too much equality and democracy harmed the economy, and so us all worse-of in the long run (due to lower growth, sluggish investment and so on). However, after decades of pro-capitalist governments, rising inequality, increased freedom for capital and its owners and managers, the weakening of trade unions and so on, economic growth has become worse!

If we look at the USA in the 1990s (usually presented as an economy that “got it right”) we find that the “cyclical upturn of the 1990s has, in terms of the main macro-economic indicators of growth — output, investment, productivity, and real compensation — has been even less dynamic than its relatively weak predecessors of the 1980s and the 1970s (not to mention those of the 1950s and 1960s).” [Brenner, Op. Cit., p. 5] Of course, the economy is presented as a success — inequality is growing, the rich are getting richer and wealth is concentrating into fewer and fewer hands and so for the rich and finance capital, it can be considered a “Golden Age” and so is presented as such by the media. As economist Paul Krugman summarises, in America while the bulk of the population are working longer and harder to make ends meet “the really big gains went to the really, really rich.” In fact, “only the top 1 percent has done better since the 1970s than it did in the generation after World War II. Once you get way up the scale, however, the gains have been spectacular — the top tenth of a percent saw its income rise fivefold, and the top .01 percent of American is seven times richer than they were in 1973.” Significantly, the top 0.1% of Americans, a class with a minimum income of about $1.3 million and an average of about $3.5 million, receives more than 7 percent of all income — up from just 2.2 percent in 1979.” [The Conscience of a Liberal, p. 129 and p. 259]

So it is for this reason that it may be wrong to term this slow rot a “crisis” as it is hardly one for the ruling elite as their share in social wealth, power and income has steadily increased over this period. However, for the majority it is undoubtedly a crisis (the term “silent depression” has been accurately used to describe this). Unsurprisingly, when the chickens came home to roost under the Bush Junta and the elite faced economic collapse, the state bailed them out.

The only countries which saw substantial and dynamic growth after 1973 where those which used state intervention to violate the eternal “laws” of neo-classical economics, namely the South East Asian countries (in this they followed the example of Japan which had used state intervention to grow at massive rates after the war). Of course, before the economic crisis of 1997, capitalist ideologues argued that these countries were classic examples of “free market” economies. Right-wing icon F.A von Hayek asserted that “South Korea and other newcomers” had “discovered the benefits of free markets.” [1980s Unemployment and the Unions, p. 113] In 1995, the Heritage Foundation (a right-wing think-tank) released its index of economic freedom. Four of the top seven countries were Asian, including Japan and Taiwan. All the Asian countries struggling just a few years later qualified as “free.” Yet, as mentioned in section C.10.1, such claims were manifestly false: “it was not laissez-faire policies that induced their spectacular growth. As a number of studies have shown, the expansion of the Asian Tigers was based on massive state intervention that boosted their export sectors, by public policies involving not only heavy protectionism but even deliberate distortion of market prices to stimulate investment and trade.” [Fotopoulos, Op. Cit., p. 115] Moreover, for a long period these countries also banned unions and protest, but then for the right “free markets” always seem compatible with lack of freedom for workers to organise.

Needless to say, after the crisis of the late 1990s, the free-marketeers discovered the statism that had always been there and danced happily on the grave of what used to be called “the Asian miracle”. It was perverse to see the supporters of “free-market” capitalism concluding that history was rendering its verdict on the Asian model of capitalism while placing into the Memory Hole the awkward fact that until the crisis they themselves had taken great pains to deny that such a model existed! Such hypocrisy is not only truly sickening, it also undermines their own case for the wonders of “the market.” For until the crisis appeared, the world’s investors — which is to say “the market” — saw nothing but golden opportunities ahead for these “free” economies. They showed their faith by shoving billions into Asian equity markets, while foreign banks contentedly handed out billions in loans. If Asia’s problems were systemic and the result of these countries’ statist policies, then investors’ failure to recognise this earlier is a blow against the market, not for it.

So, as can be seen, the global economy has been marked by an increasing stagnation, the slowing down of growth, weak (and jobless) recoveries, speculative bubbles driving what growth there is and increasing financial instability producing regular and deepening crisis. This is despite (or, more likely, because of) the free market reforms imposed and the deregulation of finance capital (we say “because of” simply because neo-classical economics argue that pro-market reforms would increase growth and improve the economy, but as we noted in section C.1 such economics has little basis in reality and so their recommendations are hardly going to produce positive results). Of course as the ruling class have been doing well this underlying slowdown has been ignored and obviously claims of crisis are only raised when economic distress reach the elite.

Crisis (particularly financial crisis) has become increasingly visible, reflecting the underlying weakness of the global economy (rising inequality, lack of investment in producing real goods in favour of speculation in finance, etc.). This underlying weakness has been hidden by the speculator performance of the world’s stock markets, which, ironically enough, has helped create that weakness to begin with! As one expert on Wall Street argues, “Bond markets … hate economic strength … Stocks generally behave badly just as the real economy is at its strongest … Stocks thrive on a cool economy, and wither in a hot one.” In other words, real economic weakness is reflected in financial strength. Unsurprisingly, then, ”[w]hat might be called the rentier share of the corporate surplus — dividends plus interest as a percentage of pre-tax profits and interest — has risen sharply, from 20–30% in the 1950s to 60% in the 1990s.” [Doug Henwood, Wall Street, p. 124 and p. 73]

This helps explain the stagnation which has afflicted the economies of the west. The rich have been placing more of their ever-expanding wealth in stocks, allowing this market to rise in the face of general economic torpor. Rather than being used for investment, surplus is being funnelled into the finance market (retained earnings in the US have decreased as interest and dividend payments have increased [Brenner, Op. Cit., p. 210]). However, such markets do concentrate wealth very successfully even if “the US financial system performs dismally at its advertised task, that of efficiently directing society’s savings towards their optimal investment pursuits. The system is stupefyingly expensive, gives terrible signals for the allocation of capital, and has surprisingly little to do with real investment.” [Henwood, Op. Cit., p. 3] As most investment comes from internal funds, the rise in the rentiers share of the surplus has meant less investment and so the stagnation of the economy. The weakening economy has increased financial strength, which in turn leads to a weakening in the real economy. A vicious circle, and one reflected in the slowing of economic growth over the last 30 years.

The increasing dominance of finance capital has, in effect, created a market for government policies. As finance capital has become increasingly global in nature governments must secure, protect and expand the field of profit-making for financial capital and transnational corporations, otherwise they will be punished by dis-investment by global markets (i.e. finance capital). These policies have been at the expense of the underlying economy in general, and of the working class in particular:

“Rentier power was directed at labour, both organised and unorganised ranks of wage earners, because it regarded rising wages as a principal threat to the stable order. For obvious reasons, this goal was never stated very clearly, but financial markets understood the centrality of the struggle: protecting the value of their capital required the suppression of labour incomes.” [William Greider, One World, Ready or Not, p. 302]

For example, “the practical effect of finance capital’s hegemony was to lock the advanced economies and their governments in a malignant spiral, restricting them to bad choices. Like bondholders in general, the new governing consensus explicitly assumed that faster economic growth was dangerous — threatening to the stable financial order — so nations were effectively blocked from measures that might reduce permanent unemployment or ameliorate the decline in wages … The reality of slow growth, in turn, drove the governments into their deepening indebtedness, since the disappointing growth inevitably undermined tax revenues while it expanded the public welfare costs. The rentier regime repeatedly instructed governments to reform their spending priorities — that is, withdraw benefits from dependent citizens.” [Greider, Op. Cit., pp. 297–8]

Of course, industrial capital also hates labour, so there is a basis of an alliance between the two sides of capital, even if they do disagree over the specifics of the economic policies implemented. Given that a key aspect of the neo-liberal reforms was the transformation of the labour market from a post-war sellers’ market to a nineteenth century buyers’ market with its related effects on workplace discipline, wage claims and proneness to strike, industrial capital could not but be happy even if its members quibbled over details. Doug Henwood correctly argues that “Liberals and populists often search for potential allies among industrialists, reasoning that even if financial interests suffer in a boom, firms that trade in real, rather than fictitious, products would thrive when growth is strong. In general, industrialists are less sympathetic to these arguments. Employers in any industry like slack in the labour market; it makes for a pliant workforce, one unlikely to make demands or resist speedups.” In addition, “many non-financial corporations have heavy financial interests.” [Op. Cit., p. 123 and p. 135]

Thus the general stagnation afflicting much of the world, a stagnation which regularly develop into open crisis as the needs of finance undermine the real economy which, ultimately, it is dependent upon. The contradiction between short term profits and long term survival inherent in capitalism strikes again.

Crisis, as we have noted above, has appeared in areas previously considered as strong economies and it has been spreading. An important aspect of this crisis is the tendency for productive capacity to outstrip effective demand, which arises in large part from the imbalance between capitalists’ need for a high rate of profit and their simultaneous need to ensure that workers have enough wealth and income so that they can keep buying the products on which those profits depend. Inequality has been increasing particularly in neo-liberal countries like the UK and USA, which means that the economy faces as realisation crisis (see section C.7), a crisis which was avoided in the short-term by deepening debt for working people (debt levels more than doubled between the 1950s to the 1990s, from 25% to over 60%). In 2007, the chickens came hole to roost with a global credit crunch much worse than the previous finance crises of the neo-liberal era.

Over-investment has been magnified due to the East-Asian Tigers and China which, thanks to their intervention in the market (and repressive regimes against labour), ensured they were a more profitable place to invest than elsewhere. Capital flooded into the area, ensuring a relative over-investment was inevitable. As we argued in section C.7.2, crisis is possible simply due to the lack of information provided by the price mechanism — economic agents can react in such a way that the collective result of individually rational decisions is irrational. Thus the desire to reap profits in the Tiger economies resulted in a squeeze in profits as the aggregate investment decisions resulted in over-investment, and so over-production and falling profits.

In effect, the South East Asian economies suffered from the “fallacy of composition.” When you are the first Asian export-driven economy, you are competing with high-cost Western producers and so your cheap workers, low taxes and lax environmental laws allow you to under-cut your competitors and make profits. However, as more tigers joined into the market, they end up competing against each other and so their profit margins would decrease towards their actual cost price rather than that of Western firms. With the decrease in profits, the capital that flowed into the region flowed back out, thus creating a crisis (and proving, incidentally, that free markets are destabilising and do not secure the best of all possible outcomes). Thus, the rentier regime, after weakening the Western economies, helped destabilise the Eastern ones too.

So, in the short-run, many large corporations and financial companies solved their profit problems by expanding production into “underdeveloped” countries so as to take advantage of the cheap labour there (and the state repression which ensured that cheapness) along with weaker environmental laws and lower taxes. Yet gradually they are running out of third-world populations to exploit. For the very process of “development” stimulated by the presence of Transnational Corporations in third-world nations increases competition and so, potentially, over-investment and, even more importantly, produces resistance in the form of unions, rebellions and so on, which tend to exert a downward pressure on the level of exploitation and profits.

This process reflects, in many ways, the rise of finance capital in the 1970s. In the 1950s and 1960s, existing industrialised nations experienced increased competition from Japan and Germany. As these nations re-industrialised, they placed increased pressure on the USA and other nations, reducing the global “degree of monopoly” and forcing them to compete with lower cost producers. In addition, full employment produced increasing resistance on the shop floor and in society as a whole (see section C.7.1), squeezing profits even more. Thus a combination of class struggle and global over-capacity resulted in the 1970s crisis. With the inability of the real economy, especially the manufacturing sector, to provide an adequate return, capital shifted into finance. In effect, it ran away from the success of working people asserting their rights at the point of production and elsewhere. This, combined with increased international competition, ensured the rise of finance capital which in return ensured the current stagnationist tendencies in the economy (tendencies made worse by the rise of the Asian Tiger economies in the 1980s).

From the contradictions between finance capital and the real economy, between capitalists’ need for profit and human needs, between over-capacity and demand, and others, there has emerged what appears to be a long-term trend toward permanent stagnation of the capitalist economy with what growth spurts which do exist being fuelled by speculative bubbles as well as its benefits being monopolised by the few (so refuting the notion of “trickle down” economics). This trend has been apparent for several decades, as evidenced by the continuous upward adjustment of the rate of unemployment officially considered to be “normal” or “acceptable” during those decades, and by other symptoms as well such as falling growth, lower rates of profit and so on.

This stagnation has became even more obvious by the development of deep crisis in many countries at the end of the 2000s. This caused central banks to intervene in order to try and revive the real economies that have suffered under their rentier inspired policies since the 1970s. Such action may just ensure continued stagnation and reflated bubbles rather than a real-up turn. One thing is true, however, and that is the working class will pay the price of any “solution” — unless they organise and get rid of capitalism and the state. Ultimately, capitalism need profits to survive and such profits came from the fact that workers do not have economic liberty. Thus any “solution” within a capitalist framework means the increased oppression and exploitation of working class people.

[mariacallous]

In the summer of 2022, when Liz Truss was about to become prime minister, I noticed that she was an admirer of Rick Perlstein, one of the great historians of modern America. 

Aspiring politicians like to tell the media about their favourite writers, even if they barely look at a book from one year to the next. It gives them a touch of class.

But there was no doubt in this case that Truss was sincere, and knew Perlstein’s work intimately.

She told journalists from the Times that she read “anything” Perlstein wrote. An interviewer from the Atlantic magazine saw a copy of Perlstein’s The Invisible Bridge on her shelf, the third of his four-volume series on the rise of the radical right in the United States between 1960 and 1980, and said it was just the kind of book you’d expect her to read.

Then there was a weird moment in an interview with the Spectator when  an anonymous spokeswoman for the Truss campaign, who sounded very like Truss herself, explained that her rival Rishi Sunak was failing to win over Tory members because he refused to pander to their prejudices. 

“If people think there is an imaginary river,” the source said, “you don’t tell them there isn’t, you build them an imaginary bridge.”

You can find that quote at the beginning of the Perlstein history of the US right in the mid-1970s that was on Liz Truss’s bookcase.  And it is highly revealing. Perlstein picked it from a meeting between Nikita Khrushchev and Richard Nixon in the late 1950s. The Soviet leader told the then US vice-president that politicians must create their own reality by pandering to the fear in their supporters’ minds. 

“If the people believe there is an imaginary river out there,” Khrushchev said, “you don’t tell them there’s no river out there. You build an imaginary bridge over the imaginary river.”

Truss, or someone close to her was saying that Tories did not want to face facts. They wanted their fantasies confirmed, which is exactly what she did — at enormous cost to the country.

I contacted Perlstein and asked what he thought of having the UK’s next prime minister as a fan.

Let me put it like this: he may have been her favourite historian, but she was not his favourite politician. Not even close. Not even in the top 1,000. He found her astonishingly stupid.

”Liz. Can’t. Read,” he replied, and began a long – and for British readers frightening – account of how and why our new government of wannabe Reaganites would crash the economy.

As they went on to do.

Truss’s notion that tax cuts for the rich pay for themselves had been developed in the 1970s. The new wealth of the already wealthy was meant to boost the economy and tax base and trickle down to the rest of society.

In the fourth volume of his series, Perlstein covered the grifters who sold the idea of self-funding tax cuts and explained how dubious they were.

And yet here, 50-years on, was his devoted reader Liz Truss reading his history as a guidebook rather than a warning.

Why do terrible ideas refuse to die?

You could say in this case that Truss was so stupid she did not understand the past. This was Perlstein’s point.

Then there’s greed. If you want to proselytise for tax cuts for the rich, you will never be short of a paying audience, as the Tufton Street think tanks well know.

Finally, there’s deceit. Conservatives don’t necessarily believe that they will raise money for public services. The enterprise of pretending tax cuts are self-financing is a con designed to weaken state provision.

All three played their part in the voodoo economics of US conservatism and the disastrous reign of Liz Truss.

Here’s how…

Neo-liberalism was forged in the 1970s as the post-war Keynesian or New Deal consensus fell apart.

One of the new ideas that emerged was trickle-down economics.  Until then, the traditional conservative argument was that you needed to reduce spending or increase growth if you wanted to reduce taxes.

This was the case that Rishi Sunak put in his failed attempt to defeat Truss in the 2022 leadership contest.

But in the mid-1970s hucksters and ideologues maintained that there was no need to cut spending. The growth tax cuts inspired would more than cover the cost.

The Laffer curve suggested that there was a point where tax rises were counterproductive. People would turn down work if the state took too much of their income, although where that point was is always disputed.

Getting into these practical arguments misses the point, however. There was an exuberant eruption of voodoo economics in the mid-1970s, which had no concern for technical accuracy.

Perlstein put it to me like this

“[With] conventional Keynesian – ���liberal’ – solutions failing, all sorts of intellectual entrepreneurs on the right came forth with their solutions to the problem, as I narrate in Reaganland, a volume Liz claims to have read. [Of the] many solutions on the table, the one that prevailed was the one that all the actually half-way qualified experts on the right knew was nothing but a fairy tale on a par with Jack in the Beanstalk. [It was] devised by a dude whose only economic training, in his own description, came from learning to count cards at the blackjack tables in Las Vegas. I wish I were making this up, but I am not.”

Perlstein was referring to Jude Wanniski, a journalist who did indeed coin the term “supply-side economics” in the 1970s after a spell working in Las Vegas. He attracted the attention of Reagan, Jack Kemp and Steve Forbes with his promise that the Laffer curve guaranteed that, if conservative politicians cut taxes, the economy would boom.

As Perlstein notes, Wanniski’s first piece promoting the idea in a 1975 issue of the Conservative journal Public Interest “lacked almost everything that made economic arguments convincing to other economists”. There were only four footnotes. No data. No formal models. Economists thought supply-side economics was a joke. It would take decades to recoup the money lost in tax cuts to wealthy people, they argued.

Milton Friedman, who was hardly a socialist, said the inflation that unfunded tax cuts would produce meant that supply-side economics was merely a “proposal to change the form of taxes” rather than lower them.  They would generate price and interest rates rises as indeed happened during the Truss debacle.

Alan Greenspan, who once again was a man of the right, who hung out with Ayn Rand no less, nevertheless said he knew of no one who believed that Arthur Laffer’s curve would magically turn tax cuts into increased government revenues.

And so it has proved again and again. Ronald Reagan’s administration provided the classic example. It cut taxes but the promised surge in tax revenues did not happen. All that happened was the national debt increased.

David Stockman, Reagan’s Director of the Office of Management and Budget admitted that "none of us really understands what's going on with all these numbers," as the experiment played out. He rapidly came to the conclusion that the administration needed to cut spending to balance the books. But as he said in his The Triumph of Politics: Why the Reagan Revolution Failed Conservative politicians preferred large deficits and an increasing national debt to cutting programmes their constituents liked.

Under Reagan, Bush and Trump they were happy to keep cutting. One of the features of US politics is that the national debt is as likely to rise under right-wing as left-wing governments,

Obviously, arguing that cutting the wealthy’s taxes was virtuous in itself pleased the wealthy.  It pleased Republican party donors in the 1970s, and it pleased the Tory donors who poured money into Liz Truss’s campaign in 2022.

But there is more to it than that.

In an article for the Wall Street Journal in 1976, Wanniski said the problem with the old right with its insistence on saving money was that it wanted to be Scrooge when it should be Santa Claus. 

It should deliver tax cuts, forget about the national debt, and sit back as a grateful citizenry showed their gratitude at polling stations. Left-wingers wanted to give taxpayer-funded goodies to their supporters. Very well, right-wingers should want to give tax cuts to theirs.

In the 1970s, Irving Kristol, the editor of Public Interest, was explicit that politics must trump economics. The political advantage tax cuts would provide to the Republicans was so historically imperative they should be blasted through whatever the effect on the budget.

“The neo-Conservative is willing to leave those problems to be coped with by liberal interregnums,’ he wrote in the Wall Street Journal. “He wants to shape the future and will leave it to his opponents to tidy up afterwards.”

We are now in a moment like the 1970s. Taxes keep rising and Conservatives and indeed the rest of us have yet to come to terms with the cost of an ageing society. As anger grows, I doubt that Truss will be the last Tory to try to magic away reality and build an invisible bridge to a fantastical future.

[alfgifu]

Fic analysis 7. Hands to the wheel

Link: https://archiveofourown.org/works/47188921/chapters/118896205

Word count: 70,497

Chapters: 16

First posted: 16th May 2023

Last chapter up: 6th July 2023

Summary: 

The Last Emperor of Astandalas asked for peace. Cliopher Mdang travelled half way round the world of Zunidh to broker a ceasefire for him.

He may have, just slightly, exceeded his remit.

How and why this came about

The list of short follow up stories with a ‘where are they now’ theme included one for Lady Angusta and Lord Oriaz, a pair of bosses I had invented entirely to be bad at communicating with one another. I had in mind that this would be the Examination Scandal that’s referred to in the books, and I had also mentally joined the dots to a reference to Cliopher firing the entire Upper Secretariat.

Originally I’d planned to do a very short piece from Lady Angusta’s pov of her being fired. I thought I could keep it to one chapter, tick it off, and get on with my life.

By the time I got the blank page in front of me, though, I found that I was more interested in Cliopher’s view on the Examination Scandal. And Cliopher’s view on the aftermath of Littleridge. And also, how do you go from being the emperor’s new secretary to effectively running his government? That’s a big leap!

As an aside, the head of the UK civil service is the Chief Secretary to the Cabinet, and those appointed to it often have worked as Principal Private Secretary (PPS) and head of the PM’s Private Office before they get the appointment, but these are distinct roles. Victoria Goddard’s reference points would presumably be Canadian, where the head of the civil service is the Clerk of the Privy Council and is also described as secretary to the Cabinet. I’ve just been down a wee rabbit hole of recent post holders’ career histories and it looks like the pattern is a little different there. They’ve more frequently had ambassadorial and foreign policy experience.

Cliopher, Sayo Normal Man, seems to take on all these jobs at once.

Anyway the question of what might lead him to fire all of the Upper Secretariat - to even be in a position to fire all of the Upper Secretariat - was the real spur for this fic.

Then of course I went back to figure out how that started. I did at least this time have a reason for backtracking to do more build up - I really wanted to show how big the shift in power and authority was, and to fit in some of the early moments of recognition that must have happened between him and HR.

This was also written before Game of Courts which gives Conju’s perspective on some of these events, so like all of Embers it’s somewhat AU now on the friendship between Cliopher and Conju.

What worked and what didn’t

I was finally beginning to lose faith in my ability to judge how many chapters remained in a longer fic, in that I was still saying ‘probably three more to go’ but by this stage I was saying it with some uncertainty.

I made a list at the start again, this time of all the things that needed to happen or be resolved over the course of the fic. That was much better than a list of jobs Cliopher could have that I made at the start of Embers, because from the start I could think about how all those things related to one another and how I could bring them in together.

It wasn’t long before I realised that the real shape of the fic had to be everything hitting Cliopher at once until he cracked and took charge. I also realised fairly early on what the major twist would be, and I was pleased with how it landed.

I wasn’t expecting this to be so much fic-as-therapy but it worked.

It was also fun including little bureaucratic in-jokes like Inkstone (tip o’the hat to UK government cat Gladstone) or naming a chapter after an economics treatise (Cliopher is a Keynesian, bite me). 

There was definitely a stressful point mid-story where I wasn’t sure what shape would come out of all the pieces I was wrangling, but the experience of writing Embers gave me the confidence to push ahead anyway and it did all come together despite the total lack of a plan.

What I learned from writing it

This is a better fic in every way than Embers was - better titled, better shaped, tauter and punchier and more structured. What’s interesting is that so little of that was intentional. Perhaps the lesson should be that if you pile enough things on top of a character and work a way through them, the plot weaves itself.

I also found that things that felt self-indulgent to me often added depth and were worth including. Again, having the confidence to relax and write what I wanted was rewarding. It was important to me to show the shape of the achievements Cliopher would need to land before he could practically run the government, be the emperor never so enamoured with him, etc. But it was also important to show that relationship developing too and the growing trust between them, while staying true to the level of uncertainty Cliopher still canonically has several hundred years later. Having all of these things in the back of my mind actually made it easier to write each scene - I didn’t think each time ‘how will this fit into those narratives?’ but the themes naturally came through in the way they informed the progression of events and the characters’ reactions each time I asked myself ‘what happens next?’

I also reached the end of Hands to the wheel entirely done with grinding out two updates a week to build out the Embers narrative. This was where I finally felt confident enough to start picking things up on a whim and writing what I wanted to write - which would include a couple more Embers pieces but would also include a lot more experimentation and [jazz hands] drama from this point on.

[mesetacadre]

tell me about uhhhhh. hm. what you'd like the education system to be like ideally. sorry my mind is wiped so this is all I have

Post-revolution it should serve a dual purpose, primarily to facilitate the intellectual and personal developmemt of all workers. Once education is decoupled from the economic pressures placed on it by the capitalist mode of production, that demand education, as a part of the superstructure, be a factory of educated employees, educational institutions can place as many resources as are needed into subjects that don't generate any direct economic growth. Of course, we can't forget that socialism exists in a context, and the freedom of education from economic demands is necessarily limited by the finite resources on hand. Still, the capacity of education to serve workers will, almost in every case, be greater than that of education in capitalism, due to the more efficient and democratic administration.

Secondarily, education can also serve to promote communist theory and principles. The mother of my Cuban comrade told me that in university she had to have a subject in political economy, even though she studied engineering. This is analogous to how we have to study bourgeois economic theory (very basic keynesianism and other concepts) in highschool here, for example. I do think this is less effective in its objective than promoting participation in the Party and in democracy, for example.

[pregnantseinfeld]

Stream of consciousness political rambling. Because this is not fully thought through I'm putting it under a read more.

Something that bothers me about the typical social democrat 'tax the rich' suggestion (not that I'm outright opposed) is that it would make the most sense in a scenario where the wealth of the owning class is derived from their own countries proletariat, right? If you cannot overthrow that class, then reforms that attempt to squeeze some of that wealth back out into programs that could benefit the working class isn't an entirely bad idea.

But in a country like the US (UK, Canada, etc.), where is the wealth of our ruling class actually derived? What percent exactly is our labor versus that of other countries? You can't just fold your arms and tell capitalists they really should pay their fair share everywhere they do business. That they don't have to do that is kind of the point of this whole imperialism thing. But it certainly feels like 'how do we treat the loot of empire?' isn't being interrogated enough.

And I can already hear "Why talk reforms?! Tear it all down!" As much as I hate the way -progressive- liberals pull the covers up over themselves and mutter "But today isn't the revolution..." every morning to excuse their sloth, most of us know by now we can't will a revolution into being. So how do we reckon with all this if we're still attempting to engage with politics outside of the revolutionary moment?

And all types of chauvinists that don't like difficult questions will paint this as 'guilt' of course. But do we stand for anything at all if we don't have international solidarity? Can those who desire to get back that slashed welfare at any price actually call themselves Marxists? I'm reminded of how Marx and Engels talked of the English unions, or even Lenin on economism, etc... But it's so especially rotten here since, well, haven't you just wound up a Keynesian if your aim is reliving unsustainable post-war capitalist glory days?

On the one hand its dishonest to go about our business pretending none of this matters, but on the other "American lives (under the current order) should not get better" is not a political position with any legs here, for obvious reasons. It's tougher than the banana discourse because there you only had to put cheap year-round bananas on one side of the scale and all the rewards that could only be gained from liberation in the third world and the victory of the working class on the other and the banana defenders look super silly. But outside those hypotheticals, when we are organizing here and now, how does this factor in? Can it? AM I just moralizing over everything being blood money? Am I up my own ass?

So I'm left just bitterly rubbing my chin about it, like this is a crossword that I'm definitely going to figure out by myself if I ponder long enough.

[gatekeeper-watchman]

Our Unresolved Problem(s)

          Problems unresolved are not unlike cancers that fester and fester until they burst with pain and devastation. The longer they fester, the greater the pain, the greater the devastation. Such it is with our great nation, a nation of many problems—currently, it seems, tired, broke, hungry, polarized, and twisting in the winds.

          To solve a problem, any problem, one must first identify it, get to the absolute root of the matter, decide what to do about it, and do it—too often a problem in and of itself. For far too long, we the people of the United States of America haven’t done this, preferring to shift our problems to a “back burner”, dealing with them with temporary “fixes”, passivism, and procrastination, which has cost us dearly.

          I submit to you that in these, the greatest times in the history of civilization, the two greatest problems confronting our nation today are a lack of concerted direction and xenophobia, i.e. racial discrimination. We have many serious problems before us—very serious; but, before they can be effectively resolved, we must above all, first resolve these two.

          I have discussed this in prior postings to this blog, from various aspects. We are heading in a direction, if we are not already there, wherein we are being ruled by an oligarchy of the Corporatocracy and Power Elite which, contrary to our presently being a democratic republic “of the people, by the people, and for the people”, the extent of our freedoms will be determined by them. This is just not The United States of America. This is a global thing. Even now many of the rules under which you and I live are under the control of the World Trade Organization (WTO), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Agenda 21 of the United Nations, etc. which transcends national boundaries. Even now, our government is negotiating so called Free Trade Agreements in secret (I’m thinking specifically of the Trans-Pacific Partnership [TPP], which will affect jobs and living standards for millions of us). We the people will have no say in it. Some will tell you we freely elected those who facilitate this, our Congress. We did? Keep in mind all the money which flows into the coffers of our representatives through the lobbyists of these Corporatists. Some even write the rules which go into these agreements. Does your representative answer your phone calls? You can bet on it. He, or she, answers theirs.

In 2013, Keynesian economist Joseph Stiglitz, himself a renowned economist, warned that the TPP presented “grave risks” and it “serves the interests of the wealthiest”. Organized labor in the U.S. argues that the trade deal would largely benefit big business at the expense of the workers in manufacturing and service industries. The Economic Policy Institute and the Center for Economic and Policy Research have argued that the TPP could result in further job losses and declining wages. In December 2013, 151 House Democrats signed a letter written by Rosa DeLauro (D-Conn.) and George Miller (D-Calif.) opposing the “Fast Track”

Let me briefly explain what is meant by the “Fast Track”. From Wikipedia, “the fast-track negotiating authority for trade agreements is the authority of the President of the United States to negotiate international agreement that Congress can approve or disapprove but cannot amend or filibuster. Also called trade promotion authority (TPA) since 2002, fast track negotiating authority is a temporary and controversial power granted to the President by Congress.” Wikipedia also states that “The authority was in effect from 1975 to 1994, pursuant to the Trade Act of 1974, and from 2002 to 2007 by the Trade Act of 2002. Although it expired for new agreements on July 1, 2007, it continued to apply to agreements already under negotiation until they were eventually passed into law in 2011. In 2012, the Obama administration began seeking renewal of the authority.”

You can read for yourself in Wikipedia a history and summary of the ongoing Trans-Pacific Partnership. This is just one event going on with the Corporatocracy and Power Elite, our Shadow Government. There are many more; and, in my mind, they are not in favor of the people—only the 1%, the very very rich and elite. Whether you believe in God or not, God made people. People made business. Business is supposed to serve the people. People should be in charge—not business. We must turn this around before we become their serfs.

I submit to you this is the greatest problem for our nation today. This is not the direction in which we should continue, and we must change that direction now. We the people must take back our country; but, to do that, we must all participate by voicing our demands. We cannot do that with only 40%, or whatever, going to the polls.

As I said above, the second greatest problem for our nation today is xenophobia, i.e. racial discrimination. I will post a candid discussion of this subject in my next blog. I’m sure what I say will be controversial, but it must be said. The successful resolution of almost all our future problems will depend upon the resolution of these two, our domination by the Corporatocracy and Power Elite and our resolution of Racial Discrimination.

Please, think about these things. Do you really want our country/your country to be run by these people—the huge corporations, banks, and the extremely rich and wealthy; or, do you want us to be a democratic republic as per our Constitution, a nation of the people, by the people, and for the people? I tell you. It is going, going, gone—unless you do something about it. You may think this is all a big joke but it isn’t. It really is in your hands. What are you going to do and when? When?

[probablyasocialecologist]

Economic statistics should be taken critically as the shaky constructions they are, but they do tell you something. Industrial policy has made its worldwide comeback within an equally worldwide exhaustion of the global economic system, the slow-motion expiration of the US-based configuration of capitalism inaugurated at the close of the Second World War. On the surface, Bidenomics seems to represent a decisive break with neoliberal dogma, and so it is in some respects; but more fundamentally, it is smoothly continuous with the deeper trend, starting in the 1940s, of fading growth prospects and rising state involvement in the private economy. If anything, it is an intensification of this trend. Its official adoption represents the belated recognition by “policymakers” that still greater state action is needed to sustain the already meager growth rates of the national economy, crushed beneath the dead weight of an expiring system.

[pattern-recognition]

ok class, for today’s discussion we’ll be talking about the implications of post war Keynesian economics in Girls und Panzer and what it means from the perspective of the world systems theory

[shituationist]

Do you have any good sources/links critiquing market socialism? I’m thinking C4SS in particular.

I think the best book critiquing market liberalism in general is John O'Neill's the Market: Ethics, Knowledge and Politics, which comprehensively addresses major arguments in favor of markets or against socialist planning. O'Neill examines the Weber/von Mises "calculation problem," the von Hayek "knowledge problem," as well as critiques of planning from public choice theory and neoclassical welfare theory. O'Neill does this by contrasting the philosophies and underlying philosophical assumptions of pro-market thinkers to those of Otto Neurath, who was a partisan of non-monetary socialist planning up until his death, and whose contributions to the debate are often underpublicized (usually in favor of making Oskar Lange, himself a market socialist, the primary interlocuter with the Austrians).

Otto Neurath himself is worth reading because he provides an epistemological defense of economic planning. You can find his collected economic writings on libgen pretty easily. It's worth perusing in tandem with O'Neill's book.

Honorable mention to Paul Cockshott and Allin Cottrell's essay "Anti-Hayek", which is a decent materialist counter to the esoteric epistemology von Hayek uses to suggest socialist planning is ineffective. Their essay on Leonid Kantoravich's linear programming and in-kind planning is also worth reading as a critique of the Weber/von Mises position on economic calculation. Cockshott has unfortunately sullied his legacy via his 70s Maoist sex politics, but his essays critiquing the Austrian positions in the socialist planning debates are still worthy of consideration.

William Kapp was a critic of market liberalism whose book the Social Costs of Private Enterprise prefigured a lot of critiques of laissez-faire markets that later ecological economists like Georgescu-Roegen and Herman Daly (who were not exactly "anti-market" but whose critiques do underline how the neoclassical idealization of markets is not... ideal) would make more famous. Kapp focuses on the non-monetary and unmonetizable effects of private enterprise, which by definition can not enter into the strictly monetary accounting that informs the decision-making of any commercial enterprise, and which empirically cut against the pretensions of theoretical/rationalistic market liberal utopias.

The Parecon guys, Robin Hahnel and Michel Albert, provide both an institutional framework for planning and several critiques of market liberalism which are applicable to market socialism and market anarchism. Robin Hahnel's Milton's Myths series on socialisteconomist is really good and intended for a popular audience. Pat Devine is a thinker of a similar type who is less of a marginalist, unfortunately I can't name any essays or books of his off the top of my head, but he seems of interest.

Paul Mattick's "Limits of the Mixed Economy" I think would be relevant to Keynesian and post-Keynesian policy recommendations, since Keynesianism is of enduring interest to social democrats. I've never finished it though, so I don't really know. I do know it's talked about a lot in that way. Would be interesting to come back to that book some day myself.

As far as mutualism goes, I think Marx's critique of Proudhon's mutualism and similar schemes in the Poverty of Philosophy is definitive, even if Marx was not entirely honest w/r/t his object of critique. Engels's additions to this critique in his late prefaces to the Poverty of Philosophy and his debates with German Proudhonists over the housing question provide a sound enough basis for rejecting those kinds of schemes in favor of common ownership (i.e. communism).

<everything beyond this is based on personal reminiscence and not really a direct answer, take with a grain of salt>

With regards to C4SS, it's harder to say, b/c C4SS's moment seems to have passed, their moment was not that long in the first place, and they've always been defined politically more by their break from right-wing libertarianism than their antagonism to, say, Marxists, who are antagonistic intellectually but don't really have neo-mutualists on their radar, or anarchist-communists, who either just side with the Marxists, gesture vaguely in the direction of "the commons", or otherwise don't care enough about the topic to argue about it. As such I don't think C4SS itself has ever been singled out by anyone in an important way, but insofar as market anarchism is just market liberalism taken to its logical conclusions, critiques of the latter apply just as much to the former, and the sources above all provide compelling arguments against market liberalism and in favor of socialist planning.

Groups like C4SS thrived (relatively - C4SS has never had that large of a following) in a political atmosphere where the word "socialism" was still a very dirty one, where there was a lot of enthusiasm around p2p filesharing networks and p2p networks in general, where the overarching political consensus was that there was no alternative to markets and commerce, and where acephalous and amorphous political movements (that were seemingly structurally analogous to markets) had not yet exposed their limitations but seemed to be a genuine threat to state power (and not just a particular state power, but state power in general). Under those conditions, where leftists felt embarrassed to be proponents of what in the popular imagination had just been discredited with the fall of the Soviet bloc, C4SS style p2p utopianism was something you could gesture vaguely towards as an alternative, since those p2p schemes avoided the "centralized," "monolithic," and "sclerotic" epithets so often applied to central planning regimes, and fit well within the American political imaginary which has long treated decentralization as a virtue (the list of American endorsers of decentralism includes such diverse names as Thomas Jefferson, Henry David Thoreau, John C. Calhoun, Lysander Spooner, George Wallace, Murray Bookchin and Bob Black). That atmosphere has given way to one where the left once again favors more traditionally structured organizations, especially after the fizzle-out of the 2020 uprisings and the abject failure that was decentralist-anarchist (non-/anti-)leadership in places like Seattle and Portland, which resulted in no lasting victories and which frankly embarrassed the anarchist movement in North America (reminiscent of the numerous embarrassments for anarchists recounted in Engels's the Bakuninists at Work). There are still true believers, but right-wing libertarianism no longer funnels people in their direction as much now that the Libertarian Party has more or less successfully been merged into the network of miscellaneous reactionary movements. Self-identifying "left-libertarians" seem to me to be an increasingly rare breed.

Genuine market liberalism is also increasingly unpopular on the left and right. Liberals under Biden have embraced "industrial policy" which is ill-defined but seems to involve the state playing an active role in economic development, especially fostering domestic industries to reduce dependence on what the state identifies as its foreign rivals. Given how the libertarian movement continues to shed a lot of its left-wing cultural sympathies (not that there aren't holdouts), an SEK3 type is hard to imagine emerging from today's libertarian milieu, especially the libertarians below the age of 25.

I guess shameless self-promotion here for my own article for a "Mutual Exchange" series where I critiqued anarchist decentralism and the "decentralization/centralization" dichotomy that C4SS-ites are so endeared to: https://c4ss.org/content/53124

I know I've gone off a bit here, so I'll stop pontificating, but I hope this is helpful to anyone who's interested in these debates or in a potentially unreliable narrative developed primarily through online interactions.

[dailyanarchistposts]

Bibliography for FAQ

Non-Anarchist Works

Adams, Arthur E., Bolsheviks in the Ukraine: the second campaign, 1918–1919, Yale University Press, New Haven, 1963

Anderson, Terry L. and Leal, Donald R., Free Market Environmentalism, Pacific Research Institute for Public Policy,San Francisco, 1991.

Anweiler, Oskar, The Soviets: The Russian Workers, Peasants, and Soldiers Councils 1905–1921, Random House, New York, 1974.

Archer, Abraham (ed.), The Mensheviks in the Russian Revolution, Thames and Hudson Ltd, London, 1976.

Arestis, Philip, The Post-Keynesian Approach to Economics: An Alternative Analysis of Economic Theory and Policy, Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd., Aldershot, 1992.

Armstrong, Philip, Glyn, Andrew and Harrison, John, Capitalism Since World War II: The making and breakup of the great boom, Fontana, London, 1984.

Capitalism Since 1945, Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1991.

Arrow, Kenneth, “Economic Welfare and the Allocation of Resources for Inventiveness,” in National Bureau of Economic Research, The Rate and Direction of Inventive Activity, Princeton University Press, 1962.

Aves, Jonathan, Workers Against Lenin: Labour Protest and the Bolshevik Dictatorship, Tauris Academic Studies, London, 1996.

Bain, J.S., Barriers in New Competition: Their Character and Consequences in Manufacturing Industries, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1967.

Bakan, Joel, The Corporation: The Pathological Pursuit of Profit and Power, Constable, London, 2004.

Bakunin, Michael, The Confession of Mikhail Bakunin, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, N.Y., 1977.

Bukharin, Nikolai, Economy Theory of the Leisure Class, Monthly PressReview, New York/London, 1972.

Bagdikian, Ben H., The New Media Monopoly, Beacon Press, Boston, 2004.

Baldwin, William L., Market Power, Competition and Anti-Trust Policy, Irwin, Homewood, Illinois, 1987.

Balogh, Thomas, The Irrelevance of Conventional Economics,Weidenfield and Nicolson, London, 1982.

Baran, Paul A. and Sweezy, Paul M., Monopoly Capital, Monthly Press Review, New York, 1966.

Baron, Samuel H., Plekhanov: the Father of Russian Marxism, Routledge & K. Paul, London, 1963

Barry, Brian, “The Continuing Relevance of Socialism”, in Thatcherism, Robert Skidelsky (ed.), Chatto & Windus, London, 1988.

Beder, Sharon, Global Spin: The Corporate Assault on Environmentalism, Green Books, Dartington, 1997.

Beevor, Antony, The Spanish Civil War, Cassell, London, 1999.

The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936–1939, Phoenix, London, 2006.

Berghahn, V. R., Modern Germany: society, economy and politics in the twentieth century, 2nd ed., Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1987.

Berlin, Isaiah, Four Essays on Liberty, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1969.

Bernstein, Michael A., The Great Depression: Delayed recovery and Economic Change in America, 1929–1939, Cambridge University Press, New York, 1987.

Beynon, Huw, Working for Ford, Penguin Education, London, 1973.

Binns, Peter, Cliff, Tony, and Harman, Chris, Russia: From Workers’ State to State Capitalism, Bookmarks, London, 1987.

Blanchflower, David and Oswald, Andrew, The Wage Curve, MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1994.

Blinder, Alan S. (ed.), Paying for productivity: a look at the evidence, Brookings Institution, Washington, D.C, 1990.

Blum, William, Killing Hope: US Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II, 2nd edition, Zed Books, London, 2003.

Rogue State: A Guide to the World’s Only Superpower, 3rd edition, Zed Books, London, 2006.

Böhm-Bawerk, Eugen, Capital and Interest, Libertarian Press, South Holland,Ill., 1959.

Bolloten, Burnett, The Spanish Civil War: Revolution and Counter Revolution, Harvester-Wheatsheaf, New York, 1991.

Boucher, Douglas H. (ed.), The Biology of Mutualism: Biology and Evolution, Croom Helm , London, 1985.

Bourne, Randolph, Untimely Papers, B.W. Huebsch, New York, 1919.

War and the Intellectuals: Essays by Randolph S. Bourne 1915–1919, Harper Torchbooks, New York, 1964.

Bowles, Samuel and Edwards, Richard (Eds.), Radical Political Economy, (two volumes), Edward Elgar Publishing Ltd., Aldershot, 1990.

Bowles, Samuel and Gintis, Hebert, Schooling in Capitalist America: Education Reform and the Contradictions of Economic Life, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1976.

Braverman, Harry, Labour and Monopoly Capital: The Degradation of Work in theTwentieth Century, Monthly Review Press, New York, 1974.

Brecher, Jeremy, Strike!, South End Press, Boston, 1972.

Brecher, Jeremy and Costello, Tim, Common Sense for Hard Times, Black Rose Books, Montreal, 1979.

Brenan, Gerald, The Spanish Labyrinth: An Account of the Social and Political of the Spanish Civil War, 2nd Edition, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1976.

Broido, Vera, Lenin and the Mensheviks: The Persecution of Socialists under Bolshevism, Gower Publishing Company Limited, Aldershot, 1987.

Brovkin, Vladimir N., From Behind the Front Lines of the Civil War: political parties and social movements in Russia, 1918–1922, Princeton University Press, Princeton, N.J, 1994.

The Mensheviks After October: Socialist Opposition and the Rise of the Bolshevik Dictatorship, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1987. Russia after Lenin : politics, culture and society, 1921–1929, Routledge, London/New York, 1998

Brovkin, Vladimir N. (ed.), The Bolsheviks in Russian Society: The Revolution and Civil Wars, Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1997.

Bunyan, James, The Origin of Forced Labor in the Soviet State, 1917–1921: Documents and Materials, Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1967.

Byock, Jesse, Viking Age Iceland, Penguin Books, London, 2001

C.P.S.U. (B), History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), International Publishers, New York, 1939.

Cahm, Eric and Fisera, Vladimir Claude (eds), Socialism and Nationalism, Spokesman, Nottingham, 1978–80.

Carr, Edward Hallett, The Bolshevik Revolution: 1917–1923, in three volumes, Pelican Books, 1966.

The Interregnum 1923–1924, Penguin, Harmondsworth, 1969.

Carr, Raymond, Spain: 1808–1975, 2nd Edition, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1982.

Carrier, James G. (ed.), Meanings of the market: the free market in western culture, Berg, Oxford, 1997.

Chandler, Lester V., America’s Greatest Depression, 1929–1941, Harper & Row, New York/London, 1970.

Chang, Ha-Joon, Kicking Away the Ladder: Development Strategy in Historic Perspective, Anthem Press, London, 2002.

Bad samaritans: rich nations, poor policies and the threat to the developing world, Random House Business, London, 2007

Clark, J.B., The Distribution of Wealth: A theory of wages, interest and profits, Macmillan, New York, 1927

Cliff, Tony, Lenin: The Revolution Besieged, vol. 3, Pluto Press, London,1978.

Lenin: All Power to the Soviets, vol. 2, Pluto Press, London,1976. State Capitalism in Russia, Bookmarks, London, 1988. “Trotsky on Substitutionism”, contained in Tony Cliff, Duncan Hallas, Chris Harman and Leon Trotsky, Party and Class,Bookmarks, London, 1996. Trotsky, vol. 3, Bookmarks, London, 1991. Revolution Besieged: Lenin 1917–1923, Bookmarks, London, 1987.

Cohen, Stephan F., Bukharin and the Bolshevik Revolution, Oxford University Press, London, 1980.

“In Praise of War Communism: Bukharin’s The Economics of the Transition Period”, pp. 192–203, Revolution and politics in Russia: essays in memory of B.I. Nicolaevsky, Alexander and Janet Rabinowitch with Ladis K.D. Kristof (eds.).

Collins, Joseph and Lear, John, Chile’s Free-Market Miracle: A Second Look,Institute for Food and Development Policy, Oakland, 1995.

Communist International, Proceedings and Documents of the Second Congress1920, (in two volumes), Pathfinder, New York, 1991.

Confino, Michael (ed.), Daughter of a Revolutionary: Natalie Herzen and the Bakunin-Nechayev Circle, Library Press, LaSalle Illinois, 1973.

Cowen, Tyler, “Law as a Public Good: The Economics of Anarchy”,Economics and Philosophy, no. 8 (1992), pp. 249–267.

“Rejoinder to David Friedman on the Economics of Anarchy”, Economics and Philosophy, no. 10 (1994), pp. 329–332.

Cowling, Keith, Monopoly Capitalism, MacMillian, London, 1982.

Cowling, Keith and Sugden, Roger, Transnational Monopoly Capitalism,Wheatshelf Books, Sussez, 1987.

Beyond Capitalism: Towards a New World Economic Order, Pinter, London, 1994.

Curry, Richard O. (ed.), Freedom at Risk: Secrecy, Censorship, and Repression in the 1980s, Temple University Press, 1988.

Curtis, Mark, Web of Deceit: Britain’s real role in the world,Vintage, London, 2003.

Unpeople: Britain’s Secret Human Rights Abuses,Vintage, London, 2004.

Daniels, Robert V., The Conscience of the Revolution: Communist Opposition in Soviet Russia, Harvard UniversityPress, Cambridge, 1960.

Daniels, Robert V. (ed.), A Documentary History of Communism, vol. 1,Vintage Books, New York, 1960.

Davidson, Paul, Controversies in Post-Keynesian Economics, E. Elgar, Brookfield, Vt., USA, 1991.

John Maynard Keynes, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke, 2007

Davis, Mike, Late Victorian Holocausts: El Niño Famines and the Making of the Third World, Verso, London, 2002.

Denikin, General A., The White Armies, Jonathan Cape, London, 1930.

DeShazo, Peter, Urban Workers and Labor Unions in Chile 1902–1927,University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, 1983.

Deutscher, Isaac, The prophet unarmed : Trotsky 1921–1929, Oxford University Press, 1959.

Devine, Pat, Democracy and Economic Planning, Polity, Cambridge, 1988.

Dobbs, Maurice, Studies in Capitalist Development, Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd., London, 1963.

Dobson, Ross V. G., Bringing the Economy Home from the Market, Black Rose Books, Montreal, 1993.

Domhoff, G. William, Who Rules America Now? A view from the ‘80s, Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, 1983.

Donaldson, Peter, A Question of Economics, Penguin Books, London, 1985.

Economics of the Real World, 3rd edition, Penguin books, London, 1984.

Dorril, Stephen and Ramsay, Robin, Smear! Wilson and the Secret State, Fourth Estate Ltd., London, 1991.

Douglass, Frederick, The Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, vol. 2, Philip S. Foner (ed.) International Publishers, New York, 1975.

Draper, Hal, The ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’ from Marx to Lenin, Monthly Review Press, New York, 1987.

The Myth of Lenin’s “Concept of The Party”, available at: http://www.marxists.org/archive/draper/works/1990/myth/myth.htm

Du Boff, Richard B., Accumulation and Power: an economic history of the United States, M.E. Sharpe, London, 1989.

Dubois, Pierre, Sabotage in Industry, Penguin Books, London, 1979.

Eastman, Max, Since Lenin Died, Boni and Liveright, New York, 1925.

Eatwell, Roger and Wright, Anthony (eds.), Contemporary political ideologies, Pinter, London, 1993.

Edwards, Stewart, The Paris Commune 1871, Victorian (& Modern History) Book Club, Newton Abbot, 1972.

Edwards, Stewart (ed.), The Communards of Paris, 1871, Thames and Hudson, London, 1973.

Eisler, Rianne, Sacred Pleasure,

Ellerman, David P., Property and Contract in Economics: The Case forEconomic Democracy, Blackwell, Oxford, 1992.

The Democratic Worker-Owned Firm: A New Model for Eastand West, Unwin Hyman, Boston, 1990. as “J. Philmore”, The Libertarian Case for Slavery, available at: http://cog.kent.edu/lib/Philmore1/Philmore1.htm

Elliot, Larry and Atkinson, Dan, The Age of Insecurity, Verso, London, 1998.

Fantasy Island: Waking Up to the Incredible Economic, Political and Social Illusions of the Blair Legacy, Constable, London, 2007. The Gods That Failed: Now the Financial Elite have Gambled Away our Futures, Vintage Books, London, 2009.

Engler, Allan, Apostles of Greed: Capitalism and the myth of the individual in the market, Pluto Press, London, 1995.

Evans Jr., Alfred B., Soviet Marxism-Leninism: The Decline of an Ideology, Praeger, London, 1993.

Faiwel, G. R., The Intellectual Capital of Michal Kalecki: A study ineconomic theory and policy, University of Tennessee Press, 1975.

Farber, Samuel, Before Stalinism: The Rise and Fall of Soviet Democracy, Polity Press, Oxford, 1990.

Fedotoff-White, D., The Growth of the Red Army, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1944.

Ferguson, C. E., The Neo-classical Theory of Production and Distribution, Cambridge University Press, London, 1969.

Ferro, Marc, October 1917: A social history of the Russian Revolution, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1980.

Figes, Orlando, A People’s Tragedy: The Russian Revolution 1891–1924, Jonathan Cape, London, 1996.

Peasant Russia, Civil War: the Volga countryside in revolution 1917–1921, Phoenix Press, London, 2001.

Flamm, Kenneth, Creating the Computer: Government, Industry, and High Technology, The Brookings Institution, Washington D.C., 1988.

Forgacs, David (ed.), Rethinking Italian fascism: capitalism, populismand culture, Lawrence and Wishart, London, 1986.

Fraser, Ronald, Blood of Spain: the experience of civil war, 1936–1939, Allen Lane, London, 1979.

French, Marilyn, Beyond Power: On Women, Men, and Morals , Summit Books, 1985.

Frenkel-Brunswick, Else, The Authoritarian Personality,

Friedman, David, The Machinery of Freedom, Harper and Row, New York, 1973.

Friedman, Milton, Capitalism and Freedom, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 2002.

Economic Freedom, Human Freedom, Political Freedom,available at: http://www.cbe.csueastbay.edu/~sbesc/frlect.html The Hong Kong Experiment, available at: http://www.hoover.org/publications/digest/3532186.html

Funnell, Warrick, Jupe, Robert and Andrew, Jane, In Government we Trust:Market Failure and the delusionsof privatisation, Pluto Press, London,2009.

Gaffney, Mason and Harrison, Mason, The Corruption of Economics, Shepheard-Walwyn (Publishers) Ltd., London, 1994.

Galbraith, James K., Created Unequal: The Crisis in American Pay, The Free Press, New York, 1999.

Galbraith, John Kenneth, The Essential Galbraith, Houghton Mifflin Company, New York, 2001.

The New Industrial State, 4th edition, Princeton University Press, Princeton and Oxford, 2007.

Gemie, Sharif, French Revolutions, 1815–1914, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 1999.

Getzler, Israel, Kronstadt 1917–1921: The Fate of a Soviet Democracy, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1983.

Martov: A Political Biography of a Russian Social Democrat, Melbourne University Press, Carlton, 1967. “Soviets as Agents of Democratisation”, in Revolution in Russia: reassessments of 1917, Edith Rogovin Frankel, Jonathan Frankel, Baruch Knei-Paz (eds.), Cambridge University Press, Cambridge/New York, 1991. “Marxist Revolutionaries and the Dilemma of Power”, pp. 88–112, Revolution and Politics in Russia, Alexander and Janet Rabinowitch with Ladis K.D. Kristof (eds.)

Gilmour, Ian, Dancing with Dogma, Britain Under Thatcherism, Simon and Schuster, London, 1992.

Glennerster, Howard and Midgley, James (eds.), The Radical Right and the Welfare State:an international assessment, Harvester Wheatsheaf,1991.

Gluckstein, Donny, The Tragedy of Bukharin, Pluto Press, London, 1994

The Paris Commune: A Revolutionary Democracy, Bookmarks,London, 2006

Glyn, Andrew, Capitalism Unleashed: Finance Globalisation and Welfare,Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2006.

Glyn, Andrew and Miliband, David (eds.), Paying for Inequality: The Economic Costs of Social Injustice, IPPR/Rivers Oram Press, London, 1994.

Goodstein, Phil H., The Theory of the General Strike from the French Revolution to Poland, East European Monographs, Boulder, 1984.

Gould, Stephan Jay, Ever Since Darwin: Reflections in Natural History,Penguin Books, London, 1991.

Bully for Brontosaurus: Reflections in Natural History, Hutchinson Radius, London, 1991.

Gramsci, Antonio, Selections from Political Writings (1921–1926), Lawrence and Wishart, London, 1978.

Grant, Ted, The Unbroken Thread: The Development of Trotskyism over 40 Years, Fortress Publications, London, 1989.

Russia from revolution to counter-revolution available at https://www.marxist.com/russia-from-revolution-to-counter-revolution.htm

Gray, John, False Dawn: The Delusions of Global Capitalism, Granta Books, London, 1998.

Green, Duncan, Silent Revolution: The Rise of Market Economics in Latin America, Cassell, London, 1995.

Greider, William, One World, Ready or Not: The Manic Logic of Global Capitalism, Penguin Books, London, 1997.

Gross, Bertram, Friendly Fascism, South End Press, Boston, 1989.

Gunn, Christopher Eaton, Workers’ Self-Management in the United States, Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London, 1984.

Gunson, P., Thompson, A. and Chamberlain, G., The Dictionary of Contemporary Politics of South America, Routledge, 1989.

Hahnel, Robin and Albert, Michael, The Quiet Revolution in Welfare Economics, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1990.

The Political Economu of Participatory Economics, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1991. Looking Forward: Participatory Economics for the Twenty First Century, South End Press, Boston, 1991.

Hallas, Duncan, The Comintern, Bookmarks, London, 1985.

“Towards a revolutionary socialist party”, contained inTony Cliff, Duncan Hallas, Chris Harman and Leon Trotsky,Party and Class, Bookmarks, London, 1996.

Harding, Neil, Leninism, MacMillan Press, London, 1996.

Lenin’s political thought, vol. 1, Macmillan, London, 1977.

Harman, Chris, Bureaucracy and Revolution in Eastern Europe, Pluto Press, London, 1974.

“Party and Class”, contained in Tony Cliff, Duncan Hallas, Chris Harman and Leon Trotsky, Party and Class,Bookmarks, London, 1996, How the revolution was lost available at: http://www.marxists.de/statecap/harman/revlost.htm

Hastrup, Kirsten, Culture and History in Medieval Iceland, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1985.

Hatch, John B., “Labour Conflict in Moscow, 1921–1925” contained in Russia in the Era of NEP: explorations in Soviet society and culture, Fitzpatrick, Sheila, Rabinowitch, Alexander and Stites, Richard (eds.), Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1991.

Hawkins, Howard, “Community Control, Workers’ Control and the Co-operative Commonwealth”, Society and Nature, no. 3, vol. 1, no. 3, pp. 55–85.

Haworth, Alan, Anti-Libertarianism: Markets, Philosophy and Myth, Routledge, London, 1994.

Hayek, F. A. von, The Essence of Hayek, Chiaki Nishiyama and Kurt Leube (Eds.), Hoover Institution Press, Stanford, 1984

Individualism and Economic Order, Henry Regnery Company, Chicago, 1948 “1980s Unemployment and the Unions” contained in Coates, David and Hillard, John (Eds.), The Economic Decline of Modern Britain: The Debate between Left and Right, Wheatsheaf Books Ltd., 1986. New Studies in Philosophy, Politics, Economics and the History of Ideas, Routledge & Kegan Paul. London/Henley, 1978. Law, Legislation and Liberty, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1982.

Hayek, F. A. von (ed.), Collectivist Economic Planning, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1935.

Hayward, Jack, After the French Revolution: Six critics of Democracy and Nationalism, Harvester Wheatsheaf, Hemel Hempstead, 1991.

Heider, Ulrike, Anarchism: left, right, and green, City Lights Books, San Francisco, 1994.

Hein, Eckhard and Schulten, Thorsten, Unemployment, Wages and Collective Bargaining in the European Union, WSI_Discussion Paper No. 128, Witschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliches Institut, Dusseldorf, 2004.

Henwood, Doug, Wall Street: How it works and for whom, Verso, London, 1998.

“Booming, Borrowing, and Consuming: The US Economy in 1999”, Monthly Review, vol. 51, no. 3, July-August 1999, pp.120–33. After the New Economy, The New Press, New York, 2003. Wall Street: Class Racket, available at http://www.panix.com/~dhenwood/WS_Brecht.html

Herbert, Auberon, “Essay X: The Principles Of Voluntaryism And Free Life”, The Right And Wrong Of Compulsion By The State, And Other Essays, available at: http://oll.libertyfund.org/Texts/LFBooks/Herbert0120/CompulsionByState/HTMLs/0146_Pt11_Principles.html

“Essay III: A Politician In Sight Of Haven”, The Right And Wrong Of Compulsion By The State, And Other Essays, available at: http://oll.libertyfund.org/Texts/LFBooks/Herbert0120/CompulsionByState/HTMLs/0146_Pt04_Politician.html

Herman, Edward S., Beyond Hypocrisy, South End Press, Boston, 1992.

Corporate Control, Corporate Power, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1981. “Immiserating Growth: The First World”, Z Magazine, January, 1994. “The Economics of the Rich”, Z Magazine, July, 1997

Herman, Edward S. and Chomsky, Noam, Manufacturing Consent: the politicaleconomy of the mass media, Pantheon Books,New York, 1988.

Heywood, Paul, Marxism and the Failure of Organised Socialism in Spain 1879–1936, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1990.

Hicks, J. R., Value and capital: an inquiry into some fundamental principles of economic theory, 2nd edition, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1975.

Hills, John, Inequality and the State, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2004.

Hobsbawm, Eric, Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movements in the 19th and 20th Centuries, 2nd Edition, W. W. Norton and Co., New Yprk, 1965.

Revolutionaries, rev. ed., Abacus, London, 2007.

Hodgskin, Thomas, Labour Defended against the Claims of Capital, available at: http://socserv2.socsci.mcmaster.ca/~econ/ugcm/3ll3/hodgskin/labdef.txt

Hollis, Martin and Edward Nell, Rational Economic Man: A Philosophical Critique of Neo-classic Economics, Cambridge University Press, London, 1975.

Hodgson, Geoffrey Martin, Economics and Utopia: why the learning economy is not the end of history, Routledge, London/New York, 1999.

Hoppe, Hans-Hermann, Democracy: The God That Failed: The Economics andPolitics of Monarchy, Democracy, and Natural Order,Transaction, 2001.

Anarcho-Capitalism: An Annotated Bibliography, available at: http://www.lewrockwell.com/hoppe/hoppe5.html

Holt, Richard P. F. and Pressman, Steven (eds.), A New Guide to Post KeynesianEconomics, Routledge, London, 2001.

Howell, David R. (ed.), Fighting Unemployment: The Limits of Free MarketOrthodoxy, Oxford University Press, New York, 2005.

Hutton, Will, The State We’re In, Vintage, London, 1996.

The World We’re In, Little, Brown, London, 2002.

Hutton, Will and Giddens, Anthony (eds.), On The Edge: living with global capitalism,Jonathan Cape, London, 2000.

ISG, Discussion Document of Ex-SWP Comrades, available at: http://www.angelfire.com/journal/iso/isg.html

Lenin vs. the SWP: Bureaucratic Centralism Or Democratic Centralism?, available at: http://www.angelfire.com/journal/iso/swp.html

Jackson, Gabriel, The Spanish Republic and the Civil War, 1931–1939, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1965.

Jackson, J. Hampden, Marx, Proudhon and European Socialism, English Universities Press, London, 1957.

Johnson, Martin Phillip, The Paradise of Association: Political Culture and Popular Organisation in the Paris Commune of 1871, University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, 1996

Kaldor, Nicholas, Further Essays on Applied Economics, Duckworth, London, 1978.

The Essential Kaldor, F. Targetti and A.P. Thirlwall (eds.), Holmes & Meier, New York, 1989. The Economic Consequences of Mrs Thatcher, Gerald Duckworth and Co. Ltd, London, 1983.

Kaplan, Frederick I., Bolshevik Ideology and the Ethics of Soviet Labour,1917–1920: The Formative Years, Peter Owen, London, 1969.

Kaplan, Temma, Anarchists of Andalusia: 1868–1903, Princeton University Press, Princeton, N.J., 1965.

Katouzian, Homa, Ideology and Method in Economics, MacMillian Press Ltd., London, 1980.

Kautsky, Karl, The road to power: political reflections on growing intothe revolution, Humanities Press, Atlantic Highlands, 1996.

Keen, Steve, Debunking Economics: The Naked Emperor of the social sciences, Pluto Press Australia, Annandale, 2001.

Keynes, John Maynard, The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, MacMillan Press, London, 1974.

Kerhohan, Andrew, “Capitalism and Self-Ownership”, from Capitalism, pp. 60–76, Paul, Ellen Frankel, Fred D. Miller Jr., Jeffrey Paul and John Ahrens (eds.), Basil Blackwood, Oxford, 1989.

Kindleberger, Charles P., Manias, Panics, and Crashes: a history of financialcrises, 2nd Edition, Macmillan, London, 1989.

King, J.E., A history of post Keynesian economics since 1936, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, 2002

Kirzner, Israel M., “Entrepreneurship, Entitlement, and Economic Justice”, pp. 385–413, in Reading Nozick: Essays on Anarchy, State and Utopia, Jeffrey Paul (ed.), Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1982.

Perception, Opportunity, and Profit, University of ChicagoPress, Chicago, 1979.

Klein, Naomi, No Logo, Flamingo, London, 2001.

Fences and Windows: Dispatches from the front lines of theGlobalisation Debate, Flamingo, London, 2002.

Koenker, Diane P., “Labour Relations in Socialist Russia: Class Values and Production Values in the Printers’ Union, 1917–1921,” pp. 159–193, Siegelbaum, Lewis H., and Suny, Ronald Grigor (eds.), Making Workers Soviet: power, class, and identity, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1994.

Koenker, Diane P., Rosenberg, William G. and Suny, Ronald Grigor (eds.), Party, State, and Society in the Russian Civil War, Indiana University Press, Indiana, 1989.

Kohn, Alfie, No Contest: The Case Against Competition, Houghton Mufflin Co.,New York, 1992.

Punished by Rewards: The Trouble with Gold Stars, Incentive Plans, A’s, Praise and Other Bribes, Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, 1993.

Kollontai, Alexandra, The Workers Opposition, Solidarity, London, date unknown.

Selected Writings of Alexandra Kollontai, Allison and Busby, London, 1977.

Kowalski, Ronald I., The Bolshevik Party in Conflict: the left communist opposition of 1918, Macmillan, Basingstoke, 1990.

Krause, Peter, The Battle for Homestead, 1880–1892: politics, culture, and steel, University of Pittsburgh Press, Pittsburgh/London, 1992

Krugman, Paul, Peddling Prosperity: Economic Sense and Nonsense in the Age of Diminished Expectations, NW Norton & Co., New York/London, 1994.

The Conscience of a Liberal, W.W. Norton & Co., New York/London, 2007.

Krugman, Paul and Wells, Robin, Economics, W. H. Freeman, New York, 2006.

Kuhn, Thomas S., The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 3rd ed., University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1996.

Kuznets, Simon, Economic Growth and Structure: Selected Essays, Heineman Educational Books, London, 1966.

Capital in the American Economy, Princeton University Press, New York, 1961.

Lange, Oskar and Taylor, Fred M., On the Economic Theory of Socialism, Benjamin Lippincott (ed.), University of Minnesota Press, New York, 1938.

Laqueur, Walter (ed.), Fascism: a Reader’s Guide, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1979.

Lazonick, William, Business Organisation and the Myth of the Market Economy, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1991.

Competitive Advantage on the Shop Floor, Havard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1990. Organisation and Technology in Capitalist Development, Edward Elgar, Brookfield, Vt, 1992.

Lea, John and Pilling, Geoff (eds.), The condition of Britain: Essays on Frederick Engels, Pluto Press, London, 1996.

Lear, John, Workers, Neighbors, and Citizens: The Revolution in Mexico City, University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, 2001.

Lee, Frederic S., Post Keynesian Price Theory, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1998

Leggett, George, The Cheka: Lenin’s Political Police, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1981.

Lenin, V. I., Essential Works of Lenin, Henry M. Christman (ed.), Bantam Books, New York, 1966.

The Lenin Anthology, Robert C. Tucker (ed.), W.W. Norton & Company, New York, 1975. Will the Bolsheviks Maintain Power?, Sutton Publishing Ltd,Stroud, 1997. Left-wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder, Lawrence & Wishart,London, 1947. The Immediate Tasks of the Soviet Government, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1970. Six Thesis on the Immediate Tasks of the Soviet Government,contained in The Immediate Tasks of the Soviet Government, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1970, pp. 42–45. The Threatening Catastrophe and How to Avoid It, Martin Lawrence Ltd., undated. Selected Works: In Three Volumes, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1975.

Lenin, V. I., and Trotsky, Leon, Kronstadt, Monad Press, New York, 1986.

Levin, Michael, Marx, Engels and Liberal Democracy, MacMillan Press, London, 1989.

Lichtenstein, Nelson and Howell, John Harris (eds.), Industrial Democracy in America: The Ambiguous Promise, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1992

Lichtheim, George, The origins of socialism, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London, 1969

A short history of socialism, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London, 1970

Lincoln, W. Bruce, Red Victory: A History of the Russian Civil War, Simon and Schuster, New York, 1989.

List, Friedrich, The Natural System of Political Economy, Frank Cass, London, 1983.

Lovell, David W., From Marx to Lenin: An evaluation of Marx’s responsibility for Soviet authoritarianism, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1984.

Luxemburg, Rosa, Rosa Luxemburg Speaks, Mary-Alice Waters (ed.), Pathfinder Press, New York, 1970.

MacPherson, C.B., The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism: Hobbes to Locke, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1964.

Malle, Silvana, The Economic Organisation of War Communism, 1918–1921, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1985.

Mandel, David, The Petrograd Workers and the Soviet Seizure of Power: from the July days 1917 to July 1918, MacMillan, London, 1984.

Marglin, Steven, “What do Bosses Do?”, Review of Radical Political Economy, Vol. 6, No.2, New York, 1974.

Marshall, Alfred, Principles of Economics: An Introductory Volume, 9th Edition (in 2 volumes), MacMillian, London, 1961.

Martin, Benjamin, The Agony of Modernisation: Labour and Industrialisation in Spain, ICR Press, Cornell University, 1990.

Martov, J., The State and Socialist Revolution, Carl Slienger, London, 1977.

Marx, Karl, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, vol. 1, Penguin Books, London, 1976.

Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, vol. 3, Penguin Books, London, 1981. Theories of Surplus Value, vol. 3, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1971. A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1970.

Marx, Karl and Engels, Frederick, Selected Works, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1975.

The Marx-Engels Reader, Second Edition,Robert C. Tucker (ed.), W.W. Norton & Co, London & New York, 1978. The socialist revolution, F. Teplov and V. Davydov (eds.)Progess, Moscow, 1978. Basic Writings on Politics and Philosophy,Lewis S. Feuer (ed.), Fontana/Collins, Aylesbury, 1984. “Manifesto of the Communist Party”, Selected Works, pp. 31–63. Fictitious Splits In The International,available at: http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1864iwma/1872-e.htm

Marx, Karl, Engels, Federick and Lenin, V.I., Anarchism and Anarcho-Syndicalism, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1974.

Matthews, R.C.O. (ed.), Economy and Democracy, MacMillan Press Ltd., London, 1985.

McAuley, Mary, Bread and Justice: State and Society in Petrograd 1917–1922, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1991.

McElroy, Wendy, Anarchism: Two Kinds, available at:http://www.wendymcelroy.com/mises/twoanarchism.html

McLay, Farguhar (ed.), Workers City: The Real Glasgow Stands Up, Clydeside Press, Glasgow, 1988.

McNally, David, Against the Market: Political Economy, Market Socialism and the Marxist Critique, Verso, London, 1993.

Another World Is Possible: Globalization & Anti-Capitalism, Revised Expanded Edition, Merlin, 2006.

Mehring, Franz, Karl Marx: The Story of his life, John Lane, London, 1936.

Miliband, Ralph, Divided societies: class struggle in contemporary capitalism, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1989.

Mill, John Stuart, Principles of Political Economy, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1994.

On Liberty and Other Essays, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1991.

Miller, David, Social Justice, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1976.

Market, State, and community: theoretical foundations of marketsocialism, Clarendon, Oxford, 1989.

Miller, William Ian, Bloodtaking and Peacemaking: Feud, Law and Society in Saga Iceland, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1990.

Mills, C. Wright, The Power Elite, Oxford University Press, London, 1956.

Milne, S., The Enemy Within, Verso, London, 1994.

Minsky, Hyman, Inflation, Recession and Economic Policy, Wheatsheaf Books, Sussex, 1982.

“The Financial Instability Hypothesis” in Post-Keynesian Economic Theory, pp. 24–55, Arestis, Philip and Skouras, Thanos (eds.), Wheatsheaf Books, Sussex, 1985.

Mises, Ludwig von, Liberalism: A Socio-Economic Exposition,Sheed Andres and McMeek Inc., Kansas City, 1978.

Human Action: A Treatise on Economics, William Hodge and Company Ltd., London, 1949. Socialism: an economic and sociological analysis, Cape, London, 1951.

Montagu, Ashley, The Nature of Human Aggression, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1978.

Montgomery, David, Beyond Equality: Labour and the Radical Republicans, 1862–1872, Vintage Books, New York, 1967.

The Fall of the House of Labour: The Workplace, the state, and American labour activism, 1865–1925, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1987.

Moore, Michael, Downsize This! Random Threats from an Unarmed America, Boxtree, London, 1997.

Morrow, Felix, Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Spain, Pathfinder Press, New York, 1974.

Mumford, Lewis, The Future of Technics and Civilisation, Freedom Press, London, 1986.

Negri, Antonio, Marx Beyond Marx, Autonomedia, Brooklyn, 1991.

Neill, A.S, Summerhill: a Radical Approach to Child Rearing, Penguin, 1985.

Newman, Stephen L., Liberalism at wit’s end: the libertarian revolt against the modern state, Cornell University Press, 1984.

Noble, David, America by Design: Science, technology, and the rise of corporate capitalism, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1979.

Progress without People: In defense of Luddism, Charles H. Kerr Publishing Ltd., Chicago, 1993. Forces of Production: A Social History of Industrial Automation, Oxford University Press, New York, 1984.

Nove, Alec, An economic history of the USSR: 1917–1991, 3rd ed., Penguin, Harmondsworth, 1992.

Socialism, Economics and Development, Allen & Unwin, London, 1986.

Nozick, Robert, Anarchy, State and Utopia, B. Blackwell, Oxford, 1974.

Oestreicher, Richard Jules, Solidarity and fragmentation: working people and class consciousness in Detroit, 1875–1900, University of Illinois Press, Urbana, 1986.

Ollman, Bertell, Social and Sexual Revolution: Essays on Marx and Reich, Black Rose Books, Montreal, 1978.

Ollman, Bertell (ed.), Market Socialism: The Debate Among Socialists, Routledge, London, 1998.

O’Neill, John, Markets, Deliberation and Environment, Routledge, Oxon, 2007.

The market: ethics, knowledge, and politics, Routledge, London, 1998 Ecology, policy, and politics: human well-being and the natural world, Routledge, London/New York, 1993.

Oppenheimer, Franz, The State, Free Life Editions, New York, 1975.

Ormerod, Paul, The Death of Economics, Faber and Faber Ltd., London, 1994.

Orwell, George, Homage to Catalonia, Penguin, London, 1989.

The Road to Wigan Pier, Penguin, London, 1954. Nineteen Eighty-Four, Penguin, Middlesex, 1982. Orwell in Spain, Penguin Books, London, 2001. Inside the Whale and Other Essays, Penguin Books, Harmondsworth, 1986.

Pagano, U. and Rowthorn, R. E. (eds.), Democracy and Efficiency in Economic Enterprises, Routledge, London, 1996.

Palley, Thomas I., Plenty of Nothing: The Downsizing of the American Dreamand the case for Structural Keynesian, Princeton UniversityPress, Princeton, 1998.

Paul, Ellen Frankel. Miller, Jr., Fred D. Paul, Jeffrey and Greenberg, Dan (eds.), Socialism, Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1989.

Perrin, David A., The Socialist Party of Great Britain: Politics, Economics and Britain’s Oldest Socialist Party, Bridge Books, Wrexham, 2000.

Petras, James and Leiva, Fernando Ignacio, Democracy and Poverty in Chile: The Limits to Electoral Politics, Westview Press, Boulder, 1994.

Pipes, R., Russia Under the Bolshevik Regime, 1919–1924, Fontana Press, London, 1995.

Pirani, Simon, The Russian revolution in retreat, 1920–24: Soviet workers and the new Communist elite, Routledge, New York, 2008

Phillips, Kevin, The Politics of Rich and Poor: Wealth and the American Electorate in the Reagan Aftermath, Random House, New York, 1990.

Polanyi, Karl, The Great Transformation: the political and economic origins of our time, Beacon Press, Boston, 1957.

Popper, Karl, Conjectures and Refutations: The Growth of Scientific Knowledge, Basic, New York, 1965.

Preston, Paul, The coming of the Spanish Civil War: reform, reaction, and revolution in the Second Republic, 2nd ed., Routledge, London/New York, 1994.

Preston, Paul (ed.), Revolution and War in Spain 1931–1939, Methuen, London, 1984.

Prychitko, David L., Markets, Planning and Democracy: essays after the collapse of communism, Edward Elgar, Northampton, 2002.

Rabinowitch, Alexander, Prelude to Revolution: The Petrograd Bolsheviks and the July 1917 Uprising, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 1991.

The Bolsheviks Come to Power: The Revolution of 1917 in Petrograd, W.W. Norton & Co., New York, 1976. The Bolsheviks in Power: The first year of Soviet rule in Petrograd, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, 2007. “Early Disenchantment with Bolshevik Rule: New Data form the Archives of the Extraordinary Assembly of Delegates from Petrograd Factories”, Politics and Society under the Bolsheviks, Dermott, Kevin and Morison, John (eds.), Macmillan, Basingstoke, 1999.

Rabinowitch, Alexander and Janet with Kristof, Ladis K.D. (eds.), Revolution and politics in Russia: essays in memory of B.I. Nicolaevsky, Indiana University Press for the International Affairs Center, Bloomington/London, 1973.

Radcliff, Pamela Beth, From mobilization to civil war: the politics of polarizationin the Spanish city of Gijon, 1900–1937, Cambridge University Press, New York, 1996.

Radin, Paul, The World of Primitive Man, Grove Press, New York, 1960.

Radek, Karl, The Kronstadt Uprising available at, https://www.marxists.org/archive/radek/1921/04/kronstadt.htm

Raleigh, Donald J., Experiencing Russia’s Civil War: Politics, Society,and Revolutionary Culture in Saratov, 1917–1921,Princeton University Press, Woodstock, 2002.

Rand, Ayn, Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal, New American Library, New York, 1966.

The Ayn Rand Lexicon: Objectivism from A to Z, Harry Binswanger (ed.), Meridian, New York, 1986. The Virtue of Selfishness, New American Library, New York, 1964.

Ransome, Arthur, The Crisis in Russia 1920, Redwords, London, 1992.

Rayack, Elton, Not So Free To Choose: The Political Economy of MiltonFriedman and Ronald Reagan, Praeger, New York, 1987.

Read, Christopher, From Tsar to Soviets: The Russian people andtheir revolution, 1917–21, UCL Press, London, 1996.

Reed, John, Ten Days that shook the World, Penguin Books, 1982.

Shaking the World: John Reed’s revolutionary journalism,Bookmarks, London, 1998.

Reekie, W. Duncan, Markets, Entrepreneurs and Liberty: An Austrian Viewof Capitalism, Wheatsheaf Books Ltd., Sussex, 1984.

Reich, Wilhelm, The Mass Psychology of Fascism, Condor Book, Souvenir Press (E&A) Ltd., USA, 1991.

Reitzer, George, The McDonaldization of Society: An Investigation into the changing character of contemporary social life, Pine Forge Press, Thousand Oaks, 1993.

Remington, Thomas F., Building Socialism in Bolshevik Russia: Ideology and Industrial Organisation 1917–1921, University of Pittsburgh Press, London, 1984.

Richardson, Al (ed.), In defence of the Russian revolution: a selection of Bolshevik writings, 1917–1923, Porcupine Press, London, 1995.

Ricardo, David, The Principles of Political Economy and Taxation, J.M. Dent & Sons/Charles E. Tuttle Co., London/Vermont, 1992.

Ridgeway, James, Blood in the Face: The Ku Klux Klan, Aryan Nations, Nazi Skinheads, and the Rise of a New White Culture, Thunder’s Mouth Press, 1990.

Roberts, David D., The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism,University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, 1979.

Robertson, Dennis, “Wage-grumbles”, Economic Fragments, pp. 42–57, in W. Fellner and B. Haley (eds.), Readings in the theoryof income distribution, The Blakiston, Philadephia, 1951.

Robinson, Joan, The Accumulation of Capital (2nd Edition), MacMillan, St. Martin’s Press, 1965.

Contributions to Modern Economics, Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1978. Collected Economic Papers, vol. 4, Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1973. Collected Economic Papers, vol. 5, Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1979.

Rodrik, Dani, Comments on ‘Trade, Growth, and Poverty by D. Dollar and A. Kraay, available at: http://ksghome.harvard.edu/~drodrik/Rodrik%20on%20Dollar-Kraay.PDF

Rollins, L.A., The Myth of Natural Rights, Loompanics Unlimited, Port Townsend, 1983.

Rose, Steven, Lewontin, R.C. and Kamin, Leon J., Not in Our Genes: Biology, Ideology and Human Nature, Penguin Books, London, 1990.

Rosenberg, William G., “Russian Labour and Bolshevik Power, pp. 98–131, The Workers Revolution in Russia: the view from below, D. Kaiser (ed.), Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1987.

“Workers’ Control on the Railroads and Some Suggestions Concerning Social Aspects of Labour Politics in the Russian Revolution”, pp. D1181-D1219, The Journal of Modern History, vol. 49, no. 2.

Rosmer, Alfred, Lenin’s Moscow, Bookmarks, London, 1987.

Rosnick, David and Weisbrot, Mark, Are Shorter Work Hours Good for the Environment? A Comparison of U.S. and European Energy Consumption, available at: http://www.cepr.net/documents/publications/energy_2006_12.pdf

Rothbard, Murray N., The Ethics of Liberty, Humanities Press, Atlantic Highlands, N.J., 1982.

For a New Liberty, MacMillan, New York, 1973. “Praxeology: The Methodology of Austrian Economics” in The Foundation of Modern Austrian Economics, pp. 19–39,Dolan, Edwin G. (ed.), Sheed & Ward, Inc., Kansas, 1976. Egalitarianism as a Revolt against Nature and Other Essays, Libertarian Press Review, 1974. “Nations by Consent: Decomposing the Nation-State,”in Secession, State and Liberty, David Gordon (ed.),Transaction Publishers, New Brunswick, 1998. Power and Market, Institute for Humane Studies,Menlo Park, 1970. Man, Economy, and State, with Power and Market, Ludwig von Mises Institute, Auburn, 2004. “Society Without A State”, pp. 191–207, Anarchism: Nomos XIX, J. Roland Pennock and John W. Chapman (eds.), New York University Press, New York, 1978. America’s great depression, Van Nostrand, Princeton/London, 1963. Conceived in Liberty (in four volumes), Arlington House Publishers,New Rochell, 1975. The Logic of Action II: Applications and Criticism from the Austrian School, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham/Lyme, 1997. Classical Economics: An Austrian Perspective on the Historyof Economic Thought, Edward Elgar, Brookfield, 1995. Konkin on Libertarian Strategy, available at:http://www.anthonyflood.com/rothbardkonkin.htm Are Libertarian’s ‘Anarchists’?, available at: http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/rothbard167.html

Rousseau, J-J, The Social Contract and Discourses, Everyman, London, 1996.

Rowbotham, Sheila, Hidden from History: 300 Years of Women’s Oppression and the fight against it, Pluto Press, London, 1977.

“Edward Carpenter: Prophet of the New Life”, Rowbotham, Sheila and Weeks, Jeffrey, Socialism and the New Life: The Personal and Sexual Politics of Edward Carpenter and Havelock Ellis, Pluto Press, London 1977.

RSDLP, Minutes of the Second Congress of the RSDLP, New ParkPublications, London, 1978.

St. Clair, David, The Motorization of American Cities, Praeger, New York, 1986.

Sakwa, Richard, Soviet Communists in Power: a study of Moscow during the Civil War, 1918–21, Macmillan, Basingstoke, 1987.

Sawyer, Malcolm C., The Economics of Michal Kalecki, MacMillan, Basingstoke,1985.

The Economics of Industries and Firms: theories, evidence and policy (2nd ed.), Croom Helm, London, 1985.

Schapiro, Leonard, The Origin of the Communist Autocracy: PoliticalOpposition in the Soviet State: The First Phase, 1917–1922, Frederick A. Praeger, New York, 1965.

Schlosser, Eric, Fast Food Nation: What the all-american meal is doing to the world, Allen Lane, London, 2001.

Schneider, Cathy Lisa, Shantytown protest in Pinochet’s Chile, Temple University Press, Philadelphia, 1995.

Schor, Juliet B., The Overworked American: The Unexpected Decline of Leisure, BasicBooks, New York, 1992.

Schorske, C., German Social Democracy, 1905–1917, Cambridge, Mass., 1955.

Schulkind, Eugene (ed.), The Paris Commune of 1871: The View from the Left, Jonathan Cape, London, 1972.

Schumacher, E.F., Small is Beautiful: A Study of Economics as if people mattered, Vintage, London, 1993.

Schweickart, David Against Capitalism, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1993.

After Capitalism, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, inc., Lanham, 2002.

Sen, Amartya, Resources, Values and Development, Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1984.

Development as Freedom, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1999.

Senior, Nassau, An Outline of the Science of Political Economy, Alan & Unwin, London, 1951

Serge, Victor, Memoirs of a Revolutionary 1901–41, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1963.

Revolution in Danger: Writings from Russia, 1919–1921, Redwords, London, 1997. Year One of the Russian Revolution, Bookmarks, Pluto Press and Writers and Readers, London/New York, 1992. The Serge-Trotsky Papers, D. J. Cotterill (ed.), Pluto Press, London, 1994 Anarchists Never Surrender: Essays, Polemics, and Correspondence on Anarchism, 1908–1938, PM Press, Oakland, 2015. The Life and Death of Leon Trotsky, Haymarket Books, Chicago, 2016

Service, Robert, The Bolshevik Party in Revolution: A Study of Organisational change, Macmillan, London, 1979.

Silk L., and Vogel, D., Ethics and Profits: The Crisis of Confidence in American Business, Simon and Schuster, New York, 1976.

Sirianni, Carmen, Workers’ Control and Socialist Democracy, Verso/NLB, London, 1982.

Shanin, Teodor, The Awkward Class: Political Sociology of Peasantry in a Developing Society: Russia 1910–1925, OxfordUniversity Press, London, 1972.

Skidelsky, Robert (ed.), Thatcherism, Chatto & Windus, London, 1988.

Skidmore, Thomas E. and Smith, Peter H., Modern Latin America, Second Edition, Oxford University Press, 1989.

Smith, Adam, The Wealth of Nations, Everyman’s Library, London, 1991.

The Wealth of Nations, book 5, contained in An Inquiry intothe Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations: A SelectedEdition, Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York, 1998.

Smith, S.A., Red Petrograd: Revolution in the Factories 1917–1918, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1983.

Revolution and the People in Russia and China: A Comparative History, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2008. Russia in Revolution: An Empire in Crisis, 1890–1928, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2017.

Solvason, Birgir T. Runolfsson, Ordered Anarchy, State and Rent-seeking: The Iceland Commonwealth, 930–1262, available at http://www.hag.hi.is/~bthru/ritgerd.htm

Sorel, Georges, Reflections on Violence, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1999.

Sorenson, Jay B., The Life and Death of Soviet Trade Unionism: 1917–1928, Atherton Press, New York, 1969.

Spriano, Paolo, The Occupation of the Factories: Italy 1920, Pluto Press, London, 1975.

Staub, Ervin, The Roots of Evil: The Origins of Genocide and Other Group Violence, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2000

Stauber, John, and Sheldon Rampton, Toxic Sludge is good for you! Lies, Damn Lies and the Public Relations Industry, Common Courage Press, Monroe, Maine, 1995.

Steinberg, I., Spiridonova: revolutionary terrorist, Methuen, London, 1935.

Steinbeck, John, The Grapes of Wrath, Mandarin, London, 1990.

Stewart, Michael, Keynes in the 1990s: A Return to Economic Sanity, Penguin Books, London, 1993.

Keynes and After, 3rd edition, Penguin Books, London, 1987.

Stiglitz, Joseph, Globalisation and its Discontents, Penguin Books, London, 2002.

Stretton, Hugh, Economics: A New Introduction, Pluto Press, London, 2000.

Suny, Ronald Grigor (ed.), The Structure of Soviet History: Essays and Documents, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2003

Swain, Geoffrey, The Origins of the Russian Civil War, Longman, London/New York, 1996.

Sweezy, Paul, Theory of Capitalist Development, Monthly Review Press, New York, 1942.

Targetti, Ferdinando, Nicholas Kaldor: The Economics and Politics of Capitalism as a Dynamic System, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1992.

Taylor, M. W., Men versus the state: Herbert Spencer and late Victorian individualism,Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1992.

Taylor, Michael W. (ed.), Herbert Spencer and the Limits of the State: The LateNineteenth-Century Debate Between Individualism andCollectivism, St. Augustine’s Press, 1997.

Thomas, Hugh, The Spanish Civil War, Hamish Hamilton, London, 1986.

Thomas, Paul, Karl Marx and the Anarchists, Routledge & Kegan Paul plc,London, 1985.

Tomlins, Christopher L., Law, Labor, and Ideology in the Early American Republic, Cambridge University Press, New York, 1993.

Thompson, E.P., The Making of the English Working Class, Penguin Books, London, 1991.

Customs in Common, Penguin Books, London, 1993.

Thompson, Noel, The Real Rights of Man: Political Economies for the Working Class, 1775–1850, Pluto Press, London, 1998.

Ticktin, Hillel and Cox, Michael (eds.), The Ideas of Leon Trotsky, Porcupine Press, London, 1995.

Tokes, Rudolf L., Bela Kun and the Hungarian Soviet Republic: The Origins and Role of the Communist Party of Hungary in the Revolutions of 1918–1919, Pall Mall Press, London, 1967.

Trotsky, Leon, History of the Russian Revolution, in three volumes, Gollancz and Sphere Books, London, 1967.

Writings of Leon Trotsky: Supplement (1934–40), Pathfinder Press, New York, 1979. Writings 1936–37, Pathfinder Press, New York, 1978. Writings 1933–34, Pathfinder Press, New York, 2003. Writings 1932, Pathfinder Press, New York, 1999. Writings 1930–31, Pathfinder Press, New York, 2002. Writings 1930, Pathfinder Press, New York, 2003. Terrorism and Communism, Ann Arbor, 1961. The Revolution Betrayed: What is the Soviet Union and where is it going?, Faber and Faber Ltd, London, 1937. Leon Trotsky Speaks, Pathfinder, New York, 1972. How the Revolution Armed: the military writings and speeches of Leon Trotsky, vol. I, New Park Publications, London, 1979. How the Revolution Armed: the military writings and speeches of Leon Trotsky, vol. II, New Park Publications, London, 1979. How the Revolution Armed: the military writings and speeches of Leon Trotsky, vol. IV, New Park Publications, London, 1979. Stalin: An Appraisal of the man and his influence, in two volumes, Panther History, London, 1969. The Death Agony of Capitalism and the Tasks of the Fourth International, contained in How Solidarity can change the world, Alliance for Workers’ Liberty, London, 1998. First Year Years of the Communist International, (in 2 volumes), New Park Publications, London, 1974. The Third International After Lenin, Pioneer Publishers, New York, 1957. The Challenge of the Left Opposition (1923–25), Pathfinder Press, New York, 1975. The Challenge of the Left Opposition (1926–27), Pathfinder, New York, 1980. On Lenin: Notes towards a Biography, George G. Harrap & Co. Ltd., London, 1971. “Lessons of October”, pp. 113–177, The Essential Trotsky, Unwin Books, London, 1963. Leon Trotsky on China, Monad Press, New York, 2002 In Defense of Marxism, Pathfinder, New York, 1995. Platform of the Opposition, available at: http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1927-plo/ch01.htm The Lessons of October, available at: http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1924-les.htm How Did Stalin Defeat the Opposition?, available at: http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1935-sta.htm Work, Discipline, Order, available at: http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1918-mil/ch05.htm More Equality! available at: http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1919-mil/ch12.htm The Revolution Betrayed, available at: http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1936-rev/index.htm The Class Nature of the Soviet State, available at: http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/sovstate.htm The Path of the Red Army, available at: http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1918-mil/ch02.htm The Moralists and Sycophants against Marxism, contained in Their Morals and Ours, pp. 53–66, Pathfinder, New York, 1973. The Makhno Movement, available at: http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1919-mil/ch49.htm Stalinism and Bolshevism, available at:http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/works/1937/1937-sta.htm

Turner, Adai, Just Capital: The Liberal Economy, Pan Books, London, 2002.

Utton, M. A., The Political Economy of Big Business, Martin Robinson, Oxford, 1982.

van der Linden, Marcel, Western Marxism and the Soviet Union : a survey of critical theories and debates since 1917Brill, Leiden, 2007

Wade, Robert, Governing the Market: Economic Theory and the role of governmentin East Asian Industrialisation, Princeton University Press,Princeton, 1990.

Walford, George, George Walford on Anarcho-Capitalism, available at http://flag.blackened.net/liberty/walford-on-anarcap.html

Wallerstein, Immanuel, Geopolitics and Geoculture, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1991.

The Capitalist World System (vol. 1),

Walras, L, Elements of Pure Political Economy, Allen and Unwin, London, 1954.

Ward, Benjamin, What’s Wrong with Economics?, Basic Books, New York, 1972

Ware, Norman, The Industrial Worker 1840–1860: The Reaction of American IndustrialSociety to the Advance of the Industrial Revolution, Elephant Paperbacks, Chicago, 1924.

Watson, Andrew, From Red to Green: Green Politics and environmentalism cannot save the environment. A socialist politics can,Privately Published, 1990.

Weisbrot, Mark, Globalisation for Whom?, available at: http://www.cepr.net/Globalization.html

Weisbrot, Mark, Baker, Dean, Kraev, Egor and Chen, Judy,The Scorecard on Globalization 1980–2000: Twenty Years of Diminished Progress,available at: http://www.cepr.net/publications/globalization_2001_07_11.htm

Weisbrot, Mark, Baker, Dean, Naiman, Robert and Neta, Gila, Growth May Be Good for the Poor — But are IMF and World Bank Policies Good for Growth? available at: http://www.cepr.net/publications/econ_growth_2001_05.htm

Weisbrot, Mark and Rosnick, David, Another Lost Decade?: Latin America’s Growth Failure Continues into the 21st Century, available at: http://www.cepr.net/publications/latin_america_2003_11.htm

Wilkinson, Richard and Pickett, Kate, The Spirit Level: Why More Equal Societies Almost Always Do Better, Allen Lane, London, 2009.

Williams, Gwyn A., Proletarian Order: Antonio Gramsci, factory councils and the origins of Italian Communism, 1911–1921, Pluto Press, London, 1975.

Artisans and Sans-Culottes: Popular Movements in France and Britain during the French Revolution, Edward Arnold, London, 1981.

Wilson, H., The Labour Government 1964–1970, London, 1971.

Wilkinson, Richard and Pickett, Kate, The Spirit Level: Why More Equal SocietiesAlmost Always Do Better, Allen Lane, London,2009.

Winn, Peter (ed.), Victims of the Chilean Miracle: Workers and Neoliberalism in the Pinochet Era, 1973–2002, Duke University Press, Durham and London, 2004.

Wolff, Edward N., Top Heavy: A Study of Increasing Inequality in America, Twentieth Century Fund, 1995

Wolff, Jonathan, Robert Nozick: Property, Justice and the Minimal State, Polity Press, Oxford, 1991.

Wray, L. Randall, Money and Credit in Capitalist Economies: the endogenousmoney approach, Aldershot, Elgar, 1990.

Zinoviev, Grigorii, History of the Bolshevik Party: A Popular Outline, New Park Publications, London, 1973.

[mariacallous]

Sergey Shoigu’s nearly 12-year tenure as Russia’s defense minister ended unexpectedly on Sunday when President Vladimir Putin removed him from his post and reassigned him to the country’s Security Council. Then, in a move that surprised even government insiders, Putin nominated Andrey Belousov, a longtime presidential economic advisor, as Shoigu’s successor. Belousov is a civilian with no direct military ties, raising questions about the rationale behind his appointment. Some observers have speculated that he may have been brought in to overhaul military spending and ensure the Russian army is adequately resourced for the ongoing war in Ukraine. The independent outlet Verstka spoke with government insiders and political scientists to get their take on what Belousov’s appointment could mean for the future of the Russian military. Meduza shares an English-language summary of Verstka’s findings.

On May 12, Vladimir Putin nominated Andrey Belousov as Russia’s new defense minister, replacing Sergey Shoigu who had held the job since 2012. The appointment came as a surprise to many government insiders since Belousov, often described as Putin’s protégé, has no direct ties to the security forces. Often referred to as an “economic ideologue,” he served as Russia’s economic development minister and later as a presidential aid; sources once described him to Verstka as Putin’s strategic counterweight to Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin. One member of Russia’s parliament characterized Belousov as “subtle, intelligent, and diplomatic” and expressed shock at his new post.

Only one source, a member of Russia’s Federal Assembly, didn’t seem surprised by the choice. “Well, what were you expecting?” he asked. “We have something akin to military Keynesianism in our economy, right? Here’s someone with a Doctor of Sciences who’ll be in charge of the economy of the ‘special military operation,’ not moving pins on a map. Let the General Staff handle the front. Besides, someone needs to watch the rear. [Rostec head Sergey] Chemezov and [Deputy Prime Minister Denis] Manturov were already wielding full control of the military-industrial complex, and now [the new head of Russia’s Industry and Trade Ministry Anton] Alikhanov has been brought on board. A true Putin loyalist will keep an eye on them.”

“Belousov is a proponent of the mobilization model,” said political scientist Konstantin Kalachev. “He has [the president’s] trust. He knows how to manage money. He’s perfectly suited for that position.” According to Kalachev, the new defense minister’s priority will be “optimizing expenditures and aligning them with achievements,” as well as making sure that “for every ruble spent, another square meter of territory is added.”

At the same time, Kalachev continued, Belousov’s appointment is a “bombshell” and a “break from convention.” In his view, the reshuffle lends credence to the speculation that followed the arrest of Shoigu’s deputy Timur Ivanov on corruption charges in April and suggests that Shoigu “really was under suspicion.” One government insider commented that “Shoigu’s ambitions, not just his wastefulness, played a role against him.” Political analyst Tatiana Stanovaya said that with Shoigu’s move to the Security Council, it’s become something of “a reservoir for Putin’s ‘former’ key figures — people who can’t be let go but also can’t be placed anywhere else.”

Political scientist Ilya Grashchenkov also called Belousov’s appointment unexpected. “It was assumed that Belousov would move somewhere quieter, perhaps become the rector of Moscow State University or head some kind of development institute. As an ideologue of state economics, this would have aligned well with Belousov’s strategic interests, because Belousov is undoubtedly an economist,” he noted. He added that Belousov was greatly influenced by his father, Rem Belousov, who was a champion of Alexey Kosygin. “Belousov has incorporated these concepts of state and market symbiosis into the Russian economy,” explained Grashchenkov. “This has undoubtedly injected a distinct economic influence into what was once considered solely the domain of the [Defense Ministry].”

According to Grashchenkov, the Russian Defense Ministry is currently focused solely on military operations in Ukraine, rather than the financial aspect of war. “Belousov can now concentrate on fundamentally changing the methods used to manage all ministerial executive agencies, particularly everything related to front-line support, logistics, and so forth,” Grashchenkov added. However, it remains to be seen how much this unexpected appointment will alter the Defense Ministry’s structure or improve its functionality. Meanwhile, there’s still the question of whether or not Belousov will be liked in the army. “Mostly likely, he won’t be,” Grashchenkov surmised. “But Putin doesn’t need [him to be]. He needs an effective manager, which Belousov is.”

When Putin announced that Belousov would take over as head of Russia’s Defense Ministry, many Russian pro-war bloggers lauded the decision, saying that a military outsider and Putin loyalist might be just the person needed to reform the Defense Ministry. However, comments from readers left under these posts have been less optimistic. Many followers wrote that they were having “Serdyukovian flashbacks” — a reference to another civilian defense minister, Anatoly Serdyukov, whose tenure from 2007 to 2012 involved radical reforms and reductions in military numbers that led to widespread discontent within the Russian Armed Forces.

[straightlightyagami]

Political Ideology Tier List

if I ever get a callout it will be because of this. anon clearly wants me dead. uhh ok I'll try. I'm sure I don't have to say that this is Very subjective. please don't kill me, I'm neurodivergent and a minor.

Note that this is not about specific countries or instances of implementation of these ideologies!! If I were to discuss every variation, this would take forever. This is more like rating the philosophical basis of them. Factors determining the ranking include how much I agree with it, whether I think it's consistent and well-founded philosophically, whether the underlying philosophical ideas are interesting, and whether the aesthetics are good. Meaning a higher rating does not necessarily indicate I agree with it. if you cannot understand this sentence please do not continue reading.

I will go through the main "groups" of ideologies and then rank the sort of subtypes of them. I'm not going to explain all of them in detail here but I will do that in a similar format in response to another ask that asked me to do that.

Neoliberalism: almost nobody uses this to refer to themself, it's more of a descriptor applied to either the modern-day version of liberal ideas or the "state ideology" of the US. tbh seems more like post-hoc justification of existing policy. aesthetics are... most people would say they're not there but that's not actually true. maybe bonus points for the influence it has. C-.

"Classical" liberalism: anyone who calls themself nowadays that is guaranteed to be insufferable but also imo it has very interesting historical philosophical contributions, even if I disagree with them. obviously I think there are inherent contradictions in it if you take everything at face value, but for what it's trying to achieve, it's actually pretty solid. the old timey version's aesthetics are ok. B for the old version mainly for the philosophy reasons, C- for the Reagan version because it's the same as the previous. F when the socially conservative ones call themselves libertarians because it's inconsistent as hell. C+ for consistency if they are normal about queer people and other "social issues."

Social/left/progressive liberalism and social democracy: Keynesian economics is an interesting contribution to liberal theory, which adds a few points in itself. in the historical context (eg New Deal in the US, the nordic model) obviously it exists basically as an "option" to appease labor movements. which is bad if you're a socialist but that's not the view we're taking right now. It is more contradicting than the previous ones because of claiming to care about individual rights but yk all the imperialism etc. C. F if they call it socialism because now people have weird ideas of the definition of it, and words don't have meaning anymore.

Conservatism: Based on normal human instincts of "when stuff is good for me I don't want it to change" but does not have a sound philosophical basis as an ideology in itself. Makes more sense as a secondary feature of another ideology (ie added on to liberalism or socialism). I rate it a D.

Nationalism: Kind of makes sense when used as a temporary propaganda tool but as an ideology it's generally kind of cringe and not interesting and basically cope. D.

Fascism: The essence of trying to substitute a lack of ideology with aesthetics (which works, somehow). The aesthetics are like, ok, and that's the only thing they've got going for them. Nobody can agree what it means but everyone uses it as an insult for each other, which is telling for the tier it goes into. F-.

Authoritarianism: This is actually different from fascism. I would generally dispute overestimating the value of this descriptor, and it's pretty overused and most people would say it does not count as an ideology. Instead of the typical definition, here I am using it to mean those people whose political beliefs are just "follow whoever is in power because any kind of stability is better than disorder." Which is ridiculous and frustrating and prevents anything from being done but does make some sense ideologically. C-.

Anarchism: Actually includes a bunch of different ideologies.

Illegalism and anarcho-individualism: Interesting ideas. kinda shit aesthetics ngl but that's just me. combination of a bunch of stuff I dislike about anarchism. C-.

Anarcho-capitalism: even worse aesthetics, somehow. ideas I cannot even call interesting. it's like if you took liberalism and made it stupid and added anarchism with everything cool removed from it. it's a funny ideology though. F.

Anarcho-primitivism/anti-civ: would be kind of interesting but same reasons as previous. Would be funny but apparently people on this site unironically believe it which makes it annoying. F.

Anarcho-syndicalism: I'm not an anarchist and this is not like, my version of socialism, but it's cool and major respect actually. A.

Democratic socialism: basically what social democrat used to mean, wanting to achieve socialism through electoralism. it's an ok idea and it might work, who am I to know. but they all just become socdems. ok aesthetics. B.

Left communism: what if you took the leftism and just made it all about infighting. political ideology minus the politics. C.

Marxism: solid philosophical foundation. used as part of most of the other socialisms, and sometimes in part for other ideologies. A.

Marxism-Leninism: tricky one. great aesthetics. may be used to mean Lenin's development of Marxism or the state ideology as established under Stalin (btw I do not endorse stalinism or whatever in case this is like something you need to know) and as adapted to most other actually existing socialist countries. modern MLs vary from some of the most reasonable people to intolerably annoying. a lot of variation in historical implementations too. depending on what is meant specifically may be anywhere from D to A.

Libertarian socialism: "I promise we are not like those guys." ok I guess. btw I didn't include capitalist libertarianism because it's literally the same thing as liberalism. B.

Market socialism: bunch of different ones like this. it's a very interesting concept, interesting development of an existing idea and an alternative way of implementing socialism. B+.

sorry if I missed your obscure ideology

[i-am-dulaman]

I kinda jumped on your post with my comments. If it detracts from your point I'm happy to reblog it as is instead!

lol no worries and I agree with the points.

Keynesian economics wasn't perfect it had its flaws and a big one was that capitalists still had too much power, enough to end Keynesian economics.

The point of the post was that today's form of capitalism is particularly bad and unethical, and that forms of capitalism can exist without the whole trickle down mantra

Also also I agree re the cooperative framework. I've actually written posts about that too lol

[wilfofficial]

America, and most of the world, isn't capitalist, or even post-capitalist. Ever since Keynesian economics was widely adopted we've been in a command/capitalist hybrid where corporations can influence the economy directly themselves or indirectly via the government to create markets wherever they've got investments and kill markets where they perceive competition. It's not bloody fucking capitalism.