#Global Essay Competition
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XLRI Jamshedpur HRM Student Shresth Tiwari Wins Global Essay Competition
XLRI Jamshedpur’s Shresth Tiwari triumphs at the 53rd St. Gallen Symposium in Switzerland, highlighting concerns about data practices in the metaverse. Shresth Tiwari from XLRI Jamshedpur’s HRM batch of 2023-25 has won the prestigious Global Essay Competition at the 53rd St. Gallen Symposium held in Switzerland. JAMSHEDPUR – XLRI Jamshedpur proudly congratulates Shresth Tiwari, a student from the…
#Academic Excellence#शिक्षा#data ethics#education#Global Essay Competition#HRM Batch#individual rights#Leader of Tomorrow#metaverse#Shresth Tiwari#St. Gallen Symposium#XLRI Jamshedpur
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Women, Work, and the Future of Japan: A Catalyst for Change
Japan's post-war economic resurgence was once driven by its distinct work culture, but this same culture has now transformed into a double-edged sword, imperiling the nation's future prosperity. Historically, Japan's collectivist ethos, rooted in the pursuit of "Wa" (harmony), fostered stability and cooperation, but in today's context, it often manifests as a rigid hierarchy where excessively long working hours are misconstrued as the pinnacle of loyalty and dedication. This has severe human consequences, including "karoshi" (death from overwork), plummeting birth rates, and a dwindling workforce.
The country's inherent risk aversion, stemming from a deep respect for tradition, hinders innovation, with the fear of disrupting social balance outweighing the benefits of progress. This is evident in Japan's struggles to keep pace with global technological advancements, particularly in software and artificial intelligence, leading to stagnation and erosion of its competitive edge. Furthermore, traditional workplaces prioritize visibility and seniority over merit, resulting in ineffectual leadership, misguided decision-making, and a brain drain as talented individuals seek opportunities abroad.
Recent government initiatives aimed at improving work-life balance and promoting sustainability offer hope, as do forward-thinking companies adopting flexible work arrangements to attract top talent. However, a profound cultural shift is necessary for Japan to reclaim its innovative forefront. This requires blending cherished traditions with the uncertainties of innovation, fostering an environment that encourages risk tolerance, creativity, and merit-based advancement. A gradual shift in societal values, emphasizing individual creativity alongside collectivist principles, is crucial, as are structural reforms in workplaces and educational institutions promoting meritocracy, flexibility, and lifelong learning.
Interwoven with these challenges is the complex situation of Japanese women, who face traditional expectations, societal pressures, and workplace demands that profoundly impact their lives and the country's future. The notion of "ikigai" (finding purpose in life) often narrowly translates to family devotion for women, leading to unfulfilled potential and stagnation. This results in low labor force participation rates, a persistent glass ceiling, and underutilized parental leave policies, placing an undue burden on women and threatening individual well-being and the broader social and economic landscape.
A growing pushback against these traditional expectations, marked by women-led startups, flexible work arrangements, and paternal leave initiatives, signals a tentative shift towards inclusivity. To truly empower Japanese women, however, a profound societal transformation is needed, involving a reckoning with outmoded gender roles. Education and awareness campaigns, alongside the promotion of male allies embodying modern masculinity, can challenge these norms. By celebrating the diverse contributions and aspirations of its female population, Japan can dismantle barriers, realizing the full potential of its women and securing a vibrant future for the nation. The path forward hinges on choosing between the status quo and a new trajectory that values, supports, and empowers Japanese women to thrive, ultimately determining the country's prosperity.
Japanese work culture is unsustainable (pigallisme, April 2024)
youtube
Sunday, December 1, 2024
#japan work culture#innovation#tradition#social change#gender equality#economic prosperity#labor reform#societal norms#cultural evolution#east asian studies#future workforce#work-life balance#leadership development#organizational change#asian economy#global competitiveness#women in the workforce#japanese society#modernization challenges#video essay#ai assisted writing#machine art#Youtube
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Okay. I've been playing Tokyo Debunker today, since the release happened to catch me on a day when all I'd planned to do was write fanfiction. I just finished reading the game story prologue (it was longer than expected!), so here's a review type post. If you're reading this post not having seen a single thing about this game: it's a story-based joseimuke gacha mobile game that just released globally today. It's about a girl who suddenly finds herself attending a magic school and mingling with elite, superhuman students known as ghouls. If you look in the tumblr tag for the game you'll see what appears to be a completely different game from 2019 or so: they retooled it completely midway through development, changing just about everything about it due to "escalating competition within the gaming industry."
I'll talk about how this looks like a blatant twst clone at the end.
Starting with the positive: The story is charming. I enjoyed it thoroughly the entire time and am excited to read more. The mix between visual novel segments and motion comics was really nice--it broke things up and added a lot of oomph to the action or atmospheric scenes that visual novels generally lack. I like the art in the comic parts a lot. the live2d in the visual novel parts is... passable. Tone-wise, I think the story was a little bit all over the place and would like to see more of the horror that it opened on, but I didn't mind the comedic direction it went in either. The translation is completely seamless. The characters so far all have unique voices and are just super fun and cute. Of the ones who've had larger roles in the story so far, there's not a single one I dislike. It's all fully voiced in Japanese and the acting is solid. (I don't recognize any voices, and can't seem to find any seiyuu credits, so it seems they're not big names, but they deliver nonetheless.) Kaito in particular I found I was laughing at his lines a ton, both the voicing and the writing.
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He's looking for a girlfriend btw. Spreading the word.
The problem is like. The gameplay is the worst dark-pattern microtransaction-riddled bullshit I've ever seen. Hundred passive timers going at all times. Fifty different item-currencies. Trying to get you to spend absurd amounts of real world money at every turn. There's like five different indicators that take you to various real-money shop items that I don't know how to dismiss the indicator, I guess you just have to spend money, wtaf. Bajillion different interlocking systems mean you have zero sense of relative value of all the different item-currencies. I did over the course of the day get enough diamonds for one ten-pull, which I haven't used yet. Buying enough diamonds for a ten-pull costs a bit under $60 (presumably USD, but there's a chance the interface is automatically making that CAD for me--not gonna spend the money to check lmfao), with an SSR rate of 1%. BULLSHIIIIIT.
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There's like a goddamn thousand-word essay explaining the dozen different types of character upgrades and equippables and equippables for the equippables!! Bad! Bad game design! That's just overcomplicating bullshit to trick people into thinking they're doing something other than clicking button to make number go up! That is not gameplay!
In terms of the actual gameplay, there is none. The battle system is full auto. There might be teambuilding, but from what I've seen so far, most of that consists of hoping you pull good cards from gacha and then clicking button to make number go up. There's occasional rhythm segments but there's no original music, it's just remixes of public domain classical music lmao. I'd describe the rhythm gameplay as "at least more engaging than twisted wonderland's," which is not a high bar
At least there's a cat in the rhythm bit.
And like, ok, I gotta remark on how derivative it is. Like I mentioned in my post earlier, this game is unabashedly aping twisted wonderland's setting and aesthetic. (That said, most of the stuff it steals from twst is magic school stuff that twst also basically stole from Harry Potter, so...?) However, it isn't exactly like twst: in this one, the characters say fuck a lot and bleed all over the place and do violence. Basically, the tone is a fair bit more adult than twst's kid-friendly vibe. (Not, like, adult adult, and I probably wouldn't even call it dark--it's still rated Teen lol. Just more adult than twst.)
Rather than just being students at magic school, the ghouls also go out into the mundane world to go on missions where they fight and investigate monsters and cryptids. Honestly, the magic school setting feels pretty tacked-on. The things that are enjoyable about this would've been just as enjoyable in about any other setting--you can tell this whole aspect was a late trend-chasing addition, lmao. So, yeah, it's blatantly copying twst to try to steal some players, but... Eh, I found myself not caring that much. Someone more (or less) into twst than me may find it grating.
Character-wise, eh, sure, yeah, they're a bit derivative in that aspect too, but it's a joseimuke game, the characters are always derivative. Thus far the writing & execution has been solid enough that I didn't care if they were tropey. If I were to compare it to something else, I'd say the relationship between the protagonist and the ghouls feels more like that of the sage and wizards in mahoyaku than anything from twst. There's some mystery in exactly what "ghouls" are and their place in this world that has me intrigued and wanting to know more about this setting and how each of the characters feels about it. I have a bad habit of getting my hopes up for stories that put big ideas on the table and then being disappointed when they don't follow through in a way that lives up to my expectations, though.
So, my final verdict: I kind of just hope someone uploads all the story segments right onto youtube so nobody has to deal with the dogshit predatory game to get the genuinely decent story lol. Give it a play just for the story if you have faith in your ability to resist dark patterns. Avoid at all costs if you know you're vulnerable to gacha, microtransactions, or timesinks.
#suchobabbles#Tokyo Debunker#it's a global simultaneous release so I'm curious to see how it ends up doing in Japan#it's gonna be competing directly with stellarium of the fragile star which releases in a few days lmao. and is about a magic alchemy school#looks like the two games twt accounts have a similar number of followers#and then theyre competing with bremai releasing in may...#also adding this at the very end since i cant confirm anything:#but i found out abt this game bc it was rt'd by the former localization director/translator of A3en#i dont know if she worked on it or maybe her friend or maybe shes just hype! who knows! but i think her word (or rt) is worth something
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hello! do you have any recs about the railways in India?
i do, actually! here you go:
Building the Railways of the Raj, 1850-1900 and Railways in Modern India by Ian Kerr: good places to start with if you want a historical view of the railways and the political economy around them. Ian Kerr has done a lot of work on the railways, so you should definitely check him out
The Great Railway Bazaar by Paul Theroux: not strictly India, but it does include India/the subcontinent; one of my favourite travelogues
Economic Change and the Railways in North India, 1860–1914 by Ian Derbyshire: this is an essay, also historical
Railways and the expansion of markets in India, 1861–1921 by John Hurd: kind of on the same lines as the one before in terms of its content
Border Region Railway Development in Sino-Indian Geopolitical Competition by Chitresh Shrivastava, Stabak Roy and Dhruv Ashok: really interesting thing about the strategic function that railways in borderlands play
Dirty Tracks Across the Border: Global Operations of Extraction, Labour and Migration at a Railway Station on the Bihar–Nepal Border by Mithilesh Kumar: about the cross-border labour market, how the railways feed into this, and the geopolitical competition around it
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chat i'm actually cooking this year i came third in a global economics essay competition
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On September 16th the Edinburgh publisher William Blackwood died.
Blackwood was Scotland’s most successful publisher in the early nineteenth century. He was born in Edinburgh and at the age of fourteen began a six year apprenticeship to the booksellers Bell & Bradfute. Following further training in Glasgow and London, he opened his first shop on South Bridge Edinburgh. Specialising in selling rare books the business was a success.
In 1813 Blackwood became the agent for the printers of Sir Walter Scott’s novels. Four years later he founded the ‘Edinburgh Monthly Magazine’ as a counterpart to the ‘Edinburgh Review. As editor from the seventh issue onwards the magazine became known as ‘Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine’, the periodical began to scandalise and captivate readers with its critical essays and reviews.
A number of lawsuits were brought against the magazine for its personal attacks on public figures.
As well as the controversial articles it the magazine became a platform for many literary talents, publishing work by writers including James Hogg, Margaret Oliphant and George Eliot.
During the First World War, 'Blackwood's' published stories that reflected the global conflict.
The magazine also saved lives. In 1841, a copy took the brunt of a sword blow in the Afghan War, turning a fatal strike into a superficial one. In 1918, a copy in the breast pocket of an officer's jacket absorbed the impact of a bullet.
'Blackwood's' continued publication through most of the 20th century until it ceased in 1980.
A fall in readership combined with stiff competition from emerging illustrated journals caused the magazine to close.
William Blackwood is buried in the Old Calton Cemetery in Edinburgh.
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The Clean Energy Revolution Is Unstoppable. (Wall Street Journal)
Surprising essay published by the Wall Street Journal. Actually, two surprises. The first is an assertion that the fossil fuel industry is parading to its death, regardless of the current trump mania, while the renewables industry is marching toward success due to dramatic decreases in cost. The second surprise is that the essay is published in the Wall Street Journal, which we all know can be a biblical equivalent for the right wing. But be careful with that right wing label: today's right wing (e.g., MAGA) or the traditional conservative republican right wing, which is more aligned with saving money and making money and avoiding political headwinds.
Here's the entire essay. I rarely post a complete essay, but this one made me happy and feel good, and right now I/we damn well need to learn something to make us happy and feel good.
Since Donald Trump’s election, clean energy stocks have plummeted, major banks have pulled out of a U.N.-sponsored “net zero” climate alliance, and BP announced it is spinning off its offshore wind business to refocus on oil and gas. Markets and companies seem to be betting that Trump’s promises to stop or reverse the clean energy transition and “drill, baby, drill” will be successful.
But this bet is wrong. The clean energy revolution is being driven by fundamental technological and economic forces that are too strong to stop. Trump’s policies can marginally slow progress in the U.S. and harm the competitiveness of American companies, but they cannot halt the fundamental dynamics of technological change or save a fossil fuel industry that will inevitably shrink dramatically in the next two decades.
Our research shows that once new technologies become established their patterns in terms of cost are surprisingly predictable. They generally follow one of three patterns.
The first is a pattern where costs are volatile over days, months and years but relatively flat over longer time frames. It applies to resources extracted from the earth, like minerals and fossil fuels. The price of oil, for instance, fluctuates in response to economic and political events such as recessions, OPEC actions or Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. But coal, oil and natural gas cost roughly the same today as they did a century ago, adjusted for inflation. One reason is that even though the technology for extracting fossil fuels improves over time, the resources get harder and harder to extract as the quality of deposits declines.
There is a second group of technologies whose costs are also largely flat over time. For example, hydropower, whose technology can’t be mass produced because each dam is different, now costs about the same as it did 50 years ago. Nuclear power costs have also been relatively flat globally since its first commercial use in 1956, although in the U.S. nuclear costs have increased by about a factor of three. The reasons for U.S. cost increases include a lack of standardized designs, growing construction costs, increased regulatory burdens, supply-chain constraints and worker shortages.
A third group of technologies experience predictable long-term declines in cost and increases in performance. Computer processors are the classic example. In 1965, Gordon Moore, then the head of Intel, noticed that the density of electrical components in integrated circuits was growing at a rate of about 40% a year. He predicted this trend would continue, and Moore’s Law has held true for 60 years, enabling companies and investors to accurately forecast the cost and speed of computers many decades ahead.
Clean energy technologies such as solar, wind and batteries all follow this pattern but at different rates. Since 1990, the cost of wind power has dropped by about 4% a year, solar energy by 12% a year and lithium-ion batteries by about 12% a year. Like semiconductors, each of these technologies can be mass produced. They also benefit from advances and economies of scale in related sectors: solar photovoltaic systems from semiconductor manufacturing, wind from aerospace and batteries from consumer electronics.
Solar energy is 10,000 times cheaper today than when it was first used in the U.S.’s Vanguard satellite in 1958. Using a measure of cost that accounts for reliability and flexibility on the grid, the International Energy Agency (IEA) calculates that electricity from solar power with battery storage is less expensive today than electricity from new coal-fired plants in India and new gas-fired plants in the U.S. We project that by 2050 solar energy will cost a tenth of what it does today, making it far cheaper than any other source of energy.
At the same time, barriers to large-scale clean energy use keep tumbling, thanks to advances in energy storage and better grid and demand management. And innovations are enabling the electrification of industrial processes with enormous efficiency gains.
The falling price of clean energy has accelerated its adoption. The growth of new technologies, from railroads to mobile phones, follows what is called an S-curve. When a technology is new, it grows exponentially, but its share is tiny, so in absolute terms its growth looks almost flat. As exponential growth continues, however, its share suddenly becomes large, making its absolute growth large too, until the market eventually becomes saturated and growth starts to flatten. The result is an S-shaped adoption curve.
The energy provided by solar has been growing by about 30% a year for several decades. In theory, if this rate continues for just one more decade, solar power with battery storage could supply all the world’s energy needs by about 2035. In reality, growth will probably slow down as the technology reaches the saturation phase in its S-curve. Still, based on historical growth and its likely S-curve pattern, we can predict that renewables, along with pre-existing hydropower and nuclear power, will largely displace fossil fuels by about 2050.
For decades the IEA and others have consistently overestimated the future costs of renewable energy and underestimated future rates of deployment, often by orders of magnitude. The underlying problem is a lack of awareness that technological change is not linear but exponential: A new technology is small for a long time, and then it suddenly takes over. In 2000, about 95% of American households had a landline telephone. Few would have forecast that by 2023, 75% of U.S. adults would have no landline, only a mobile phone. In just two decades, a massive, century-old industry virtually disappeared.
If all of this is true, is there any need for government support for clean energy? Many believe that we should just let the free market alone sort out which energy sources are best. But that would be a mistake.
History shows that technology transitions often need a kick-start from government. This can take the form of support for basic and high-risk research, purchases that help new technologies reach scale, investment in infrastructure and policies that create stability for private capital. Such government actions have played a critical role in virtually every technological transition, from railroads to automobiles to the internet.
In 2021-22, Congress passed the bipartisan CHIPS Act and Infrastructure Act, plus the Biden administration’s Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), all of which provided significant funding to accelerate the development of the America’s clean energy industry. Trump has pledged to end that support. The new administration has halted disbursements of $50 billion in already approved clean energy loans and put $280 billion in loan requests under review.
The legality of halting a congressionally mandated program will be challenged in court, but in any case, the IRA horse is well on its way out of the barn. About $61 billion of direct IRA funding has already been spent. IRA tax credits have already attracted $215 billion in new clean energy investment and could be worth $350 billion over the next three years.
Ending the tax credits would be politically difficult, since the top 10 states for clean energy jobs include Texas, Florida, Michigan, Ohio, North Carolina and Pennsylvania—all critical states for Republicans. Trump may find himself fighting Republican governors and members of Congress to make those cuts.
It is more likely that Trump and Congress will take actions that are politically easier, such as ending consumer subsidies for electric vehicles or refusing to issue permits for offshore wind projects. The impact of these policy changes would be mainly to harm U.S. competitiveness. By reducing support for private investment and public infrastructure, raising hurdles for permits and slapping on tariffs, the U.S. will simply drive clean-energy investment to competitors in Europe and China.
Meanwhile, Trump’s promises of a fossil fuel renaissance ring hollow. U.S. oil and gas production is already at record levels, and with softening global prices, producers and investors are increasingly cautious about committing capital to expand U.S. production.
The energy transition is a one-way ticket. As the asset base shifts to clean energy technologies, large segments of fossil fuel demand will permanently disappear. Very few consumers who buy an electric vehicle will go back to fossil-fuel cars. Once utilities build cheap renewables and storage, they won’t go back to expensive coal plants. If the S-curves of clean energy continue on their paths, the fossil fuel sector will likely shrink to a niche industry supplying petrochemicals for plastics by around 2050.
For U.S. policymakers, supporting clean energy isn’t about climate change. It is about maintaining American economic leadership. The U.S. invented most clean-energy technologies and has world-beating capabilities in them. Thanks to smart policies and a risk-taking private sector, it has led every major technological transition of the 20th century. It should lead this one too.
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Master post (& fics I’m planning to write)
Ladies and Gentlemen: My take on Adrien having his own antagonist like Marinette has Lila and Chloe. A new transfer students makes an enemy of the entire class, but Adrien seems to be his main target.
Part 1 Part 2 Headcannons
Status: Completed (maybe)
Let Her Eat Cake: A one shot in which Lila is exposed as Hawkmoth’s ally, which opens up questions about Francois DuPont. In other words, Bustier is accused of being Mayura.
Read Here
Status: Completed
Lila’s Reflection: A one shot in which Lila has a twin sister who she feels inferior against. Includes Lilanette, Male Marinette, and Lila angst.
Read Here
Status: Completed
Marion Dupain-Cheng: Ice Cold: So we know the umbrella scene where Adrien basically pulls his “sad boy” card to make Marinette feel bad for him? Realistically, she shouldn’t have fallen in love with him just like that. I think she should have been wary of him because of his association with Chloe or outright hate him after he scolded her for being happy that Chloe was leaving. Or in ’Bubbler’ when all he cared about was having a party and not that adults we’re literally being launched into the sky. Or in ‘Despair Bear’ after a day of forced niceties he laughed when Chloe insulted Mylene’s macaroons. Long story short, Marinette shouldn’t have tolerated Adrien for as long as she did much less have a crush on him. If she did, it should’ve been obliterated by now. (This is a Drabble)
Read Here
Status: Completed
A Beetle’s Blossom: The members of the Justice League have seen many things. The deaths and resurrection of some of their comrades, alien doomsdays, off planet missions, and the literal destruction of the world. But the boy who *strongly* resembles Bruce in more ways than just his appearance has them stumped, especially Bruce himself.
On AO3
Status: On going
Fics That Are Coming Soon
The Most Hated Girl in Paris: An AU where instead of getting off Scott free, Chloe is legally punished for the Train Incident and has to deal with the fact that’s she’s Paris’ most hated girl. She must decide if she wants to continue living this way or if she’s going to claw her way to redemption. Long term project.
Tumblr Concept
Status: Not started
Not So Miraculous After all: Tired of citizens justifying their reckless behavior with the Miraculous Cure, Ladybug stops using it, making sure that consequences get left behind.
Status: Not Started
The Fall of A Queen (C. Bourgeois): An Au where Andre isn’t re-elected as Mayor. This changes everything. Long term project.
Status: Not Started
Cuisine Paradise: Seeing as both their parents work in the food industry, Alya and Marinette decide to start a YouTube channel together to share their recipes; Marinette’s pastries and Alya’s dinner recipes. It all in good fun and they accidentally become famous. Long term project.
Status: Not Started
New Boy In Town (Remy Gasteau): The son of the Prime Minister transfers to Francois DuPont and takes an interest in Marinette. Extremely long term project.
Based on an ask I submitted to @mcheang
Status: Not Started
Civil War (Paris Edition): No matter how hard Lila tries, the class refuses to turn against Marinette, believing that Lila was just confused and there was a misunderstanding. In an attempt to get the girls to help her with Adrien, she insists that Marinette would go great with Luka. It was a brilliant plan— until war breaks out over the class. Lukanette vs Adrienette. Short term project.
Status: Not Started
Round the World Trip: After winning a series of contests, essay challenges, and competitions, Marion unintentionally earned his class a fully paid global trip over summer vacation. Includes Male Marinette and shenanigans. Mid-length project.
Status: Not Started
Damian’s Secret Brother: After ruining any chance at a brotherly relationship with Tim after his murder attempts, Damian Wayne is determined to prove that he wasn’t just a brutish assassin. The discovery of his newest biological brother provided him with the opportunity to show everyone that he could be civil with new family members. But he didn’t think he would get attached to the friendly baker’s boy who had ambitions to be a fashion designer. Male Marinette and bio-dad Bruce Wayne. Mid-length project.
Status: Not Started
#ml au#miraculous fanfiction#miraculous fanfic#ml salt#ml sugar#ml writers salt#masterpost#going to write later#Cannon has failed so I am its new master#but school is annoying so it’ll have to wait until summer#ml masterpost
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Inside Harvard University Results: What They Mean and Why They Matter
Harvard University, established in 1636, is renowned internationally for its instructional excellence, rigorous curriculum, and legacy of producing international leaders. As one of the Ivy League institutions, its standards for assessment and the consequences it publishes reflect its commitment to highbrow rigor and innovation. This article explores Harvard University’s result framework, offering insights into admissions results, academic opinions, grading structures, and their importance inside the broader context of higher education.
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Harward University Result
The Context of Harvard Results: Admissions
One of the most giant results at Harvard University pertains to its admissions technique. With an attractiveness fee that hovers around 3-five% in recent years, the outcome of the admission choice is an eagerly awaited result for hundreds of excessive-achieving college students globally. Let us delve deeper into how those results unfold.
The Application Process
Harvard University’s admissions method is holistic, considering a mixture of instructional achievements, extracurricular involvements, essays, guidelines, and interviews. The Office of Admissions evaluates every application to recognize the applicant’s character, ability, and health for the university’s dynamic environment.
Admissions Results Announcement
Admissions choices are usually launched in 3 phases:
Early Action (December): For students who follow in the early spherical. Although non-binding, this section allows students to get an early selection.
Regular Decision (March/April): The majority of applicants get hold of their decision throughout this segment.
Waitlist and Rolling Admissions (May-July): Candidates on the waitlist can also get hold of a proposal based on area availability.
Results are communicated via an internet portal and are regularly accompanied by way of a respectable letter. The results encompass recognition, deferral (for early applicants), waitlist, or denial.
Acceptance Trends
In current years, Harvard has reported a regular rise in applications, leading to extended competitiveness. Results replicate a diverse, talented cohort, with successful candidates excelling academically and demonstrating management in numerous fields.
Academic Results at Harvard
Harvard University’s instructional results encapsulate the overall performance of its students across undergraduate, graduate, and professional packages. These results represent the fruits of rigorous coursework, research initiatives, and examinations.
Grading System
Harvard employs a letter grading system, complemented through qualitative feedback in lots of guides. Here’s a breakdown:
A (Excellent): Outstanding performance and mastery of the issue.
B (Good): Strong performance with room for improvement.
C (Satisfactory): Adequate knowledge of the fabric.
D (Poor): Barely meeting the direction necessities.
E/F (Fail): Did no longer meet the minimal standards.
Additionally, a few guides allow college students to choose Pass/Fail grading, mainly for exploratory or non-center lessons.
GPA and Transcripts
The Grade Point Average (GPA) is calculated primarily based on a weighted scale, generally starting from 0.Zero to 4. Zero. Transcripts also include narrative reviews for certain programs, imparting a comprehensive picture of a pupil’s performance.
Publication of Results
Results are commonly launched at the quit of each semester via the student portal. For very last-yr college students, cumulative effects are pivotal for graduation honors and differences such as summa cum laude, magna cum laude, and cum laude.
Evaluation Framework
Academic Rigor
Harvard’s assessment device prioritizes important questioning, originality, and intellectual interest. Assessments encompass essays, trouble units, study papers, group tasks, and oral shows. Examinations frequently demand deep analytical and interpretive skills.
Continuous Assessment
Rather than relying totally on the last tests, many guides include nonstop evaluation, including quizzes, magnificence participation, and mid-term initiatives. This approach guarantees a holistic evaluation of scholar talents.
Feedback Mechanisms
Professors and coaching fellows offer detailed remarks on assignments, permitting students to refine their knowledge and performance for the duration of the semester.
Impact of Results on Students
Harvard’s academic effects profoundly affect college students' future opportunities, whether in graduate research, careers, or entrepreneurial ventures.
Graduate School and Fellowships
Outstanding consequences at Harvard regularly pave the manner for popularity into top-tier graduate programs. Many college students also secure prestigious fellowships, consisting of the Rhodes, Marshall, or Fulbright scholarships.
Career Prospects
Employers worldwide value a Harvard education. Strong academic outcomes enhance a graduate’s employability and open doorways to competitive roles in industries like finance, consulting, technology, regulation, and academia.
Alumni Achievements
Harvard’s alumni community is one of the maximum influential globally. Many graduates attribute their fulfillment to the rigorous schooling and remarks obtained all through their educational adventure at Harvard.
Special Programs and Research Results
In addition to conventional academic consequences, Harvard also publishes the effects of diverse unique programs and research projects.
5.1. Research Excellence
Harvard’s research output is a benchmark in academia. The results of faculty and scholar studies projects are regularly published in main journals and impact a wide array of disciplines.
5.2. Professional Schools
Harvard’s professional schools, inclusive of the Business School, Law School, and Medical School, preserve separate assessment and result structures. Their results are instrumental in shaping the careers of future leaders in those domain names.
Transparency and Integrity
Harvard is dedicated to maintaining the highest requirements of transparency and integrity in its evaluation tactics. Mechanisms together with nameless grading, peer evaluation, and appeals make certain fairness.
Academic Integrity
Students are expected to stick to strict codes of academic integrity. Results mirror no longer only academic competence but also moral behavior.
Reporting and Analytics
The university periodically releases reviews on aggregate educational overall performance, offering insights into tendencies and regions for development.
Global Significance of Harvard Results
Harvard’s popularity amplifies the significance of its consequences, which can be regularly viewed as a worldwide trend of excellence.
Influence on Education Systems
Many universities and institutions worldwide version their assessment frameworks on Harvard’s, emphasizing comprehensive checks and interdisciplinary getting to know.
Benchmark for Success
Results from Harvard set benchmarks for fulfillment in several fields. The group’s position in shaping global idea leaders underscores the price of its assessment system.
Challenges and Innovations
Addressing Stress
Given the competitive nature of Harvard, students often face giant stress to carry out. The college presents assets consisting of counseling and mentorship to help college students manage strain and balance their academic hobbies.
Embracing Technology
Harvard constantly integrates technology into its evaluation structures. Innovations consisting of online grading tools and studying analytics beautify the accuracy and efficiency of results.
Equity in Education
Harvard is dedicated to selling fairness. Initiatives like need-blind admissions ensure that results mirror benefits in preference to socioeconomic history.
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Biden set to appoint mass foreclosure cheerleader to the Fed
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Personnel are policy, something that the Biden administration has proved again and again since the 2020 election. Biden himself is a kind of empty vessel into which different wings of the Democratic party pour their will, yielding a strange brew of appointments both great and terrible.
If you’d like an essay-formatted version of this post to read or share, here’s a link to it on pluralistic.net, my surveillance-free, ad-free, tracker-free blog:
https://pluralistic.net/2023/03/06/personnel-are-policy/#janice-eberly
On the one hand, you have progressive appointments like Jonathan Kanter at the DoJ and Lina Khan at the FTC, leaders who are determined to challenge and curb corporate power:
https://pluralistic.net/2022/01/10/see-you-in-the-funny-papers/#bidens-legacy
On the other hand, you have deferential leaders like Pete Buttigieg, who fill their own staff with status quo counsel, and then let those timid corporate apologists run the show, leaving the substantial enforcement powers of a powerful agency to gather dust:
https://pluralistic.net/2023/01/10/the-courage-to-govern/#whos-in-charge
While the Democrats’ anti-corporate wing got to drive the administration’s competition agencies, the corporate wing has enjoyed near-total dominance over finance regulations (with notable exceptions, e.g. Rohit Chopra), starting with Trump’s Jerome Powell, a bloodletting monster happy to shovel workers into their bosses’ crushers all day long:
https://pluralistic.net/2023/01/19/creditors-vs-workers/#finance-colored-glasses
Corporate Dems continue to flex their muscle. A seat has just opened up on the Federal Reserve Board, and the WSJ is pretty sure the seat is going to Janice Eberly, a corporate ghoul who helped Obama Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner steal Americans’ houses on behalf of the bankers who destroyed the world economy in 2008:
https://www.wsj.com/articles/white-house-considers-two-economists-for-fed-vice-chair-58f13344
A quick refresher: Obama inherited the Great Financial Crisis, a massive global asset crash that followed from a decade of real-estate and derivatives deregulation that saw the world’s largest banks issuing mortgages they knew would fail, and then placing massive bets on “collateralized debt obligations” that were supposed to offset the risk.
The banks gambled trillions, nearly destroyed the world’s economy, and then blamed it all on reckless borrowers — mortgage holders who had been mis-sold predatory mortgages that were designed to trigger defaults thanks to low “teaser rates” that later “ballooned” into monthly payments the banks knew the borrowers couldn’t afford.
Geithner was Obama’s go-to guy for the GFC. It was under his leadership that billions were handed out to the banks to bail them out and keep them solvent during the crisis — and it was also under his leadership that bank execs were able to pay themselves millions in bonuses using that public money.
When the banks were in trouble, Geithner leapt into action. When the banks’ customers faced crises, he was MIA — especially during the foreclosure epidemic that followed, as the banks stole our homes out from under us, often forging the paperwork. No bank was seriously punished for this policy.
Back to Janice Eberly, who served as Geithner’s assistant secretary of the Treasury for economic policy — his hatchet-woman, in other words. Now, sometimes people in senior government roles stick around because they disagree with their bosses and want to mitigate the harm of their bosses’ policies.
That’s not why Eberly took the job. In 2014, she and Arvind Krishnamurthy co-wrote a Brookings Institute paper called “Efficient Credit Policies in a Housing Debt Crisis,” that explained why Geithner had it right all along — bailing out the banks and leaving homeowners in foreclosure is “efficient”:
https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/fall2014bpea_eberly_krishnamurthy.pdf
Writing in The American Prospect, Max Moran from the Revolving Door Project breaks down “Efficient Credit Policies,” explaining how Eberly’s stated views should disqualify her from sitting on the Fed board, especially as we teeter on the brink of a deep financial crisis:
https://prospect.org/economy/2023-03-06-janice-eberly-fed-nominee-mortgage-crisis/
The first thing you need to understand here is HAMP, the Home Affordable Modification Program, which received the $100b Congress allocated to help homeowners whose mortgages were “underwater” — that is, whose houses were worth less than they owed for them.
That money could have gone to “principal reduction” — that is, to paying off part of your loan. If you owned $350,000 on a house that was now worth $300,000, the Feds could give the bank $50k and you wouldn’t be underwater anymore. The FDIC proposed just this, in a plan that would have required homeowners to pay back the US government if the price of their homes rebounded.
If you want to keep Americans from losing their homes, principal reduction is a straightforward and reliable approach. But the banks hated this — and that meant Geithner wouldn’t do it. Banks don’t like principal reduction because it means that they’ll lose out on future payments: reducing your principal by $50k now means that the banks won’t get hundreds of thousands of dollars over the 30 years of your mortgage.
Using the money for principal reduction would have meant the banks’ balance sheets would have looked a little worse — which, as Moran points out, is a perfectly fair outcome for banks that had just come close to destroying the world economy, especially since many of these underwater borrowers were destined to lose their houses and would never make those payments.
But Geithner didn’t do principal reduction. Instead, he did HAMP, which was just a way to temporarily lower borrowers’ monthly payments so they could stay in their homes. Geithner sold Obama on this plan, convincing him to renege on his election promise to support a “cramdown” on the banks, which would have saved homeowners:
https://www.propublica.org/article/dems-obama-broke-pledge-to-force-banks-to-help-homeowners
HAMP was full of the kinds of complex requirements and paperwork that the professional managerial class love, rules that made it almost impossible for homeowners to invoke HAMP and improve their payments. Meanwhile, the banks got “investor incentive payments” that let them take in public money even as they foreclosed on the public:
https://www.irs.gov/newsroom/principal-reduction-alternative-under-the-home-affordable-modification-program
HAMP was a disaster. Almost no one managed to use it, and even among the lucky few who did manage to do so, many were tricked into foreclosure.
https://www.theguardian.com/money/2014/mar/30/government-program-save-homes-mortgages-failure-banks
This is the policy that Eberly and Krishnamurthy defend in their paper: rather than reducing debt, just temporarily restructure mortgage payments. One reason they defend this: it’s cheaper, and Congress didn’t allocate enough money to help everyone who needed principal reduction. But, as Moran points out, Geithner’s anemic response to the crisis caused Congress to claw back $225b of the money allocated to deal with it — enough to do $50k principal reductions for 4.5m households. Under Geithner, HAMP only spent $10b.
But of course, the US government didn’t need to pay the banks off to do principal reduction. They could simply order the banks to take a loss. That’s how lending usually works: lenders who originate bad loans have to eat them — they don’t get made whole by Uncle Sucker.
But when Eberly was working for Geithner, “federal officials convinced themselves this was impossible.” Rather than hold banks to account for their reckless speculation, Geithner announced that he was going to “foam the runway” for the banks, pureeing Americans’ homes to make the foam.
But Eberly’s tenure coincided with the banks’ rebound — by the time she went to work for Geithner, they were rolling in dough, posting massive profits. As @[email protected] put it, “If you force them to eat a bunch of foreclosure losses, maybe a few hundred billion over several years, it probably wouldn’t have been that bad.”
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pPLbnr1mxBs
Moran nails it here: “When a bad loan is made, it is both prudent and fair for the lender to bear the most responsibility. They are supposed to be wise stewards of their own capital. Instead, ordinary homeowners who did the least of any actor to cause the financial crisis ended up eating the losses.”
Eberly and Krishnamurthy claimed that Geithner’s policy would be efficient, and that it wouldn’t lead to mass foreclosures. As neoclassical economists love to do, they “proved” this using elaborate mathematical models. And, also in the grand neoclassical tradition, they didn’t bother to check whether their model was correct.
To quote Ely Devons: “If economists wished to study the horse, they wouldn’t go and look at horses. They’d sit in their studies and say to themselves, ‘What would I do if I were a horse?’”
https://pluralistic.net/2022/10/27/economism/#what-would-i-do-if-i-were-a-horse
Here’s what Eberly and Krishnamurthy missed: the choice to foreclose wasn’t being made by the lenders, they were being made by the mortgage servicer, a kind of consequence-free middleman who made more money by foreclosing on homeowners, even if the lenders lost more money over the long term:
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/228125783_Why_Servicers_Foreclose_When_They_Should_Modify_and_Other_Puzzles_of_Servicer_Behavior_Servicer_Compensation_and_its_Consequences
Eberly and Krishnamurthy barely mention the existence of servicers, but another researcher was keenly aware of them: a law prof named Katie Porter, who delved into the servicers’ role in foreclosure in a report for the California AG:
https://oag.ca.gov/sites/all/files/agweb/pdfs/mortgage_settlement/01-report-waiting-for-change.pdf
Porter identified the servicers’ “dual track” approach to distressed mortgage borrowers: on the one hand, they slow-walked HARP-based changes to payments, and on the other hand, they raced to foreclose on those borrowers who were waiting for their payments to reset.
The servicers’ hunger to throw people out of their homes knew no bounds: they set up massive robo-signing boiler-rooms where low-waged employees forged deeds to plug the paperwork holes created by the high-speed, unregulated speculation on mortgages that precipitated the Great Financial Crisis:
https://www.reuters.com/article/robosigning-plea/ex-mortgage-document-exec-pleads-guilty-in-robo-signing-case-idUSL1E8ML0C120121121
Eberly knew about robo-signing, she knew about servicers, she knew about foreclosures. It was her job to know. But she still wrote her paper defending Geithner’s runway-foaming and all those ruined lives:
Principal reduction can be helpful, but it is a less efficient use of government resources, since it back-loads payments to households that cannot borrow against these future resources to support consumption today, and also because it is most helpful in reducing strategic default, rather than payment-distress-induced default,
This is just means-testing by another name, a fetish for separating the “deserving poor” from “moochers” (AKA “strategic defaulters”). The PMC loves means-testing, but only for poor people. As Moran points out, rich people like Trump use strategic defaults all the time:
https://www.nytimes.com/2016/06/12/nyregion/donald-trump-atlantic-city.html
Elite economists and finance ghouls convinced themselves that helping people stay in their homes would enable waves of crooked “strategic defaulting” but there’s no evidence this was ever widespread — rather, it was a fairy tale that justified mass foreclosure:
https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w27585/w27585.pdf
Eberly helped throw millions of Americans into the street in order to reward reckless banks, already wildly profitable banks, with even more profit. And far from regretting this, she went on to write elaborate justifications for the cruel policies she helped administer.
The historian Michael Hudson describes debt and debt cancellation as a key determinant of whether a given civilization survives. In every venture, producers have to borrow capital from lenders — farmers, for example, must borrow to pay for seed and fertilizer and labor. When the ventures are successful, the borrowers pay back the lenders.
But not every venture can succeed. There will always be blights, droughts, fires and other risks that can’t be fully mitigated. When failure occurs, borrowers can’t pay back creditors. If you farm long enough, you’ll eventually lose a crop, and have to roll over your debts next year. Eventually, you’ll owe so much that you can’t even make the interest payments.
In the absence of some structured, periodic debt cancellation — such as the Bronze Age tradition of Jubilee — creditors eventually end up controlling the work of the entire productive sector. When that happens, your society stops producing what everyone needs, and instead just makes the things that rich people want:
https://pluralistic.net/2022/07/08/jubilant/#construire-des-passerelles
A civilization can’t survive if all of its farmers are growing ornamental flowers for rich creditors’ villas instead of staple crops. It can’t survive if every productive worker is stuck in a dead-end job or a dead-end place because of medical or student debt.
Personnel are policy. Eberly has explained, in excruciating detail, exactly what policy she favors — policy that rewards reckless speculation by incinerating the life chances of everyday Americans. Appointing her to the Federal Reserve board would be a giant Fuck You from the Biden admin to every person who got their home stolen by a bank.
Tomorrow (Mar 7), I’m doing a remote talk for TU Wien.
On Mar 9, you can catch me in person in Austin at the UT School of Design and Creative Technologies, and remotely at U Manitoba’s Ethics of Emerging Tech Lecture.
On Mar 10, Rebecca Giblin and I kick off the SXSW reading series.
Image: Medill DC (modified) https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Timothy_Geithner_in_2011.jpg
CC BY 2.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/deed.en
[Image ID: A bombed out neighborhood. Over the crumbling houses is the 'HOPE' wordmark from Shepard Fairey's Obama campaign posters. On the right is the grinning face of Obama Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner, colorized to match the Fairey posters. On the left is an ogrish, top-hatted capitalist figure, chomping a cigar and disdainfully holding aloft a single-family home between a gloved forefinger and thumb. He stands before a podium bearing the Citibank logo. The podium has a lever in the shape of a golden dollar-sign, which he is yanking with his free hand. He, too, has been colorized in the mode of the Fairey poster.]
#pluralistic#timothy geithner#personnel are policy#evictions#great financial crisis#gfc#foreclosure#foreclosure epidemic#finance#corruption#revolving door project#biden administration#corporate democrats#democrats#janice eberly#federal reserve#the fed#brookings institution#distressed assets#tarp#impunity#no banker left behind#hamp#Arvind Krishnamurthy#economic#Home Affordable Modification Program#moral hazard#incentives matter#mortgage servicers#katie porter
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dear miss c! you're doing the lord's work by helping out us less read folks.
would you mind suggesting some works (books/papers/articles /essays) related to the following topics:
1. Poverty (in the Post Pandemic world)
2. Power and Crisis
3. Women in the Workforce
4. State of education in Rural India during Crisis
5. Neo-colonialism
I'm asking a lot, but help a girl out plis 🫶🏼
thankyou. 🕊️💌
Hello! I can't address all of these, but here's what I have:
Poverty
The Roots of the Global South’s New Resentment by Mark Suzman (Foreign Affairs)
COVID 19, Consumption and Inequality by Mudit Kapoor, Shamika Ravi and A. K. Shiva Kumar
Covid-19 and poverty vulnerability by Fabian Mendez Ramos and Jaime Lara
Workforce Participation
Workfare as an Effective Way to Fight Poverty: The Case of India’s NREGS by Shamika Ravi and Monika Engler
Empowerment and Microfinance in India by Shamika Ravi, Ashok Rai
Neocolonialism
The Great Divergence by Kenneth Pomeranz: not neocolonialism per se, but discusses the origins of current global inequality in wealth distribution, and it traces this to colonialism
Conflict, Competition and Cooperation in the Sociology of Development and Social Transformations by Ulrike Schuerkens
An Introduction to World-systems Perspective by Thomas Shannon: the world-systems theory is pretty much the foundation of how neocolonialism is thought about, and this is a good introduction to it
Postmodern Imperialism: Geopolitics and the Great Games by Eric Walberg: on the long tail of imperialism and colonialism
Happy reading! Also, I'll update this if I find more resources for you.
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In The Hedgehog and the Fox, Isaiah Berlin recounts the ancient Greek proverb that “the fox knows many things, but the hedgehog knows one big thing.” Berlin’s essay was apparently written as something of a throwaway, but it remains a useful lens through which to understand the grand strategists of U.S. foreign policy, especially during the early Cold War.
The architects of American foreign policy during those years were some of our greatest foxes. George Kennan was a generational intellectual who just happened to be a foreign service officer. George Marshall’s military and operational genius were matched by his political acumen, as the organizer of the American military victory in WWII and the political and economic rehabilitator of Europe.
And then there’s Paul Nitze: another Cold War foreign policy titan who ran the State Department’s Policy Planning Staff under Truman and was an essential voice on defense and arms control policy for decades, yet a committed hedgehog.
In his superb America’s Cold Warrior: Paul Nitze and National Security from Roosevelt to Reagan, State Department historian James Graham Wilson portrays Nitze as consistently animated by a single, “steadfast conviction that the United States needed to possess overriding strength.” He was a leading apostle for increasing conventional defense spending during the Truman and Eisenhower years, and as he transitioned to focus on nuclear policy during the 1970s and 1980s, he was a tireless advocate for ramping up U.S. nuclear capabilities.
In this new era of competition with China and Russia, Nitze’s career and ideas are more relevant than ever. They highlight both the promise and pitfalls of a relentless striving for military superiority. His vision of a robust global defense network and deterrent, laid out in NSC-68 in 1950, inspires U.S. defense policy in the Indo-Pacific and Europe today, whether policymakers realize it or not.
But his story also warns us that we’re currently in the dangerous “early Cold War” cycle of unfettered defense buildup and competition with China, similar to the 1950s. It should hasten thinking about how to rein in military competition and establish more defense and arms control guardrails now, before it all gets out of hand.
Like many of his Wise Men contemporaries, Paul Nitze was a convert from the world of Wall Street in the 1930s, answering the call of public service during the Roosevelt administration, and staying on to help remake the post-war world under Truman. But what sets Nitze apart was his longevity in Washington. He remained an important government player through the 1980s.
Yet Nitze never quite broke into the top ranks. He lacked the suppleness of mind of a Kennan or Dean Acheson, who initially warned Kennan that “[Nitze]’s not a long-range thinker.” Nitze struggled, sometimes awkwardly, to win the presidential ear. During Nitze’s first appointment with Eisenhower at the White House, “he opened the wrong door and found Ike in his underwear.” He never cracked Kennedy or Johnson’s inner ring and was out of the loop on Vietnam policy. It was only under Reagan that Nitze truly found a presidential patron, who leaned heavily on Nitze for his expertise on arms control and nuclear issues. By then, Nitze had distinguished himself as perhaps the foremost expert on nuclear policy in Washington.
Throughout the entirety of this impressive run inside government, Nitze displayed hedgehog-like constancy in his belief that “US strength brought stability; US weakness brought instability.” It was, according to Wilson’s biography, the prism through which Nitze viewed almost everything.
What led to Japan’s decision to attack the United States in 1941? Lack of strong American capabilities in the Pacific. What was wrong with Eisenhower’s “New Look” policy? A reduction in defense spending in the pursuit of a more economical reliance on massive nuclear retaliation. What caused Khrushchev to back down over the Berlin Crisis of 1961 and Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962? U.S. conventional and nuclear superiority. What caused the Soviets to invade Afghanistan in 1979? Russian superiority in first strike nuclear capability at the time, which permitted and incentivized Moscow to take more risk.
You get the point. Nitze was always pushing up, up, up on spending: conventional forces, nuclear forces, more complicated missile delivery systems and mobile units to evade USSR targeting. Even if it meant higher taxes or budget cuts. As Nitze coldly put it, “the avoidance of nuclear war is much more important than increasing welfare payments.”
Nitze was right, and prescient, in urging the United States to build up a credible military deterrent and a network of military assets around the world at the onset of the Cold War. This vision was best articulated in NSC-68, which he crafted while head of the State Department’s Policy Planning Staff in 1950 and serves as the founding document of U.S. strategy during the Cold War. Nitze used NSC-68 to promote a drastic increase conventional military capabilities “to a level previously unprecedented in peacetime.”
It also called on the United States to wage a decidedly global struggle, backing allies around the world to thwart Soviet aggression and working to enhance their own defense capabilities. While all this may seem intuitive in retrospect, in its context NSC-68 was revolutionary. Nitze correctly anticipated that the United States couldn’t withdraw from the world, ramp down its defense capabilities during peacetime, and rely on surging its latent military-industrial capacity solely at the time of acute need, the strategy it had employed before both WWI and WWII.
Where he was clearly wrong was in his focus on the nuclear balance as the singular determinant of Soviet behavior. According to Sergey Radchenko’s excellent new book on Soviet decision-making, To Run the World, the outcome of the Cuban Missile Crisis can’t be explained simply by American nuclear preponderance. The U.S. promise to remove its nuclear missiles in Turkey enabled Khruschev’s “blinking” during the crisis. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan was fueled by a sense of insecurity—rather than superiority—as Moscow risked losing a client state. It’s hard to imagine Brezhnev taking a different decision if, say, the United States had more nuclear missiles.
Perhaps the larger error was one-dimensional strategic thinking focused on military concerns above all. Nitze’s life’s work and story could be boiled down to a fixation on weapons, defense spending, and ratios of nuclear throw-weight. He downplayed the importance of U.S. promotion of human rights, dismissing it as “hypocritical and pointless.” In a sense, he missed the boat on just how much of the Cold War lay outside of the priesthood of nuclear weapons policy or military matters.
As the United States enters a new contest with Beijing and Moscow, it seems we’re all part-Nitze now. The need for a forward American presence and the dangers of retrenchment are just as valid as they were during Nitze’s time. We’ve learned this the hard way in Ukraine, where a lack of military industrial capacity in both the United States and Europe has hamstrung our support for Kyiv.
The Biden administration has built an impressive “latticework” of defense alliances in the Indo-Pacific to deter China, very much in the spirit of NSC-68. Pentagon budgets are knocking at the door of $1 trillion annually—even though the United States already spends more on defense than the next 10 countries combined. As the New York Times recently reported, the Biden administration is now updating its nuclear strategy to address the dual threat of both China and Russia, and warned in June that the United States would build up nuclear forces to face this threat, if needed. It would all make Nitze blush.
But as the Cold War demonstrated, the quest for military superiority can become a self-fulfilling danger. Vietnam provides an obvious example of overzealous and self-defeating military flexing. Nitze’s own career even represents this cautionary arc: He spent the 1950s through 1970s advocating for nuclear preponderance, but then during the 1980s served as the critical U.S. negotiator as Reagan sought to limit and even reduce nuclear stockpiles. We had so blindly built-up nuclear weapons that we reached point of existential danger, and then had to pull it all back from the brink.
This should be a sobering lesson for U.S. policymakers today. Right now, U.S. policy is in its “early Cold War” phase: an upward escalatory spiral against both China and Russia and no brakes in sight. The only arms control treaty left between the United States and Russia, New START, expires in 2026; China is embarking on an unprecedented nuclear buildup and is estimated to reach 1,500 weapons by 2035. Tensions reached such a low after Nancy Pelosi visited Taiwan in August 2022 that China shut off all military-to-military dialogue with Washington. Since then the Biden administration has admirably—and successfully—worked to reopen some defense channels with Beijing, but mutual trust is lacking and more formal military agreements appear quite distant.
This isn’t sustainable. Cold War history, and Paul Nitze’s own, tells us that the pendulum will inevitably swing back the other way: We’ll find ourselves either in a crisis, or in such an untenably dangerous situation that we’ll be forced into arms control negotiations. We’re still caught in the tense equivalent of the 1950s and early 1960s Cold War. While Russia and China may be unwilling and difficult interlocutors at the moment, to avoid repeating history, the United States should put every effort into building military and arms control guardrails, rather than only ramping up the pressure. Better to halt the cycle now than wait for a Cuban Missile-style crisis.
What’s more, a Nitze-like focus on military deterrence as the cure and explanation for everything risks missing the main game. Yes, defense is important. But today’s competition with China is being waged primarily economically and technologically, just as the Cold War was fought as an ideological and diplomatic struggle and was lost by the Soviet Union as their economy failed to keep pace. Had the Soviets coerced and deterred the United States a bit more, would the outcome of the Cold War have changed? The answer is likely no; the Soviet system was rotten, and inherent Western economic, technological, and ideological strengths won the day.
As Nitze’s story demonstrates, a hedgehog-like fixation on establishing military supremacy above all else may ultimately prove as much a distraction (and a danger) as an asset—one that we’ll have to redress sometime in the future.
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By: Wilfred Reilly
Published: Jan 6, 2022
Imagine a Native American history curriculum that focused entirely on four massacres of Natives by whites — beginning with the first encounter between Spanish conquistadores and the Inca emperor Atahualpa and culminating with Wounded Knee — and never touched on American Indian life before 1491, the many Native military victories, or the roughly 5.2 million Natives alive in the U.S. today. Would anyone see this as truly representative, or useful to students of any race, or worth teaching in the schools?
The 1619 Project, from the New York Times, must face the same questions. The project focuses on casting the era of historical slavery as an alternative founding for the United States, with its authors arguing that slavery was responsible for nearly everything that “truly made America exceptional.” Slavery, they write, was the primary reason for the Revolutionary War and was responsible for much or most of early American wealth, building “vast fortunes for white people North and South” and making “New York City the financial capital of the world.” Multiple 1619 essays, by Nikole Hannah-Jones and others, attribute to historical slavery and racism everything from the competitive capitalism of the U.S. to contemporary patterns of traffic. Slavery, in this narrative, is both the American original sin and the source of all our baraka — everything that makes this a unique and desirable country.
Honorable, non-racist centrists and conservatives face a serious question as we confront this material. How would a nuanced but thorough telling of American history, one that did not seek to minimize slavery, differ from 1619’s? Aren’t these journalists and radical academics — progressive friends often ask, in something approaching anguish — just telling hard truths? The short answer is a clear no.
The 1619 essays almost universally ignore or minimize four critical pieces of context that any unbiased school curriculum would include. These are the truly global prevalence of slavery and similar barbaric practices until quite recently; the detrimental economic impact of the Peculiar Institution on the South and on the American national economy; the nuanced but deeply patriotic perspectives on the United States expressed by the black and white leaders of the victorious anti-slavery movement that existed alongside slavery; and the reality that much of American history in fact had nothing to do with this particular issue. Not teaching about slavery or Jim Crow segregation in schools would be a deeply immoral act of omission, but it is almost equally bizarre to define these decades-past regional sins as the main through-line of American history.
Each of these themes merits more discussion. The first is the simplest to lay out: Bluntly, while often treated as some kind of unique American foundational curse, chattel slavery — and such similar abuses as the brutal mistreatment of battle captives — was almost universal on earth until the past few centuries, as Dan McLaughlin explains in detail elsewhere in this issue. The practice was commonplace across ancient societies, including Greece and Rome, with Aristotle defending “natural slavery,” and social scientists describing it as the step of human development after people had stopped simply killing and eating their defeated foes.
Slavery was also well known in the allegedly Edenic New World. The anthropologist Marvin Harris has argued that the Aztecs waged war to acquire captives not merely as laborers or sacrifice victims but as food, since their diet lacked protein otherwise: Aztec slaves were seen as “marching meat.” Even nations that did not officially have slaves, such as Russia and some other Orthodox Christian states, often squeaked around the designation by calling oppressed peons who could not freely leave their land something less harsh, such as “chattel serfs.” In Russia’s case, they were not freed until 1861.
The global slave trade was in large part ended by the modern West. The United States banned any importation of slaves in 1808, and the British Empire passed laws restricting the Arab slave trade that same year. It is no exaggeration to say that, from that date forward, the navies of the United Kingdom and America were the primary force on earth working to check the slave trade. In this, they were largely successful — meaning that the unique contribution of English-speaking Westerners to the worldwide slave economy was the near elimination of the trade.
It is also simply not true that slavery made the United States rich. Slavery made many slave masters rich indeed, and some of them invested their brutally gotten gains in American business and industry. One such profiteer, quite arguably, funded Yale University. But the real question for any quantitative social scientist must be: Did slavery — feudal peon agriculture centered on brutalized captive workers — generate more capital than any alternative use of the same area of land and the same number of workers? Here, the answer (again) is a clear-cut no.
The slaveholding South was, frankly, a backwater. As I noted in my Quillette article “Sorry, New York Times, but America Began in 1776,” the region contained more than 25 percent of America’s free population but only about 10 percent of the nation’s capital. Versus the South, the North had ten times as many trained factory workers and five times as many factories. Writers such as the historian Marc Schulman have pointed out that something like 90 percent of the skilled tradesmen in the U.S. were based in the North prior to 1861. And even analyses like these tend to ignore the horrific costs to the United States of the Civil War — which killed 360,000 Union boys in blue (one for every ten slaves freed) and 258,000 Confederates, as well as putting the country billions of dollars into debt for the first time.
Perhaps the negative reality of what slavery actually was explains why so many Americans fought so damned hard to end it. Another point often minimized by “woke,” “critical” narratives of American history and race relations is that an integrated movement opposed to racism has existed in the United States almost since the Founding. And this movement has generally won our major battles against bigotry — in 1865, in 1954 (Brown v. Board of Education), in 1964 (the Civil Rights Act), and, for good or ill, in 1967 (affirmative action).
As early as the 1790s, following a letter- and petition-writing campaign by black New England veterans of the Revolutionary War, ten states and territories that already contained well over half the population of the new nation — Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, Indiana (territory), and the Northwest Territory — had banned slavery and were free land. As noted above, any importation of slaves into any of the U.S. states was banned by law in 1808. And, although viciously opposed, the abolitionist movement continued until the Civil War, which the good guys won. When Union soldiers marched south to free their countrymen, they did so, no matter how complex the motivations of some of them, singing the famous words of the “Battle Hymn of the Republic”: “As He died to make men holy, let us die to make men free.”
Many early leaders of the American abolitionist and anti-racist movement were black men and women, and they did not hate the country. Frederick Douglass, of course, once famously asked, “What, to the slave, is the Fourth of July?” But in the same speech, the great man referred to the core ideas of the Declaration of Independence as “saving principles,” called the Founding Fathers “brave men,” and contrasted their “solid manhood” with what he saw as his own more decadent era.
While noting that “the point from which I am compelled to view” the fathers of the republic “is not, certainly, the most favorable,” Douglass also said, “It does not often happen to a nation to raise, at one time, such a number of truly great men.” Such quotations abound, and it is always refreshing to contrast the nuanced but real patriotism of such black leaders as Douglass, Booker T. Washington, and Martin Luther King Jr. — or Robert Woodson and Thomas Sowell today — with the trendy pablum spewed out by the current academic Marxists. The New York Times’ first draft of the 1619 Project, notably, apparently did not mention Douglass at all.
The project’s rhetoric also lacks the veracity of Douglass’s. Objectively speaking, the most bizarre and nonempirical of the four “context needed” problems I identified with the 1619 Project is the argument that everything “exceptional” — unique and positive — about the United States emerged out of pre-1865 slavery. While writing this piece, I repeated that claim in passing to a scholarly friend of mine, and she said, “Like . . . modern East Asian immigration? I mean, that’s totally nuts.”
She’s right. Black folks contributed massively to the United States, but many of the great triumphs of American history — the full sweep of the NASA missions, the development of the post–World War II California economy, Chinese and Irish migration, the mass production of automobiles — had very little to do with historical black slavery. Bluntly stated, this fact illustrates an important point: In recent years, the focus of discourse on the race and gender obsessions of the academic Left has threatened to overshadow the rest of American history. Almost certainly, far more high-school students could identify Malcolm X than Martin Van Buren or the Wright Brothers.
That’s bad. It is doubtful that an eyes-open minority immigrant to the United States of 2021 would see contemporary, or even historical, racial conflict as one of the five or ten most notable things about the country — compared with democracy, or hyper-robust capitalism, or diversity itself, or the constant flickering of cellphone cameras and social-media posts, or, for that matter, the weather — unless he had been very specifically taught to do so. And we who already live here would be foolish to see racial conflict as the defining characteristic of our country, although a surprising and increasing number of Americans seem obsessively interested in seeing exactly that.
Let’s see something else: the truth. The 1619 Project makes claims about slavery that are sweeping, interesting, and sometimes accurate. But in taking the singular focus that it does, the project minimizes the global universality of slavery, its negative economic impact, the reaction of contemporaneous black leaders to it and to the country overall, and the far larger sweep of all the rest of American history. Parents and others opposed to 1619 aren’t “scared” and don’t want a warts-free telling of American history. But they don’t want an ideologically driven, all-warts narrative either. They want honest history, warts and all, and we should accommodate them.
[ Via: https://archive.today/PCRfV ]
#Wilfred Reilly#slavery#history of slavery#chattel slavery#trans atlantic slave trade#1619 Project#The 1619 Project#Nikole Hannah Jones#ideological corruption#ahistorical#historical revisionism#religion is a mental illness
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EMEA MARKETING: European Enterprise
European Enterprise SEO: Navigating a Multilingual Marketplace
In today's digital age, visibility is king. For European enterprises, navigating the diverse and complex landscape of online search requires a unique approach to Search Engine Optimization (SEO). This essay will explore the key considerations and best practices for successful European Enterprise SEO, highlighting the challenges and opportunities specific to this region.
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Discover What A Pro Has To Say On The Learning Spanish For English Speakers
In today's global landscape, being fluent in multiple languages is obviously beneficial, giving individuals a significant advantage in the competitive professional field. Spanish, in particular, emerges as a language of considerable relevance, providing learners with several chances for personal and professional development. This essay looks in to the complexities of online Spanish language learning, with a particular focus on obtaining conversational fluency and the invaluable experiences gained through such endeavours. Without question, one of the major advantages of learning Spanish is the ability to reach the enormous Spanish-speaking globe. This linguistic proficiency allows use of a vast tapestry of cultures, various communities, and distinct perspectives. By participating in online Spanish sessions designed designed for English speakers, students position themselves to fluidly navigate this language terrain, forging relationships and understanding within an increasingly interconnected world. Conversational Spanish needs a solid command of the language's fundamentals. Are you hunting for learning spanish for english speakers? Visit the previously mentioned website.
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