#Amīr

[wgm-beautiful-world]

The GŪR-I AMĪR or GURI AMIR TEMUR Mausoleum in Samarkand, UZBEKISTAN

[ahaura]

Amīr Khusrau

[alhamdulillah10]

Abd Allāh ibn ʿUmar رضي الله عنه mentioned,

"I stood in prayer behind Amīr al-Muʾminīn ʿUmar al-Fārūq, and his weeping was audible even from three rows behind."

According to another report, he recited,

"𝐼 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑝𝑙𝑎𝑖𝑛 𝑜𝑓 𝑚𝑦 𝑎𝑛𝑔𝑢𝑖𝑠ℎ 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑠𝑜𝑟𝑟𝑜𝑤 𝑜𝑛𝑙𝑦𝑡𝑜 ʿ𝐴𝑙𝑙𝑎‌ℎ." (12:86) during the fajr prayer and wept until his sobbing could be heard in the last row.

Source: Hilyat al-Awliya', (1/52) and Al-Fatawa, (10/374)] 📚

[noosphe-re]

Etymology of ‘admiral’

c. 1200, amiral, admirail, "Saracen commander or chieftain," from Old French amirail (12c.) "Saracen military commander; any military commander," ultimately from medieval Arabic amir"military commander," probably via Medieval Latin use of the word for "Muslim military leader."

Amiral de la mer "commander of a fleet of ships" is in late 13c. Anglo-French documents. Meaning "highest-ranking naval officer" in English is from early 15c. The extension of the word's meaning from "commander on land" to "commander at sea" likely began in 12c. Sicily with Medieval Latin amiratusand then spread to the continent, but the word also continued to mean "Muslim military commander" in Europe in the Middle Ages. The Arabic word was later Englished as emir.

As amīr is constantly followed by -al- in all such titles, amīr-al- was naturally assumed by Christian writers as a substantive word, and variously Latinized .... [OED]

Also in Old French and Middle English the word was further conformed to familiar patterns as amirauld, amiraunt. The unetymological -d- probably is from influence of Latin ad-mirabilis (see admire). Italian form almiraglio, Spanish almirante are from confusion with Arabic words in al-. As the name of a type of butterfly from 1720, according to OED possibly a corruption of admirable.

—https://www.etymonline.com/word/admiral

[damascusjasmine]

Amīr ‘abd al-Qādir and the Damascus «incident» in 1860

Urban peace was shattered in Damascus on July 9, 1860, when socioeconomic tensions culminated in an attack on the predominantly Christian and wealthy quarter of Bāb Tūmā in what became known as the «Damascus incident.» As important as the actual event was, it is the way it has been remembered and handed down from generation to generation that has shaped history. Amīr ‘Abd al-Qādīr (1808-1883), made famous by his benevolent role in the crisis, was a great figure, establishing a principle of intercommunal good will and respect for all religious communities in Syria and Lebanon that made him universally recognized as an individual who made a difference in history. Yet, ‘Abd al-Qādīr was only able to make such a difference because good relations between Christians and Muslims had already been established in Damascus. During and after the crisis, cooperation between Muslims and Christians, as well as the long-standing tradition of communal coexistence in the city, ensured the success of the opportunities for re-establishing communal order that he provided.1

2‘Abd al-Qādīr, who had led the resistance to the French occupation of Algeria between 1830 and 1847, finally surrendered and turned himself over to the French in December 1847, so that he could settle in Alexandria or Acre. He was taken, however, to France - first Toulon, then Pau, and finally Amboise - where he arrived just as the revolutions of 1848, which eventually established Napoleon III securely in power, were breaking out. His relations with the French government improved significantly in the following two years to allow him to return east to the Ottoman Empire, first, in 1852, to Bursa which was not his choice, and then in 1855 to Damascus, which he preferred and where he spent the rest of his life.2

3The French whom ‘Abd al-Qādīr had fought in Algeria became his protectors. They provided him and the retinue of Algerian men who accompanied him with funds and, as trouble loomed in Damascus, with arms. Already highly respected by the Damascene Muslims, among whom he was known for his heroism, his piety, and his being a descendant of the Prophet,3 he also became a hero to the Christians of Greater Syria for his help in returning peace to the city, and for his protection of the Christians of Bāb Tūmā. This act of heroism was long remembered by local communities and Europeans in the Ottoman Empire, and has been commemorated by the general public since.4

4The Damascus «incident» was not an isolated event. It had its roots in dislocations and reversais in the balance of power between a weakening Ottoman Empire and an industrializing Europe, and in the European commercial penetration of Greater Syria beginning in the late eighteenth century. It was reminiscent of sectarian clashes in Aleppo in 1850, similarly triggered by social unrest brewing in Mount Lebanon throughout the 1830s, 1840s, and 1850s, and erupting in episodes of violence between class and sect, the worst and the most recent of which had occurred in the mixed districts of the Mountain in May and June of 1860. The arrival of refugees in Damascus and the proximity of violence in Mount Lebanon fed older social tensions in the Syrian cities of the interior. Relations worsened among religious communities as a resuit of the privileges granted in the 1830s to the Christians by Egyptian rule in Syria, the Ottoman declaration of equality among all subjects in the Tanzimat decrees of 1839 and 1856 and related policies, the enforcement of conscription on Muslims and the exemption of non-Muslims from it and, most of all, the contrast in wealth between those who took advantage of the economic changes of the nineteenth century -among whom the Christians were conspicuous -, and the rest of the population. The latter included traditional artisans, craftsmen, and shopkeepers of the interior cities. It is signifīcant that the poor Christians of the Maydān quarter and the Jews of the city were not molested in the rioting because the main cause of the outbreak was not religious but economic.5

5‘Abd al-Qādir was not the only Muslim to help the Christians during the violence. The protection offered by prominent notables and even humble Muslims saved many lives and safeguarded relations among the city’s communities, once order was restored. According to French sources, Damascene Muslims came to the rescue of the Christians in «a rather considerable number». Abū al-Su‘ūd Ḥasībī, who was a witness to the events of 1860 when he was a young man and wrote about them later in his life, while recognizing that some upper-class notables had played a part in the massacres, drew a distinction between the helpful Damascene notables and the harmful populace, listing dignitaries such as Aḥmad al-Ḥasībī, ‘Abd Aghā al-Tināwī, Muḥammad Aghā Nimr, Shaykh Muḥammad Qaṭanā, al-Sayyid Ḥasan, al-Sayyid Maḥmūd Efendi Ḥamza and his brother Sharīf As‘ad Efendi Ḥamza, the son of Aḥmad Aghā al-Yūsuf, ‘Abdallāh Efendi al-‘Imādī, a merchant named Uthmān Jabrī, and a certain Fāris Aghā. The anonymous author of the Kitāb al-Aḥzān, acknowledged that many Muslims sheltered Christian friends and business partners. Ibrāhīm ‘Arbīlī, a Greek Orthodox immigrant to the United States whose memoirs describe the massacres of 1860 in Damascus, mentions that his father, Yūsuf‘Arbīlī, a physician, survived with the help of Maḥmūd al-Kḥadarī, a humble Muslim grocer and that many Muslims rescued Christians. Mikhā’īl Mishāqa (1800-88), whose memoirs cover the 1860 crisis in detail, noted that Ṣāliḥ Aghā Shurbajī al-Mahāyinī, Sa‘īd Aghā al-Nūrī, ‘Umar Aghā al-‘ābid and others kept the Maydān quarter under control despite the anarchy of the Maydān riffraff, and protected its Christians, saving hundreds of people and giving them shelter. Al-Sayyid Maḥmūd Efendi Ḥamza and his brother Ar‘ad and Shaykh Salīm al-‘Aṭṭār, important members of the ‘ulamā’, and many other Muslims also took Christians into their homes, following the example of ‘Abd al-Qādir. In all, Mishāqa estimated that these Muslims of various classes saved sixteen thousand Christian lives.6

6One source, referred to as «Turkish» by the British consul, denies that others acted as well as ‘Abd al-Qādīr, however. «In that distress there was no one but he and his followers who made any effort to save the Christians. «It is true,» he said, that «some persons among the Muslims took from the Christian quarter a few men, women, and children, and they also took some persons to their houses from the castle - asking the privilege of taking them as tho [sic] they had merciful intentions towards them»; but then he added, «Alas! for these poor people what harm and torture they inflicted upon them in their houses.» He claims the Christians were taken prisoners to extract information on where they had hidden their valuables; afterwards some were then returned to the citadel, others were compelled to become Muslims. A number of women and children were carried off. He himself witnessed «persons of the lowest class» picking out children and taking them away. No doubt some did take advantage of the chaos, but that Christians were coerced is unlikely: there is too much evidence that thousands of Christians escaped with Muslim help.7 Nonetheless ‘Abd al-Qādīr remains the single most important protector of Christians. Figures are unreliable, and the number of those the Amīr saved varied between 11,000 and 15,000.8 What is certain is that contemporaries and historians all credit him with saving thousands. Lanusse, the chief secretary at the French consulate and acting French consul (as well as Belgian vice-consul) in Damascus, wrote that 11,000 Christians owed their lives to him, and Maxime Outrey, who arrived in Damascus on July 19 as new French consul and who sent in his first report on July 28, heard that he had saved some 12,000 to 13,000 people from certain death.9

7In part the Amīr’s success was due to his leadership and important appearance. Fifty-two years old at the time of the crisis, he impressed visitors. Baptistin Poujoulat, a Frenchman who returned to Syria in 1860, some twenty-five years after an earlier visit, met with the amīr in November and found him dressed like a Damascene shaykh in a long, lined silk robe and sash, a red fez with blue silk and a white turban, white stockings, and yellow sandals.10 He referred to the grave dignity and perfect distinction of the amīr and his rare vigor; he also noted that the amīr had «very pretty hands». His features were regular, his complexion light, and his black eyes showed more energy than kindness. Poujoulat added that ‘Abd al-Qādīr truly was a lion in a golden cage and he wondered whether the quiet pace of Damascus suited a man of such energy.11

8The amīr’s ability to act had partly also to do with his close relations with the French government which were such that, by 1860, he had the power to act independently from the Ottoman governor in Damascus. When he had been set free by Napoleon III and allowed to settle in Syria, he was granted a pension of 200,000 French francs; by 1860 it had been raised to 300,000. Marcel Emerit, a French professor on the Faculty of Letters in Algiers in the 1950s, described that sum as «enormous», allowing ‘Abd al-Qādir to live like a great lord, to buy properties, and to feed his Algerian followers. French officiais commented, however, that ‘Abd al-Qādīr complained to them that it was not enough, but that may have referred simply to funds for dealing with the Syrian crisis, not the maintenance of his household.12

9French protection allowed ‘Abd al-Qādir to arm his followers when the crisis came in the summer of 1860. The exact number of these Algerian followers varies: Poujoulat estimates them at 5,000;13 Emerit says the French government authorized some 1,000 to 1,200 Algerians to be at the Amīr’s disposai in Damascus, and that they came not from Oran where ‘Abd al-Qādīr had established a short-lived independence but from the areas of Algiers, Aumale, and Grande Kabylie. They were mostly Berbers. In the early 1850s they had tended to be impoverished uprooted men, but by 1860 a batch of better-off immigrants, former members of municipal councils and religious brotherhoods unhappy with some of the reforms imposed by the French rulers, joined his followers.14

10What ‘Abd al-Qādir could not afford but needed was arms. On June 19, 1860, Lanusse took it upon himself to authorize the funds that would save so many from death. He wrote to Edouard-Antoine Thouvenel, the French foreign minister, that ‘Abd al-Qādir had always behaved to the French consulate in a praiseworthy way and that, having learned of the dangers Europeans and Christians were in, the amīr had come to him, offered his services, and assured him of his help. He proposed to gather all the Algerians devoted to him and to lead them in the defense of the Christian quarter should violence break out. He did not think that he could save all the Christians, but that he could at least remove a great number. To achieve his aim, he asked Lanusse if he could borrow the necessary funds to arm 1,000 Algerians.15

11Lanusse then did something very unusual for a civil servant: he took a risk. On 19 June he wrote to Thouvenel that at first he had hesitated because he had not been sure that the measure proposed by the amīr was necessary, but that he had revised his opinion and authorized the amīr to spend whatever he thought necessary. He urged the amīr to act in secret in order not to arouse the suspicion of, or upset («ne pas porter aucun ombrage») the authorities. «I hope you will approve», wrote Lanusse, who added that ‘Abd al-Qādir also wanted the minister’s approval to assist the destitute Christians who had escaped massacres in the villages.16

12Outrey, who succeeded Lanusse, gave him credit for this action: By arming the Algerians, a daring measure which required determination, «everyone acknowledges today that he saved 12 to 13,000 people from certain death». all those who escaped owed their salvation to the intervention of the Algerians who showed admirable audacity, energy, and devotion. Outrey also suggests that it was Lanusse who had approached ‘Abd al-Qādir, but Lanusse’s own correspondence credits the amīr for the first move. Lanusse might have been covering his own back by attributing the initiative to ‘Abd al-Qādīr, but that would seem to be out of character for someone who unilaterally decided to arm the Algerians at a time -it is worth noting- when James Brant, the British consul in Damascus, was claiming that all was fine and there was no cause for alarm in the city.17

13Having managed to arm his Algerians in late June and early July, ‘Abd al-Qādir stayed alert to the possibility of danger in Damascus. On July 2, Lanusse wrote that «night and day», the amīr had watched over the general safety of the town and had succeeded until now to keep it safe. He praised ‘Abd al-Qādir effusively, saying that the amīr had given proof of his total devotion and personal abnegation for the cause he defended. While European consuls tried to pressure Aḥmad Pasha, the Ottoman governor in Damascus to take steps to safeguard peace in the city, ‘Abd al-Qādir was in touch with the ‘ulamā’, «the great of the land», and the leaders of the various quarters.18 Writing after the events, Outrey noted that ‘Abd al-qādir had worked ceaselessly for the defense of the city, surrounded himself with experienced men, and talked to ulema and notables in an effort to calm down the agitation.19

14Once or twice even before the outbreak of violence on July 9, ‘Abd al-Qādir helped avert trouble. On July 2, Lanusse thus remarked that «twice already», the admirable amīr had saved the city, especially its Christians, from the dangers hanging over them, when a plot had been hatched that the amīr was able to squash, though the details of this are unclear. One may have referred to the al-Aḍhā religious holidays which that year, exceptionally, caused some tensions for the Christians. To the relief of the Christians, the feast came and went peacefully. Soldiers were sent to the Christian quarter, a mixed blessing because rumors circulated among the Christians that many of those soldiers had participated in the massacres in the Anti-Lebanon. They kept the soldiers happy with food, drink, and presents until the alarm was over.20

15On July 9, when the uprising broke out, ‘Abd al-Qādir was at a village some three to four hours travel away from Damascus. Some later suspected that he had been taken to that village by Druzes deliberately to guarantee his absence from Damascus on that day, but he managed to return in time. His armed Algerians searched the streets for Christians and Europeans, took the wounded to the military hospital, and led the others to ‘Abd al-Qādir’s house which was near the Christian quarter by one of the town’s gates. Brant was sent a guard by ‘Abd al-Qādir,21 and the French, Russian, and Greek consuls were also taken to his house.22 Although the convents of the Lazarists and of the Sisters of Charity were looted and burned down, ‘Abd al-Qādir safely delivered to Lanusse all the people inside them.23

16As more and more people needed shelter, ‘Abd al-Qādir had them taken to safe Muslim houses or to the Citadel.24 Lanusse wrote that the 11,000 he saved were partly in his house and partly elsewhere in his quarter, but the largest number were in the serai where, against his will, Aḥmad Pasha received them. Lanusse himself had been forced to accept the pasha’s hospitality when the French consulate was attacked and he and his staff threatened.25 Even Brant, who tended to be sparse in his praise for ‘Abd al-Qādir, if only because the amīr was close to the French, warmed up to him. On July 16, he talked of the «several hundreds» the amīr had saved, but by July 24, he had joined the others in boundless gratitude and wrote that ‘Abd al-Qādīr was «beyond all praise» for his aid during the riots. Somewhat inaccurately, given the role of many Muslim notables in saving the Christians, Brant added that it was generally believed that without him not a Christian would have survived, thousands of Christians owed him his life, and his house had become a refuge for them.26

17For weeks after the riots, ‘Abd al-Qādir and his men insured the safety of Europeans in and around Damascus. Cyril Graham, an English traveler connected to the British government, came to Damascus in July, escorted into town by sixty Algerians and fifteen Druzes. An additional fifteen of ‘Abd al-Qādir’s men met Graham and his party at Dīmās.27 Later in August, Graham toured Rāshayya and Ḥāṣbayya in the anti-Lebanon, escorted by Algerians from ‘Abd al-Qādir’s following.28 The amīr also arranged with Lanusse for an escort of Algerians and Druzes to take the first expedition of 500 to 600 Christians from Damascus to Beirut. This caravan was soon followed by others, all of them organized through the combined efforts of ‘Abd al-Qādir, the consuls, and the Ottoman authorities.29

18To Europeans and locals, he had become a hero that they praised lavishly.30 To pay him tribute for his services, Outrey on arriving in Damascus to assume his new post, stopped at ‘Abd al-Qādir’s on his way across town.31 He was also showered with praise from the Porte and from European governments. The Ottoman sultan invested him with Mejidie of the first class in recognition of his services;32 Greece gave him the grand cordon de l’ordre du Sauveur, Pope IX, Sardinia, Savoy, Russia, Austria, Prussia, and Spain rewarded him with important medals. The British contented themselves with an officiai thank you delivered by Brant.33

19Perhaps it was the French admiration that is the most interesting: France honored the enemy in Algeria with the Legion of Honor.34 French trust in ‘Abd al-Qādir seems to have led some to consider making him ruler of an Arab kingdom that would stretch from Syria and Mesopotamia to the Arabian peninsula and make a buffer state between Egypt, where the French had a vested interest in the Suez canal, and Anatolia, where the Ottoman resistance to the canal was centered. The creation of such a buffer state would force the Ottomans to stop interfering with the Suez project and would enhance French economic and other interests in the region.35 Nothing came of it, but it is fascinating to see how the man France had feared and tried to keep confined a decade earlier had by 1860 become a trusted hero.

20To those who lived through the «incident» of 1860 in Damascus, ‘Abd al-Qādir was a hero. To those who can look back on that period with the advantage of hindsight, he made a signifīcant contribution to Franco-Arab relations and to the long-term harmony among communities.

NOTES

1 For help with this paper, I would like to express my gratitude to Mrs. Da‘d Hakim, Director of the Markaz al-Wathā’iq al-Tārīkhiyya, who has graciously put manuscripts on Amīr ‘Abd al-Qādīr at my disposai, to Fuad Debbas for his help with primary sources, and to Professor Abdul-Karim Rafeq for his excellent suggestions.

2 Temimi A., «Lettres inédites de l’émir Abdelkader,» Revue d’Histoire Maghrébine, nos. 10-11, 1978, p. 159-201; Aouli S., Redjala R., Zoummeroff P., Abd El-Kader, Paris, Fayard, 1994, p. 384-86, 405, 413, 444.

3 UsṬuwanĪ M. al-, Mashāhid wa ahdāth dimashqiyya fī muntasaf al-qarn al-tāsi ’ ‘ashar. 1840-1861, ed. A. al-Usṭuwānī, refers to ‘Abd al-Qādīr as «Sayyid» throughout his text, in recognition of his descent from the Prophet.

4 The town, Elkader, lowa, adopted the name of ‘Abd al-Qādīr ca 1844, in admiration of the Amīr. I am grateful to L. Carl Brown for this information.

5 Consult the works of Abdul Karim Rafeq, including Buhūthfi al-tārīkh al-iqtiṣādī wa al-ijtimā’ī li-bilād al-Shām fi al- ‘aṣr al-ḥadith, Damascus, 1985; ibid., «The Impact of Europe on a Traditional Economy: The Case of Damascus, 1840-1870,» Economies et sociétés dans l’Empire ottoman (fin du xviiie-début du xxe siècle), Actes du colloque de Strasbourg (1er-5 juillet 1980), ed. J.-L. Bacqué-Grammont and P. Dumont, Paris, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1983, p. 419-432; ibid.,»New Light on the 1860 Riots in Ottoman Damascus,» Die Welt des Islams, vol. 28, 1988, p. 412-430. For the events of Aleppo, see Masters B.,»The 1850 ‘Events’ in Aleppo: An Aftershock of Syria’s Incorporation in the Capitalist World System,» International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, vol. 22, no. 1, February, 1990, p. 3-20.

6 ‘Arbīlī I., «al-Ḥāditha,» al-Kalima, 9, no. 3, March 1913, p. 55-56; ibid., 9, no. 4, April 1913, p. 226-228; Anonymous, Kitāb al-Aḥzān fi tārīkh wāqi ‘at al-Shām wa Jabal Lubnān wa mā yalī-himā bi-mā asāba al-Masīḥiyyīn min al-Durūz wa al-Islām fi 9 tammūz 1860, MS, Jafet Library, American University of Beirut, p. 25-26, 34, 130-131, 210; Saad E., The Damascus Crisis of 1860 in the Light of Kitab al-Ahzan, an Unpublished Eye Witness Account, M. A. thesis, American University of Beirut, 1974, p. 27, 34, 51, 59-60; Mishāqa M., Kitāb mashhadal-a‘yān bi-hawādith Sūriya wa Lubnān, ed. M. Abdū and A. Shakhāshīrī, Cairo, 1908; Mishāqa M., Murder, Mayhem, Pillage and Plunder: The History of the Lebanon in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries, trans. W. Thackston, Jr., Albany, N.Y., State University of New York Press, 1988, p. 30, 249, 251; United Kingdom, Public Record Office, Foreign Office Archives, London (henceforth referred to as F.O.), series 195, volume 601, Brant-Russell, No. 5, 18 June 1860; Salibi K.,»The 1860 Upheaval in Damascus as Seen by al-Sayyid Muhammad Abu’l-Su‘ud al-Hasibi, Notable and Later Nagib al-Ashraf of the City,» in Beginnings of Modernization in the Middle East: The Nineteenth Century, ed. W. Polk and R. Chambers, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1968, p. 191-93, 195-197; Schatkowski-Schlcher L, Families in Politics: Damascene Factions and Estates in the 18th and 19th Centuries, Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag, 1985, p. 87; for the role of the Maydani notables in protecting Christians, see ibid., p. 98-99, and passim; Anonymous, Tanahhudāt Sūriya, MS, Jafet Library, American University of Beirut; Anonymous [possibly N. Al-Qasāṭilī; Hasr al-lithām ‘an nakabāt al-Shām, Cairo, 1895, p. 224, 235; France, Archives du Ministère des Affaires Etrangères, Paris, Series; Correspondance politique de l’origine à 1871, Turquie, Consulat Divers, Correspondance des consuls, Damas (henceforth referred to as CPC/D), vol. 6 (1860-1861), Outrey-Thouvenel, 28 July 1860; Ḥasībī M. al-, «Lamaḥāt min tārīkh Dimashq fī ‘ahd al-Tanẓīmāt,» ed. K. Salibi, al-Abhāth, vol. 21, nos. 2-4, December 1968, p. 121, 125, 129.

7 F.O. 78/1519, Copy of a Letter from a Turkish Muslim in Damascus (translated from the Turkish), in Moore-Russell, no. 27, 4 August 1860; Fawaz L., An Occasion for War: Civil Conflict in Lebanon and Damascus in 1860, Berkeley, California, University of California Press, 1994, chap. 4.

8 The number of those saved varies in the sources. The figure of 11,000 to 15,000 is cited in Aouli et al., Abd El-Kader, p. 460; 11,000 in Emerit M., «La crise syrienne et l’expansion économique francaise en 1860,» Revue Historique, vol 207, 1952, p. 215-216 p. 213; 12,000 in Churchill C., The Druzes and the Maronites Under Turkish Rule from 1840 to 1860, London, Bernard Quartich, 1862, p. 215.

9 A.E., CPC/D/6, Lanusse-Thouvenel, no. 88, 17 July 1860; A.E., CPC/D/6, Outrey-Thouvenel, 28 July 1860.

10 Poujoulat B., La vérité sur la Syrie et l’expédition française, Paris, Gaume Frères et J. Duprey, 1861, p. xxi, 9.

11 Poujoulat B., La vérité sur la Syrie, p. 427.

12 Emerit M., «La crise syrienne», p. 215-216. We can estimate the rate of exchange, but without being certain of the exact amounts being discussed. The qurš, the silver coin introduced around 1688, was known to Europeans as the piaster. In 1829, 104 piastres equaled one pound sterling, for the period 1860-1888 the exchange rate was 125 piasters for a pound sterling. The pound sterling approximated 25 French francs, which meant that 5 piastres equaled one French franc.

13 Poujoulat B., La vérité sur la Syrie, p. 428.

14 Emerit M., «La crise syrienne,» Revue Historique, vol. 207, 1952, p. 212-232. See «Al-jazā’iriyyūn fī-makhṭūṭāt wa awrāq markaz al-wathā’iq al-tārīkhiyya,» at Markaz al-Wathā’iq al-Tārīkhiyya in Damascus, put at my disposai by the generosity of Mrs. Da‘d Hakim.

15 A.E., CPC/D/6, Lanusse-Thouvenel, 19 June 1860.

16 Ibid.

17 A.E., CPC/D/6, Outrey-Thouvenel, 28 July 1860. Brant wrote that in his opinion there was no danger of the Muslims attacking the Christians of the city if Aḥmad Pasha acted with firmness and discretion. F.O. 195/601. Brant-Russell, no. 5, 18 June 1860.

18 A.E., CPC/D/6, Lanusse-Thouvenel, no. 87, 2 July 1860. When Outrey came to Damascus, he referred to similar threats thwarted by ‘Abd al-Qādir by writing that all the reports indicated an attack was planned for 30 June, the day of Bairam, but that ‘Abd al-qādir and his followers had defeated the plot. Outrey added that the calm that prevalled was in retrospect meant to mislead Abd al-qādir. After eight days, confidence returned, and Christians began to reappear from their places, jewelry came out of hiding, and everyone thought the danger was over. ‘Ulamā ’, notables, the authorities themselves, all swore to ‘Abd al-Qādīr that nothing was to be feared: A.E., CPC/D/6, Outrey-Thouvenel, 28 July 1860.

19 A.E., CPC/D/6, Outrey-Thouvenel, 28 July 1860.

20 F.O. 406/10, Robson’s Memorandum in Dufferin-Russell, no. 187, 23 September 1860; F.O. 78/ 1557, Brant-Russell, 26 June 1860 (note that in the letter dated 26 June. Brant mentioned the festivities of the Bairam begun on that day); Abkarius I., Kitāb nawādir fi malāḥim Jabal Lubnān, MS, Jafet Library, American University of Beirut, p. 129; Anonymous [N. AL-Qasāṭilī], Ḥaṣr al-lithām, Cairo, 1895; A.E., CPC/D/6, Outrey-Thouvenel, 28 July 1860; ibid., Lanusse-Thouvenel, No. 87, 2 July 1860.

21 F.O. 195/601, Brant-Bulwer, no. 24, 11 July 1860.

22 A.E., CPC/D/6, Le capitaine de vaisseau de La Roncière au ministre de la Marine, B, 11 Juillet 1860.

23 A.E., CPC/D/6, Lanusse-Thouvenel, no. 88, 17 July 1860.

24 F.O. 195/601, Brant-Moore, no. 13,10 July 1860, in Brant-Bulwer, no. 24, 11 July 1860; Saad E., «The Damascus Crisis of 1860,» p. 52; Ḥasībī M. al-, «Lamaḥāt,» al-Abhāth, vol. 21, nos. 2-4, December 1968, p. 132-133; Salibi K., «The 1860 Upheaval in Damascus,» p. 196.

25 A.E., CPC/D/6, Lanusse-Thouvenel, no. 88, 17 July 1860.

26 F.O. 195/601, Brant-Bulwer, no. 27, 24 July 1860; F.O. 195/601, Brant-Russell, no. 8, 16 July 1860.

27 - F.O. 78/1519, Graham-Moore, 26 July 1860, in Moore-Bulwer, no. 54, 28 July 1860.

28 F.O. 195/601, «Report of Cyril Graham on the condition of the Christians in the districts of Hasbeya and Rasheya,» in no. 33 to Bulwer.

29 A.E., CPC/6, Outrey-Thouvenel, Damas, 28 July 1860.

30 Salibi K., «The 1860 Upheaval in Damascus,» p. 196; Ḥasībī M. al-, «Lamaḥāt,» al-Abhāth, vol. 21, nos. 2-4, December 1968, p. 129; Anonymous [N. Al-Qasāṭilī], Ḥaṣr al-lithām, Cairo, 1895, p. 230-234; Anonymous, «Tanahhudāt Sūriya,» p. 32ff; Mishāqa M., The History of the Lebanon, p. 249-250; Abkarius I., The Lebanon in Turmoil, p. 134; Schatkowski-Schlcher L., Families in Politics, p. 99; ‘Arbīlī, «al-Ḥāditha,» al-Kalima, vol. 9, no. 5, May 1913, p. 301, also praises ‘Abd al-Qādīr.

31 A.E., CPC/6, Outrey-Thouvenel, Damascus, 28 July 1860.

32 F.O. 78/1519, Moore-Bulwer, no. 69, 5 September 1860.

33 Poujoulat B., La vérité sur la Syrie, p. 425-27. Poujoulat refers to a «Mr. Ban» delivering the British thanks, but he must have meant Consul Brant. I have found no documents stating whether the British eventually awarded the amīr a medal.

34 Aouli et al., Abd el-Kader, p. 463.

35 Emerit M., «La crise syrienne,» p. 211 -232; Schatkowski-Schlcher L., Families in Politics, p. 92.

AUTHOR

[bb-latvija]

Latviešu basketbola zvaigzne Kristaps Porziņģis piedzīvojis iespaidīgu lēcienu populārā ASV medija "CBS Sports" Nacionālās basketbola asociācijas (NBA) spēlētāju top 100 rangā. Līdz jaunās NBA sezonas sākumam atlicis vēl nedaudz vairāk nekā mēnesis, bet "CBS Sports" ir nākusi klajā ar savu ikgadējo NBA spēlētāju top 100. Katru gadu šis tops tiek publicēts pirms sezonas. Šoreiz tā autori ir "CBS Sports" žurnālisti Breds Botkins, Džeimss Herberts, Džeks Melounijs, Sems Kvins, Bils Reiters Amīrs Tairī, Kolins Vords-Henindžers un Jasmīna Vimbiša Pērn šajā topā Latvijas basketbola zvaigzne Kristaps Porziņģis ieņēma vien 86. vietu, bet šogad viņš "CBS Sports" vērtējumā izpelnījies pamatīgu kāpumu, ieņemot 49. pozīciju. "Varbūt jūs to palaidāt garām, bet Porziņģis Vašingtonā aizvadīja karjeras labāko sezonu. Viņš arī nospēlēja 65 mačus, kas ir otrs labākais rādītājs viņa karjerā. Šis ir vērā ņemams aspekts, zinot, ka savainojumi allaž ir aizēnojuši Porziņģa spilgto sniegumu laukumā. Jau ceturto reizi viņa karjerā Porziņģis sezonu sāks jaunas komandas rindās. Un šoreiz no viņa tiks gaidīts visvairāk. "Celtics" cer, ka 221 centimetru garais latvietis viņiem palīdzēs atgriezties finālā. Porziņģim blakus būs divi Visu zvaigžņu spēles kalibra basketbolisti - Džeisons Teitams un Džeilens Brauns. Tas nozīmē, ka viņam jau atkal būs jāatrod savu lomu," rakstīja Vimbiša. Ranga piektajā desmitā Porziņģim priekšā ir šādi spēlētāji: Freds Vanvlīts (Hjūstonas "Rockets") Francs Vagners (Orlando "Magic") Kriss Midltons (Milvoki "Bucks") Keids Kaninghems (Detroitas "Pistons") Demars Derouzens (Čikāgs "Bulls") Zeks Lavīns (Čikāgs "Bulls") Desmonds Beins (Memfisas "Grizzlies") Lauri Markanens (Jūtas "Jazz") Šogad topa virsotnē atrodams aizvadītās sezonas čempions un finālsērijas MVP Nikola Jokičs. Aiz serbu centra ierindojas Jannis Adetokunbo, kurš pērn atradās topa virsotnē. Trešo vietu ieņem Stefans Karijs, viņam seko Slovēnijas spīdeklis Luka Dončičs, bet labāko piecinieku noslēdz Kevins Durents. Porziņģis aizvadītajā sezonā vidēji mačā atzīmējās ar 23,2 gūtajiem punktiem (karjeras rekords), 8,4 atlēkušajām bumbām, 2,7 rezultatīvām piespēlēm, 0,9 pārķertajām bumbām (karjeras rekords), kā arī 1,5 bloķētiem metieniem. Šajā sezonā latvietis grozam kopumā uzbruka ar 49,8% precizitāti (karjeras rekords, kā arī realizēja 38,5% tālmetienu (vidēji 2,1 trāpīts tālmetiens no 5,5 izmestajiem trejačiem). No soda metienu līnijas Porziņģis metienus realizēja ar 85,1% precizitāti.

[dinaive]

bio:

Imām al-Bukhārī (rahimahullāh) is known as the Amīr al-Mu'minīn in hadīth. His genealogy is as follows: Abu Abdullāh Muhammad Ibn Ismā`īl Ibn Ibrāhīm Ibn al-Mughīrah Ibn Bardizbah al-Bukhārī. His father Ismā`īl was a well-known and famous muhaddith in his time and had been blessed with the chance of being in the company of Imām Mālik, Hammād Ibn Zaid and also Abdullāh Ibn Mubārak (rahimahullahum). 

Imām al-Bukhārī (rahimahullah) was born on the day of Jumuah (Friday) the 13th of Shawwāl 194 (A.H.). His father passed away in his childhood. At the age of sixteen after having memorized the compiled books of Imām Wakīy and Abdullāh Ibn Mubārak, he performed Hajj with his elder brother and mother. After the completion of Hajj he remained in Makkah for a further two years and upon reaching the age of eighteen headed for Madīnah, compiling the books "Qadhāyas-Sahābah wa at-Tābi'īn" and "Tārikh al-Kabīr." Imām al-Bukhārī also traveled to other key centers of Arabia in search of knowledge like Syria, Egypt, Kufa, Basra, and Baghdad. 

Imām al-Bukhārī (rahimahullah) first started listening and learning ahādīth in 205 A.H., and after benefiting from the `ulama of his town he started his travels in 210 A.H. His memory was considered to be one of a kind; after listening to a hadīth he would repeat it from memory. It has been known that in his childhood he had memorized 2,000 ahādīth. 

There are a number of books compiled by Imām al-Bukhārī (rahimahullah). His Ṣaḥīḥ is regarded as the highest authority of the collection of hadīth. He named this book "Al-Jāmi` al-Musnad as-Ṣaḥīḥ al-Mukhtasar min Umuri Rasulullahi sallallāhu 'alaihi wa sallam wa Sunanihi wa Ayyāmihi." After he finished, he showed the manuscript to his teachers Imām Ahmad ibn Hanbal (rahimahullah) for approval, along with Ibn al-Madini, and lastly Ibn Ma`īn. It has also been recorded that it took Imām al-Bukhārī a period of 16 years to gather the ahādīth and to write the Ṣaḥīḥ, which sets the date back to 217 A.H. as the year in which he started the compilation; Imām al-Bukhārī (rahimahullah) being merely 23 years of age. 

Methods of Classification and Annotation:Imām al-Bukhārī (rahimahullah) imposed conditions which all narrators and testifiers in the hadith chain must have met before a hadith was included in his book:  1. All narrators in the chain must be just (`adl).  2. All narrators in the chain must possess strong memory and all the Muhadditheen who possess great knowledge of ahadith must agree upon the narrators' ability to learn and memorize, along with their reporting techniques.  3. The chain must be complete without any missing narrators.  4. It must be known that consecutive narrators in the chain met each other (this is Imām al-Bukhārī's extra condition). 

Imām an-Nawawi (rahimahullah) relates that all scholars in Islām have agreed that Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī has gained the status of being the most authentic book after the Qur'an. Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī consists of 7,563 ahādith including those ahādith which have been repeated. Without repetitions however, the total number of hadith is around 2,600. 

His Students:In the year 864/250, he settled in Nishapur. It was there that he met Muslim ibn Al-Hajjaj, who would be considered his student, and eventually collector and organizer of the hadith collection Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim which is considered second only to that of al-Bukhārī. 

His Death:Political problems led him to move to Khartank, a village near Samarkānd where he died in the year 256 A.H./870 A.D.

[neurotic-nereid]

I wonder what was the place where I was last night,

All around me were half-slaughtered victims of love, tossing about in agony.

There was a nymph-like beloved with cypress-like form and tulip-like face,

Ruthlessly playing havoc with the hearts of the lovers.

[diceriadelluntore]

Conquiste

John Julius Norwich, visconte di Norwich, è stato uno storico britannico famoso e mirabile divulgatore per la radio e la TV. Durante un viaggio in Sicilia, a metà degli anni ‘60, affascinato dalla magia dei luoghi, decise di scrivere un libro su una delle epopee più incredibili del Medioevo, che ancora oggi ha preziosi e unici ricordi in quell’isola come in tutta l’Italia meridionale: la dominazione Normanna.

I Normanni furono un popolo di origine scandinava che nel X secolo si stabilì nel nord della Francia, giurando fedeltà a Carlo III detto il Semplice, in quella zona che da loro prende il nome di Normandia. Il loro nome, Normanni, è probabilmente la latinizzazione del norreno Norðmaðr, e appare per la prima volta nel Codice Sangermanense (un codice che prende il nome da un’altra curiosa latinizzazione, dal monastero di Saint-Germain-des-Prés in cui fu trovato) con il significato di uomini del Nord.

Nell’XI secolo furono protagonisti di due imprese epocali: l’invasione e la conquista della Gran Bretagna nel 1066 con Guglielmo il Conquistatore e la creazione nell’Italia meridionale di uno dei regni più ricchi, colti e cosmopoliti che siano mai stati istituzionalizzati in Europa persino nei secoli a venire.

In uno stile meraviglioso che più che il saggio storico ricorda quello di un avventuroso romanzo, con sottigliezze e humor di puro stampo britannico, Norwich racconta come, in poco più di 100 anni, i Normanni arrivati in Italia come guardie del corpo speciali dei pellegrini che si recavano o tornavano dal santuario di San Michele Arcangelo a Monte Sant'Angelo nel Gargano, passando per mercenari guerrieri temuti per la loro forza nel combattimento e per la terribile forza di cavalleria, diventarono potentissimi baroni, con il fenomenale Roberto Guiscardo (da viscart, la volpe, per la sua sagacia e furbizia) che, nel 1077, riunì sotto il suo dominio i territori di Puglia, Calabria e Campania, i regni che una volta erano longobardi e bizantini con l’incoronazione a Salerno, nuova capitale del Regno. Negli stessi anni, suo fratello Ruggero I avanza in Sicilia e sconfigge gli emiri che la governavano da 200 anni (la parola ammiraglio tra l’altro deriva dall’arabo amīr «comandante» nome con il quale veniva chiamato il signore della città araba, poi diffusosi nelle corti normanne come comandante navale). Ma fece ancora di più suo figlio, e nipote del Guiscardo, Ruggero II, che nel giorno di Natale del 1130, in una Palermo meravigliosa di ricchezze dove persino i servitori erano vestiti di seta, unifica i regni di Sicilia e delle Puglie, facendo dell’isola e del Meridione il regno più ricco, potente e culturalmente avanzato del Mediterraneo, un miscuglio unico di tradizioni greco-bizantine, latine e musulmane che influenzerà l’arte e l’architettura, la scienza, l’arte navale, il diritto. I Normanni furono quelli che stabilirono per primi l’abolizione dall’alto del diritto di feudo, sancendo di fatto la nuova legge feudale che dipendeva dal volere del Sovrano, a cui i vassalli giuravano fedeltà (sancita dallo storico Patto della Pletora di Melfi nel 1129).

Il loro dominio fu breve, per la mancanza di eredi maschi dell’ultimo re normanno Guglielmo II (1166 – 1189) alla cui morte si scatenò una guerra di successione vinta dagli Svevi di Enrico VI, che sposò la figlia di Ruggero II, Costanza, che a loro volta ebbero il grande Federico II.

I Normanni ci hanno lasciato delle meraviglie chiarissime ancora oggi: dai lineamenti nordici di donne e uomini del Sud, alle spettacolari architetture normanne del Meridione come il duomo di Salerno, l’Abbazia di Sant'Angelo in Formis, le meravigliose fortificazioni in Basilicata, come il castello di Melfi, o in Puglia (Canosa, Troia, parti del centro storico di Bari), Squillace e Gerace in Calabria ancora oggi mantengono il centro storico Normanno, per non parlare del favoloso percorso arabo-normanno di Palermo-Monreale-Cefalù, patrimonio Unesco.

Personalmente credo che il più bello di tutti i castelli normanni sia questo sotto

il Castello di Roseto Capo Spulico, in provincia di Cosenza, conosciuto anche come "Petrae Roseti", dato che tradizione vuole sia stata fondato come monastero da San Vitale da Castronuovo. Ricostruito sui ruderi del luogo sacro dai Normanni, il castello segnava il confine tra i possedimenti di Roberto il Guiscardo ed il fratello Ruggero I.

[bones-ivy-breath]

Ghazal 1 by Amīr Khusrau from In the Bazaar of Love, tr. Paul Losensky & Sunil Sharma

[ahaura]

Amīr Khusrau

[al-jadwal]

What Would Rectify Your Land?

And I heard him (ie: al-Layth b. Saʿd) say: (the Caliph Hārūn) al-Rāshid asked me when I went (ie: was called) to him: “mā ṣalāḥu baladikum (ie: what would bring uprightness to the people of your land of Egypt)?” وَسَمِعْتُهُ يَقُولُ: قَالَ لِي الرَّشِيدُ لَمَّا قَدِمتُ عَلَيْهِ: مَا صَلاحُ بَلَدِكُمْ؟ He replied: “By the flowing of the Nile (river), and the uprightness of their amīr (ie: leader). قُلْتُ: بِإِجْرَاءِ النِّيلِ، وَبِصَلاحِ أَمِيرِهَا، And from the source of the spring (ie: meaning the Caliph) the impurities would originate. وَمِنْ رَأْسِ الْعَيْنِ يَأْتِي الْكَدَرُ، But if the source remains pure, the canals remain so.” فَإِنْ صَفَتِ الْعَيْنُ صَفَتِ السَّوَاقِي، He (ie: Hārūn) replied: “You have spoken the truth O Abū ʿl-Ḥārith.” قَالَ: صَدَقْتَ يَا أَبَا الْحَارِثِ. al-Ḏahabī, Tārīkh al-Islām 4/710 الذهبي، تاريخ الإسلام ٤/٧١٠ https://shamela.ws/book/35100/5962 Telegram: https://t.me/aljadwal Tumblr: https://al-jadwal.tumblr.com

[bintadnan]

Nawf al-Bikālī said, ‘I once saw ‘Alī ibn Abī Ṭālib رضي الله عنه go out and look at the stars. He asked, “Nawf, are you asleep or awake?” I replied, “Awake, Amīr al-Mu’minīn.” He said, “Blessed are those who make do with little of this world and desire the Next World. Those are the people who take the ground as a bed, its soil as a mattress, its water as a perfume, and the Qur’an and supplication as a blanket. They reject this world, taking the path of the Messiah.”’

Source: Tafsir Qurtubi

[ilmtest]

A Beautiful Dream

al-Muʿtaṣim then said: “Place him into the prison.” فقال: المعتصم أدخلوه الحبس Sulaymān said: He was then carried to the prison and the people departed, so I departed with them. قَالَ: سليمان فحمل إلى الحبس وأنصرف الناس وانصرفت معهم Then when the next day arrived the people came (to the door of al-Muʿtaṣim) so I came with them and stood in front of the chair. فلما كان الغد أقبل الناس وأقبلت معهم فوقفت بإزاء الكرسي Then al-Muʿtaṣim appeared and sat on the chair and said, “Bring Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal.” فخرج المعتصم وجلس عَلَى الكرسي وقال هاتوا أَحْمَد بن حنبل So he was brought and when he stood in front of him. فجيء به فلما وقف بين يديه al-Muʿtaṣim said to him: “How were you in your cell during the night, O Ibn Ḥanbal?” قَالَ: له المعتصم كيف كنت فِي محبسك الليلة يا ابن حنبل He (ie: Imām Aḥmad) said. “In goodness, and all praises are due to Allah.” قَالَ: كنت بخير والحمد لله al-Muʿtaṣim said: “O Aḥmad, I saw a dream yesterday.” فقال: يا أَحْمَد إني رأيت البارحة رؤيا He said, “And what did you see, O Amīr al-Muʿminīn?” قَالَ: وما رأيت يا أمير المؤمنين He said: “I saw in my dream as if there were two lions approaching me and they desired to tear me apart. And then two angels appeared and repelled them from me. They gave me a book and said to me, 'This written (piece) is the dream that Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal saw in his cell.' So what is it that you saw, O Ibn Ḥanbal?” قَالَ: رأيت فِي منامي كأن أسدين قد أقبلا إلي وأرادا أن يفترساني وإذا ملكان قد أقبلا ودفعاهما عني ودفعا إلي كتابًا وقالا لي هذا المكتوب رؤيا رآها أَحْمَد بن حنبل فِي محبسه فما الذي رأيت يا ابن حنبل So Aḥmad faced al-Muʿtaṣim and said, “O Amīr al-Muʿminīn, is the book with you?” فأقبل أَحْمَد عَلَى المعتصم فقال: له يا أمير المؤمنين فالكتاب معك He said: “Yes, and when I awoke, I read what was in it.” قَالَ: نعم وقرأته لما أصبحت وفهمت ما فيه So Aḥmad said to him, “O Amīr al-Muʿminīn, I saw as if the Day of Judgement had been established, and as if Allah had gathered the first and the last (of people) in a single plain and He was calling them to account. Whilst I was standing, I was called for, so I proceeded until I stood in front of Allah, the Mighty and Majestic. فقال: له أَحْمَد يا أمير المؤمنين رأيت كأن القيامة قد قامت وكأن اللَّه قد جمع الأولين والآخرين فِي صعيد واحد وهو يحاسبهم فبينما أنا قائم إذ نودي بي فقدمت حتى وقفت بين يدي اللَّه عَزَّ وَجَلَّ And (in the dream) He (ie: Allah) said to me: “O Aḥmad, for what were you beaten?” فقال: لي يا أَحْمَد فيم ضربت I said, “On account of the Qurʾān.” فقلت: من جهة القرآن He said, “And what is the Qurʾān!” فقال: لي وما القرآن I said, “Your words, O Allah, belonging to You.” فقلت: كلامك اللهم لك He said: “From where do you (derive and) say this?” فقال: لي من أين قلت: هذا I said: “O Lord, ʿʿAbd al-Razzāq narrated to me.” فقلت: يا رب حَدَّثَنِي عبد الرزاق So ʿAbd al-Razzāq was called for and he was brought, until he was made to stand in front of Allah, the Mighty and Majestic. فنودي بعبد الرزاق فجيء به حتى أقيم بين يدي اللَّه عَزَّ وَجَلَّ And He said to him, “What do you say about the Qurʾān, O ʿAbd al-Razzāq?” فقال: له ما تقول فِي القرآن يا عبد الرزاق He said, “Your words, O Allah, belonging to You.” فقال: كلامك اللهم لك So Allah said, “From where do you (derive and) say this?” فقَالَ: اللَّهُ عَزَّ وَجَلَّ من أين قلت: هذا He said: “Maʿmar narrated to me.” فقال: حَدَّثَنِي معمر So Maʿmar was called for and he was brought, until he was made to stand in front of Allah, the Mighty and Majestic. فنودي بمعمر فجيء به حتى أوقف بين يدي اللَّه عَزَّ وَجَلَّ Allah the Mighty and Majestic said to him: “What do you say about the Qurʾān, O Maʿmar?” فقَالَ: اللَّهُ عَزَّ وَجَلَّ له ما تقول فِي القرآن يا معمر Maʿmar said, “Your words, O Allah, belonging to You.” فقال: معمر كلامك اللهم لك He asked: “From where do you (derive and) say this?” فقال: له من أين قلت: هذا He said: “al-Zuhrī narrated to me.” فقال: معمر حَدَّثَنِي الزهري So al-Zuhrī was called for and he was brought until he was made to stand in front of Allah, the Mighty and Majestic. فنودي بالزهري فجيء به حتى أوقف بين يدي اللَّه عَزَّ وَجَلَّ Allah the Mighty and Majestic said to him: “What do you say about the Qurʾān, O Zuhrī!” فقال: اللَّهُ عَزَّ وَجَلَّ له يا زهري ما تقول فِي القرآن al-Zuhrī said: “Your words, O Allah, belonging to You.” فقال: الزهري كلامك اللهم لك So Allah asked: “From where do you (derive and) say this?” فقال: يا زهري من أين لك هذا He (ie: al-Zuhrī) said: “ʿUrwah narrated it to me.” قَالَ: حَدَّثَنِي عروة So ʿUrwah was brought. And He asked him: “What do you say about the Qurʾān?” فجيء عروة فقال: ما تقول فِي القرآن He said: “Your words, O Allah, belonging to You.” فقال: كلامك اللهم لك So Allah asked: “O ʿUrwah, from where do you (derive and) say this?” فقال: له يا عروة من أين لك هذا He said: “ʿĀʿishah, the daughter of Abū Bakr al-Ṣiddīq, narrated to me.” فقال: حَدَّثَتْنِي عَائِشَة بنت أبي بكر الصديق So ʿĀʿishah was called for and she was brought, until she was made to stand in front of Allah, the Mighty and Majestic. فنوديت عَائِشَة فجيء بها فوقفت بين يدي اللَّه عَزَّ وَجَلَّ Allah the Mighty and Majestic asked her: “What do you say about the Qurʾān, O ʿĀʿishah?” فقال: اللَّهُ عَزَّ وَجَلَّ لها يا عَائِشَة ما تقولين فِي القرآن She said: “Your words, O Allah, belonging to You.” فقالت كلامك اللهم لك So Allah said: “From where do you (derive and) say this?” فقال: اللَّه عَزَّ وَجَلَّ لها من أين لك هذا She said: “Your Prophet Muḥammad ﷺ narrated to me.” قَالَتْ حَدَّثَنِي نبيك مُحَمَّد - صَلَّى اللَّهُ عَلَيْهِ وَسَلَّم�� - He said: So Muḥammad ﷺ was called for and he was brought, until he was made to stand in front of Allah, the Mighty and Majestic. قَالَ: فنودي بمحمد - صَلَّى اللَّهُ عَلَيْهِ وَسَلَّمَ - فجيء به فوقف بين يدي اللَّه عَزَّ وَجَلَّ So Allah the Mighty and Majestic asked him: “What do you say about the Qurʾān, O Muḥammad?” فقَالَ: اللَّهُ عَزَّ وَجَلَّ يا مُحَمَّد ما تقول فِي القرآن He said (in this dream): “Your words, O Allah, belonging to You.” فقال: له كلامك اللهم لك So Allah said: “From where has this come to you?” فقَالَ: اللَّهُ له من أين لك هذا So the Prophet ﷺ said: “Jibrīl narrated to me.” فقَالَ: النَّبِيُّ - صَلَّى اللَّهُ عَلَيْهِ وَسَلَّمَ - حَدَّثَنِي به جبريل So Jibrīl was called for and he was brought, until he was made to stand in front of Allah, the Mighty and Majestic. فنودي بجبريل فجيء به حتى وقف بين يدي اللَّه عَزَّ وَجَلَّ And He asked him: “What do you say about the Qurʾān, O Jibrīl?” فقال: له يا جبريل ما تقول فِي القرآن He said, “Your words, O Allah belonging to You.” قَالَ: كلامك اللهم لك So Allah the Exalted asked: “From where has this come to you?” فقَالَ: اللَّهُ تعالى له من أين لك هذا He said, “Isrāfīl narrated this to me.” فقال: هكذا حَدَّثَنَا إسرافيل So Isrāfīl was called for and he was brought, until he was made to stand in front of Allah, the Mighty and Majestic. فنودي بإسرافيل فجيء به حتى وقف بين يدي اللَّه عَزَّ وَجَلَّ Allah, the Sublime, said to him: “What do you say about the Qurʾān, O Isrāfīl?” فقَالَ: اللَّهُ سبحانه يا إسرافيل ما تقول فِي القرآن He said: “Your words, O Allah, belonging to You.” فقال: كلامك اللهم لك So Allah said: “From where has this come to you?” فقال: الله له ومن أين لك هذا Isrāfīl said: “I saw that in al-Lawḥ al-Maḥfūdh (ie: the Preserved Tablet).” فقال: إسرافيل رأيت ذلك فِي اللوح المحفوظ So the Preserved Tablet was brought and stood in front of Allah, the Mighty and Majestic. فجيء باللوح فوقف بين يدي اللَّه عَزَّ وَجَلَّ He asked: “O Lawḥ, what do you say about the Qurʾān?” فقال: له أيها اللوح ما تقول فِي القرآن And it said: “Your words, O Allah, belonging to You.” فقال: كلامك اللهم لك Ibn Abī Yaʿlá, Ṭabaqāt al-Ḥanābilah 1/165 ابن أبي يعلى، طبقات الحنابلة ١/١٦٥ https://shamela.ws/index.php/book/9543 Telegram: https://t.me/ilmtest Twitter: https://twitter.com/ilmtest_ Instagram: https://instagram.com/ilmtest Facebook: https://facebook.com/ilmtest Tumblr: https://ilmtest.tumblr.com YouTube: https://youtube.com/llmTest Website: https://www.ilmtest.net

[themusingmuslim]

“God himself was the master of ceremonies in that heavenly court,

O Khusrau! Where (the face of) Muhammad ﷺ too was shedding light like a candle.”

— Amīr Khusrau

[kollektaneenbuch]

Interesting etymologies: part 2

Some words in different languages beginning with al- which are borrowings from Arabic (e.g. alcohol, algebra, alchemy, algorithm) are actually the result of reanalysis.

In this case, al is originally an article in Arabic, preceding the word itself (so e.g.  al  + kuḥl → alcohol,  al + jabr → algebra), but it was reanalysed as one word in the process of borrowing.

The word algorithm comes from al Ḵwārizmī, a name of a Persian mathematician.

In the case of admiral, the original boundary was between the word and the article following it, i.e.  amīr + al, because it was a military title often followed by another noun (‘commander of + noun’). The reanalysis was also influenced by the Latin suffix -alis. (This is, however, only a theory “not borne out by the textual evidence in either Arabic or the Western languages”, according to the OED.)