#west bengal assembly

[banglakhobor]

অনলাইন গেমে শিশুমনে 'প্রভাব', নিয়ন্ত্রণে লাগু হচ্ছে জিএসটি! বিল পাশ বিধানসভায়

কলকাতা: অনলাইন গেম, ঘোড়দৌড়ের মতো প্রতিযোগিতায় এবার ২৮% জিএসটি লাগু হতে চলেছে। এই মর্মে আজ দ্য ওয়েস্ট বেঙ্গল গুডস অ্যান্ড সার্ভিসেস ট্যাক্স (অ্যামেন্ডমেন্ট) বিল, ২০২৩ পাশ হল রাজ্য বিধানসভায়। ১ অক্টোবর থেকে কার্যকর হবে নয়া আইন। অনলাইন গেমিং প্রসঙ্গে বাংলা সরকার জানায়, অনলাইন গেমের মাধ্যমে শিশু মনের উপর প্রভাব বিস্তার করছে ফলে এটার একটা নিয়ন্ত্রণ দরকার। যদিও গোয়��র সরকার প্রতিবাদ জানিয়েছিল এই…

[rightnewshindi]

आज पश्चिम बंगाल विधानसभा में पेश किया जाएगा रेप विरोधी बिल, भाजपा भी देगी समर्थन

West Bengal News: कोलकाता के अस्पताल में महिला डॉक्टर से रेप और हत्या की घटना के बाद सत्ताधारी टीएमसी सवालों के घेरे में है। टीएमसी के कई नेताओं के बयान भी मुश्किल खड़ी कर रहे हैं। इस बीच पूर्व सांसद कुणाल घोष रविवार को पीड़ित परिवार से मिलने पहुंचे। उन्होंने पीड़िता के पिता से पार्टी के रवैये में सुधार का भी वादा किया। घोष ने बाद में बताया कि पीड़िता के पिता ने कहा है कि वे यही चाहते हैं कि…

[butchkaramazov]

The RG Kar Incident: DON'T CLOSE YOUR EYES TO RAPE

I’m unsure of how many non-Indians or even non-Bengalis know of this. Regardless of whether you do or do not, I would request you to reblog this post & share awareness about this. DON'T LET INJUSTICE GO UNPUNISHED.

On August 9, 2024, the body of 31-year-old post-graduate medical trainee, Dr. Moumita Debnath, was found partially naked in the seminar room of RG Kar, a hospital in Kolkata. She had just finished working a 36-hour night shift before this and, out of exhaustion, had fallen asleep while studying in the nearest seminar room on the fourth floor of the hospital.

Her family was informed beforehand that she had committed suicide, to which her mother emphasized on the fact that her daughter could never carry out such an act. On further investigation, it was found that Dr. Debnath had been raped and murdered in her sleep.

According to the Deccan Herald,

“There was bleeding from both her eyes and mouth, injuries over the face and nail. The victim was also bleeding from her private parts. She also has injuries in her belly, left leg… neck, in her right hand, ring finger and… lips. [...] “Her neck bone was also found broken. It seems that she was first strangulated and then smothered to death.”

According to Medical Dialogues,

“There were multiple hairs on the mattress and blood was soaked on the blue mattress [...]”

Later, it was found that Dr. Debnath’s glasses were shattered and her eyes were pierced with the shards of her glasses themselves.

Although one of the criminals (Sanjoy Roy) has been arrested, I am certain that there are others involved. In fact, it has been found that Sanjoy Roy, despite being an outsider, was granted access to PG Kar via personal relations with senior police officers.

The chief minister of West Bengal (despite being a woman herself) as well as members other political parties are trying, behind the scenes, to let this case fade away. Why? Oh right, it's really the privileged, upper class & upper caste sons and brothers of ministers who are behind this! No major crime can happen in a country without there being the hand of one or more influential persons, often politically involved.

Sisters and brothers, দিদিরা ও দাদারা, it would be a sin to remain silent in the face of such a crime. Our brave brothers & sisters pursuing medical practise have ceased working in their hospitals to protest against this grave crime against women, against humanity. We cannot let this injustice go unpunished! A crime against a single woman is a crime against all of us! We were born from a woman, raised by a woman—and now, when we see the honour, dignity and life of women at stake, won’t we join the andolan? Won’t we fight for what is right?

Requesting all Kolkata residents (who can) to join in at least any one of the protests mentioned below. There are provisions for elderly & disabled people. Men are invited to join us as well.

For those who want to join the Reclaim the Night protest at 11:55 p.m., please refer to this list of contact numbers (according to your region) provided by Miru Didi ( @arachneofthoughts )

Take hold of the night! We have always been told to stay wary of nighttime and the dangers, manifested in the form of cruel men, we may face. Not anymore—we must reclaim the night! How much fear is fear enough? If anyone wants to know further details and the phone numbers regarding this first event, please DM me.

Blowing the conch has always been a signal of strength. In traditional Bengali culture, it is almost always the women who blow the conch, be it in Durga Puja or the everyday pujas carried out at home. It was, and always will remain a sign of victory over evil. At 11:55 p.m., all those who cannot join the midnight assembly (the aforementioned event) can, instead, blow the conch from their own houses! Let them know you're not afraid. Let them know you've had enough. Let them know that once a revolution starts, especially one spearheaded by women, takes a long, long time to end.

[Please Note: These protests are not personally organised by me. I simply am in touch and will be attending the protest tonight.]

If you can, please do take the time to sign this petition below (courtesy of Miru Didi @arachneofthoughts) to aid our efforts:

If nothing, please do take the time to share and reblog this post wherever you can! DON'T LET RAPE GO UNPUNISHED!

[f1ghtsoftly]

All The Women’s News You Missed Last Week 9/16/24-9/23/24:

Hi, this newsletter is late. On Thursday, September 19th, I was the victim of a crime and needed emergency medical care. I am currently recovering with family outside the city. This is the earliest I could get out this project. I appreciate your understanding at this time.

Male Violence/Femicide: 

US: Sean 'Diddy' Combs arrest live updates: Charged with sex trafficking and racketeering 

India: West Bengal Assembly in India passes bill mandating life in prison or death penalty for rape convictions

France: Shocking rape trial highlights the systematic struggles French sexual abuse victims face

Australia: Suspect in 1977 Melbourne cold case arrested in Italy

US: Several Mark Robinson campaign staffers quit as fallout over online posts continues

Italy: Italy holds a trial into the killing of a woman that sparked debate over femicide

US: Harvey Weinstein pleads not guilty to new sexual assault charge 

UK: Harrods' ex-owner Al Fayed raped, assaulted staff over decades, lawyers say 

Reproductive Rights in the USA/Special Focus:

A dramatic rise in pregnant women dying in Texas after abortion ban 

Abortion Bans Have Delayed Emergency Medical Care. In Georgia, Experts Say This Mother’s Death Was Preventable.

Federal judge temporarily blocks Tennessee’s ‘abortion trafficking’ law

‘She should be alive today’ — Harris spotlights woman’s death to blast abortion bans and Trump

Western nations were desperate for Korean babies. Now many adoptees believe they were stolen

Euphoric two years ago, US anti-abortion movement is now divided and worried as election nears

US Senate IVF bill fails after Republicans block it, despite Trump support

Transgender News/Gender Critical:

Australia: Australian woman's complaint at hostel backfires as manager fires back: 'This guest is lucky we didn't press charges on her'

Women’s Achievements: 

US: 2 Black women could make Senate history on Election Day

Sri Lanka: Sri Lanka has more women voters than men but no female presidential candidates

US: ‘Hidden Figures’ of the space race receive Congress’ highest honor at medal ceremony

MISC: 

Sweden: Sweden charges woman with genocide, crimes against humanity in Syria

Arts and Culture: 

Music Review: Katy Perry returns with the uninspired and forgettable ‘143'

Why does ‘The Babadook’ still haunt? Its director, Jennifer Kent, has some answers

JoJo was a teen sensation. At 33, she’s found her voice again

'Agatha All Along' crafts a witch coven community run by women

Demi Lovato’s ‘Child Star’ Is Now Streaming on Hulu and Disney+

As always, this is global and domestic news from a US perspective covering feminist issues and women in the news more generally. As of right now, I do not cover Women’s Sports. Published each Monday afternoon.

I am looking for better sources on women’s arts and culture outside of the English-speaking world, if you know of any-please be in touch.

[deadoveater]

Death penalty, time-bound trial, publication curbs: All about West Bengal’s anti-rape ‘Aparajita’ Bill

The Bill was passed unanimously in the West Bengal Assembly, a rare moment of cross-party support in a politically-charged state.

Article updated: September 3, 2024

The article:

In a move aimed at enhancing the safety of women and children, the Mamata Banerjee-led government has passed the ‘Aparajita Woman and Child (West Bengal Criminal Laws and Amendment) Bill 2024.’ This legislation was a direct response to the brutal rape and murder of a trainee doctor at R G Kar Medical College and Hospital, which has sparked nationwide protests and demands for stricter laws against sexual violence.

The Bill was passed unanimously in the West Bengal Assembly, a rare moment of cross-party support in a politically-charged state. However, the passage was not without contention. During the debate, Leader of Opposition Suvendu Adhikari proposed several amendments aimed at enhancing accountability among law enforcement officials. While some were accepted, others were rejected, leading to heated exchanges between the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) and the opposition. The Bill comes into effect on September 5, 2024.

Key Provisions

Death Penalty for Rape: The Bill proposes capital punishment for those convicted of rape if their actions result in the victim’s death or leave her in a vegetative state.

Time-Bound Investigations and Trials: One of the most notable changes is the stipulation that investigations into rape cases must be concluded within 21 days of the initial report. This is a substantial reduction from the previous two-month deadline. Extensions are allowed, but only with written justification by a senior police officer.

Fast-Track Courts: To ensure swift justice, the draft legislation mandates the establishment of special courts dedicated to handling cases of sexual violence.

Aparajita Task Force: The Bill calls for the creation of a specialised task force at the district level, headed by a deputy superintendent of police. This task force will focus on investigating cases of rape and other atrocities against women and children.

Stricter Penalties for Repeat Offenders: The legislation proposes life imprisonment for repeat offenders, with the possibility of the death penalty if the circumstances warrant it.

Protection of Victims’ Identities: The Bill includes provisions to protect the identities of victims, ensuring their privacy and dignity during the legal process.

Penalties for Delaying Justice: It introduces penalties for police and health officials who fail to act promptly or tamper with evidence. This aims to hold authorities accountable for any negligence in the judicial process.

Publication Restrictions: The Bill imposes strict penalties for unauthorised publication of court proceedings related to sexual offenses, with potential imprisonment of 3 to 5 years.

[beardedmrbean]

After the rape and murder of a junior doctor in a Kolkata hospital led to widespread protests, the West Bengal Assembly has unanimously passed a bill ordering life imprisonment for convicted rapists and the death penalty for rape which results in the death or vegetative state of the victim.

Several other proposals will also be enacted through the Aparajita Woman and Child Bill, including a special task force led by a female officer to accelerate investigations into rape cases, dedicated fast track courts, penalties for delays in investigations and a time limit of 21 days -- with a potential 15-day extension -- to issue a decision.

The bill will now go to the governor of West Bengal who is expected to sign it into law.

The new law was inspired following the death of a trainee doctor at R.G. Kar Medical College, wo was found dead with injuries indicating rape and strangulation in a seminar room in the hospital on Aug. 9. The murder sparked protests and rallies, drawing tens of thousands of people calling for justice. The suspect in custody, Sanjay Roy, stated he is innocent and is being framed.

Many in India see the bill as a step towards justice and assembly members from the opposition BJP party have lent their full support to its passage.

Sujata, a 55 year old protester who did not want to be identified by her last name, supported the bill. “You have to put some examples before the people so they will be aware of the punishment,” she said.

But others saw the bill as a knee-jerk reaction that precludes sustainable change.

“We need to look at not only the act, but what precedes the act,” said Piya Chakraborty, 39, a mental health rights activist. She believes India needs to focus on larger systemic reforms addressing rape culture and victim blaming.

The current proposal “is an easy way out for the state to say, ‘We’ve got a law,’” said Jhuma Sen, an Advocate practicing at the Calcutta High Court and the Supreme Court. She says parts of the bill are unconstitutional as Indian law forbids the mandatory minimum punishment for any crime as being the death penalty.

Advocates who oppose the death penalty bill say that capital punishment policies do not deter crime. Instead, innocent people are framed and sentenced to death as government bodies rush to reach a verdict and appease the public.

Maitreyi Misra, the director of death penalty mitigation at the pro bono legal aid and research center Project 39A, stated that 95% of all Indian death row cases from 2000 to 2015 either ended in acquittals or commutations.

“Procedural safeguards are not being insured,” she said, pointing to flawed interrogations, improper collection of evidence, and lack of representation from lawyers -- all common during rushed investigations and trials. “What kind of justice are we aiming to have?”

At the rally that Chakraborty attended soon after she spoke to ABC News, a large blue banner condemned the bill, calling for transparent investigation and justice.

“Justice cannot be reduced to revenge,” she said.

[brookstonalmanac]

Events 5.28 (after 1960)

1961 – Peter Benenson's article The Forgotten Prisoners is published in several internationally read newspapers. This will later be thought of as the founding of the human rights organization Amnesty International. 1964 – The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) is founded, with Yasser Arafat elected as its first leader. 1968 – Garuda Indonesian Airways Flight 892 crashes near Nala Sopara in India, killing 30. 1974 – Northern Ireland's power-sharing Sunningdale Agreement collapses following a general strike by loyalists. 1975 – Fifteen West African countries sign the Treaty of Lagos, creating the Economic Community of West African States. 1977 – In Southgate, Kentucky, the Beverly Hills Supper Club is engulfed in fire, killing 165 people inside. 1979 – Konstantinos Karamanlis signs the full treaty of the accession of Greece with the European Economic Community. 1987 – An 18-year-old West German pilot, Mathias Rust, evades Soviet Union air defences and lands a private plane in Red Square in Moscow, Russia. 1991 – The capital city of Addis Ababa falls to the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front, ending both the Derg regime in Ethiopia and the Ethiopian Civil War. 1995 – The 7.0 Mw  Neftegorsk earthquake shakes the former Russian settlement of Neftegorsk with a maximum Mercalli intensity of IX (Violent). Total damage was $64.1–300 million, with 1,989 deaths and 750 injured. The settlement was not rebuilt. 1996 – U.S. President Bill Clinton's former business partners in the Whitewater land deal, Jim McDougal and Susan McDougal, and the Governor of Arkansas, Jim Guy Tucker, are convicted of fraud. 1998 – Nuclear testing: Pakistan responds to a series of nuclear tests by India with five of its own codenamed Chagai-I, prompting the United States, Japan, and other nations to impose economic sanctions. Pakistan celebrates Youm-e-Takbir annually. 1999 – In Milan, Italy, after 22 years of restoration work, Leonardo da Vinci's masterpiece The Last Supper is put back on display. 2002 – The last steel girder is removed from the original World Trade Center site. Cleanup duties officially end with closing ceremonies at Ground Zero in Manhattan, New York City. 2003 – Peter Hollingworth resigns as Governor-General of Australia following criticism of his handling of child sexual abuse allegations during his tenure as Anglican Archbishop of Brisbane. 2004 – The Iraqi Governing Council chooses Ayad Allawi, a longtime anti-Saddam Hussein exile, as prime minister of Iraq's interim government. 2008 – The first meeting of the Constituent Assembly of Nepal formally declares Nepal a republic, ending the 240-year reign of the Shah dynasty. 2010 – In West Bengal, India, the Jnaneswari Express train derailment and subsequent collision kills 148 passengers. 2011 – Malta votes on the introduction of divorce; the proposal was approved by 53% of voters, resulting in a law allowing divorce under certain conditions being enacted later in the year. 2016 – Harambe, a gorilla, is shot to death after grabbing a three-year-old boy in his enclosure at the Cincinnati Zoo and Botanical Garden, resulting in widespread criticism and sparking various internet memes. 2017 – Former Formula One driver Takuma Sato wins his first Indianapolis 500, the first Japanese and Asian driver to do so. Double world champion Fernando Alonso retires from an engine issue in his first entry of the event.

[meluhha]

MELUHHA. MELAKA. MELA. MEL. TA-MIL.

Meluhha/Melukhkha - This term appears in several ancient texts, including the Sumerian and Akkadian texts, and is thought to refer to the Indus Valley Civilization. Some scholars believe that the word has Dravidian origins.

Melaka - assemblage; “visionary encounters (with the Goddesses)”; the “union” (of Śiva and Śakti); Yoginīmelaka, “a meeting with Yoginīs”

Meru - This is a mountain that is considered sacred in Hindu, Buddhist, and Jain traditions. The word is believed to have Dravidian roots.

Mela - This is a Sanskrit word that means "gathering" or "assembly". It is commonly used to refer to large festivals and gatherings in India.

Melammu - This is a Sumerian word that means "divine radiance" or "divine glory". It is believed to have Dravidian roots.

Melakadambur - This is a village in Tamil Nadu, India, that is known for its ancient Hindu temple. The name of the village is believed to have originated from a combination of two words - "melai" (Tamil for high) and "kadambu" (Tamil for tree).

Melakarta - This is a system of organizing and classifying musical scales in Carnatic music, a classical music tradition from South India. The term "melakarta" literally means "primary scales" in Sanskrit, but its exact origins are unclear and it may have Dravidian roots.

Melaka - This is a city in Malaysia that was an important trading port in ancient times. The name is thought to have originated from a combination of two words - "mele" (Tamil for hill) and "ka" (Sanskrit for foot), referring to the city's location at the foot of a hill. 

Melana - a form of dance in Odisha

Melap - a traditional musical instrument in Rajasthan

Melchham - a folk dance form in Himachal Pradesh

Mel - a festival celebrated in Assam

Melana - a religious festival celebrated by the Khasi tribe in Meghalaya

Mel - a community gathering in Punjab

Melo - a type of folk song in West Bengal

Melava - a gathering of people for a social or religious occasion in Maharashtra

Meluha - an ancient civilization in the Indus Valley

Mel - a gathering of people for social and cultural events in Kerala

Mela - a festival or fair held in various parts of India

Melat - a type of song in the Maldives

Melan - a traditional wrestling competition in Uttarakhand

Mela-kacheri - a type of music concert in Tamil Nadu

Melattur style - a style of Bharatanatyam dance in Tamil Nadu

Melodious - having a pleasant tune or melody in music

Melam - a type of percussion music in Kerala

Melapadam - a musical composition in the Indian classical tradition

Melakarta - a system of classification of ragas in Carnatic music

Melavu - a traditional folk dance in Andhra Pradesh

Melghat - a mountain range in Maharashtra

Melkote - a town in Karnataka known for its temples

Melnattu - a term used to describe the western region of Tamil Nadu

Melukote - a town in Karnataka known for its temples

Meliaputti - a town in Andhra Pradesh

Melavasal - a place in Tamil Nadu known for its silk production

Melachirappalli - a town in Tamil Nadu

Melur - a town in Tamil Nadu

Melathiruppanthuruthi - a village in Tamil Nadu

Melmaruvathur - a town in Tamil Nadu known for its temple

Melanam - a type of ceremonial procession in Kerala

Melapalayam - a town in Tamil Nadu

Melmuri - a village in Kerala

Melparamba - a village in Kerala

Melkam - a traditional dance in Assam

Melamchi - a river in Nepal

Melukavu - a village in Kerala

Melmadoor - a village in Telangana

Melukote Narasimha - a form of Lord Vishnu worshipped in Karnataka

Melkallur - a village in Tamil Nadu

Melasani - a village in Karnataka

Melkamane - a village in Karnataka

Melvettoor - a village in Kerala

Melthonnakkal - a village in Kerala

Melukote Vyasaraya - a prominent philosopher and saint in the Madhva tradition

Meloor - a village in Kerala

Melkavattur - a village in Tamil Nadu

Meladi - a village in Rajasthan.

SIDENOTE

"mel-" or "meldh-" which means "dark," "black," or "soil” is found in various Indo-European languages, such as the Latin word "melas," the Greek word "mélās," the Old English word "melan," and the Sanskrit word "mālā."

[lgbtqiamuslimpedia]

Parvez Sharma

DOB : July 8, 1976

Occupation : Journalist, Filmmaker,Writer, Activist

Gender : Male

Sexuality : Gay

Ethnicity : Indian 🇮🇳

Spouce : Dan

Awards : Best Film,Mix Brasil 2008,Best Film,Image +Nation,Montreal 2008,Monette Horowitz Award,Cinereach Award,Arts PAC—Artists for Freedom Of Expression,Arcus Foundation Award,The Hartley Film Award,Andy Warhol Foundation for The Visual Arts 2006,GLAAD Media Award,Stonewall Community Fund, etc

Parvez Sharma (also known as Parvez Hussein Sharma) is an Indian-born American journalist, writer, filmmaker & activist. He proudly identify himself as Gay & Muslim. Sharma's writings have appeared on The Huffington Post, The Daily Beast and The Guardian.He is a recipient of the 2018 Guggenheim Fellowship in the film/video category. He is best known for his films In the name of Allah (short), A Jihad for Love, A Sinner in Mecca, & his book A Sinner in Mecca: A Gay Muslim's Hajj of Defiance. He received the GLAAD Media Award for Outstanding Documentary amongst several other international awards for A Jihad for Love. For his 2 controversial documentaries, Parvez Sharma faced lots of criticism from Muslim communities.After the release of A Jihad for Love, Sharma was labeled as Apostate by the Muslim Judicial Council of South Africa.

Early Life:

Parvez Sharma was born on 8th July of 1975 in a small town of New Delhi. His parents were sunni muslim. He grew up in various cities all over India. His high school was a Catholic School called St Mary's Academy where all students had to recite the Pater Noster during morning assembly. At the age 12, he had (inappropriately) speed-read his mother’s copy of “Gone with the Wind” & even gotten his hands on Christopher Isherwood’s “Berlin Diaries”. By 13 he was precociously photographing everything with a pretty basic Vivitar camera which was gifted by his American cousin.

He recieved his bachelor degree in English literature from Presidency College of the University of Calcutta.He received his master's degrees in Mass Communication (Film and Television) from Jamia Millia Islamia University,Broadcast Journalism from the University of Wales,Cardiff & Video from American University's School of Communication.He moved to the United States in 2000 as a student at Columbia University's Film School, but was unable to continue a second semester due to lack of funds and moved to American University where he was given scholarships.

Career:

Parvez Sharma worked as a journalist for India's 24-hour news television network NDTV.He also worked on programming for BBC World Television(India), the Discovery Channel(United States), & the World Bank (United States).Parvez Sharma worked in several radio,print, and broadcast.

In the nineties, Sharma was a print journalist for several prominent Indian newspapers including The Telegraph,The Statesman,The Economic Times,The Business Standard, & India Currents Magazine.While at the Statesman he reported on what was the first ever detailing of the lesbian experience within India for a national newspaper - Emerging from the Shadows (July 3, 1994)– which became a rallying point for lesbians around the country and was crucial in the formation of many lesbian organizations.

Sharma was instrumental in setting up the first organized LGBT effort in the eastern state of West Bengal,setting benchmarks for many other LGBT organizing efforts around the subcontinent.

Films

In his short film, In the name of Allah , Parvez interviewed American,British & South Asian Gay & Lesbian Muslims.A Jihad for Love film was preceded by this short film.Parvez Sharma came up with the idea after listening to the stories of gay muslims, when he attended American University.He decided to give a voice "to a community that really needed to be heard, and that until now hadn't been.Parvez Sharma and his film's co-producer Sandi Dubowski raised more than a million dollars over a 6 year period to make this daring film. Parvez conducted interviews of many LGBTQ+ muslims from different backgrounds.He met these people through the Internet.The film was filmed in 12 different countries and in 9 languages. Sharma compiled 400 hours of footage of interviews throughout North America, Europe, Africa, Asia, & the Middle East.Countries included Iran,Iraq,Saudi Arabia,Egypt,Bangladesh,Pakistan,Turkey,France,India,South Africa,USA & UK.

In just its opening week during a limited release of 33 cities, A Jihad for Love, for example, ran for four weeks at New York's IFC theaters.The film grossed $22,287, out of which, $10,519 was just in New York.The Domestic Total Gross for the film is $105,659.A Jihad for Love was theatrically released in 33 cities,while A Sinner in Mecca was only released in four cities, for a week each.Its box office numbers were low, except in New York where it had a higher box office return of $11,220.The film also premiered in 2007 at the Toronto International Film Festival & in 2008 at the Berlinale.It went on to premier at more than a hundred film festivals globally and was released in theaters in the US and Canada in 2008 by First Run Features and Mongrel Media.A Jihad for Love was broadcast in India and other countries by India's NDTV.It was shown in two parts over the Aug 1-2 and Aug 8-9 weekends.Further A Jihad for Love was banned from screening in the Singapore International Film Festival, 2008.The film was also banned in several muslim-majority countries.By 2011, Sharma conducted live events and screenings of A Jihad for Love in many Muslim nations and capitals ranging from Beirut,Lebanon and Istanbul, Turkey, to Bishkek,Kyrgyzstan and Kuala Lumpur,Malaysia.In Indonesia, the film did an 8-city tour to acclaim.

In 2007 he wrote a chapter for the book Gay Travels in the Muslim World. In 2009 Parvez Sharma wrote the foreword for the anthology Islam and Homosexuality.

In 2009, Sharma was named as one of "50 Visionaries changing your world" in a list headed by the Dalai Lama.The OUT Magazine named Parvez Sharma one of the OUT 100 twice for 2008 and 2015- "one of the 100 gay men and women who have helped shape our culture during the year".On 29 May 2013 Sharma was honored as an "LGBT hero" by first-lady Michelle Obama at a DNC fundraiser in New York.

Activism:

As an activist Parvez Sharma has spoken internationally on distinguished film/media panels and panels on Muslim & South asian LGBTQ+ issues, human rights violations across the world & the crisis in 21st century Islam.

[therewasabrowncrow]

Indian Communists’ Muslim Dilemma

Shadman Ali Khan, Jacobin

In recent years, Kerala, a southern Indian state long governed by the Left, has reportedly seen cases of gold smuggling and transactions of illegal, unregulated money. Commenting on the issue in a recent interview, the Communist Party of India (Marxist), or CPI(M), chief minister of the state described the Muslim-majority district of Malappuram as a hot spot for these crimes. He claimed that these offenses are most prevalent in this district — and that illegal money is brought into Kerala for “anti-national” activities.

The label “anti-national,” which is often applied, if not limited to, Indian Muslims, is not the chief minister’s own coinage but rather a term borrowed from the lexicon of Hindu nationalist forces. Strategically deployed by Hindutva organizations to ostracize and demonize Muslims in India, the term takes on a more powerful meaning by labeling them as “traitors” to the motherland.

Facing backlash, the chief minister disowned the statement. Yet, party leaders’ borrowing of anti-Muslim rhetoric from the Hindu nationalist echo chamber is not something new. In 2010, another CPI(M) stalwart, V. S. Achuthanandan, accused a Muslim political group of using marriage as a tool to “Islamize” Kerala. This claim resembled the “love jihad” narrative, one of many Islamophobic campaigns propagated by Hindutva forces to demonize Indian Muslims. This conspiracy theory tells us that Muslim men lure Hindu women into marriage to convert them and change the religious demographic.

These positions taken by the CPI(M) are viewed by many civil-society activists as isolated incidents and by some political analysts as deliberate compromises yielding to electoral pressures. However, the CPI(M)’s handling of the “Muslim issue” is more than that — it is a symptom of a larger crisis within the party.

Founded in 1964 after splitting from the Communist Party of India, the CPI(M) not only survived but grew in size, at a time when most communist parties in Europe were losing influence after the dissolution of the USSR. In parliamentary terms, the party has ruled leading left-wing coalitions in West Bengal, Kerala, and Tripura. Together, these states have a combined population of approximately 140 million. In both West Bengal and Kerala, Muslims make up over 25 percent of the population and play a decisive role in electoral outcomes.

In West Bengal, where the party ruled for thirty-four years and had a strong base among Muslims, it suffered a rout in the 2009 general and 2011 assembly elections. Since then, the CPI(M) has been reduced to a negligible force in the state.In both West Bengal and Kerala, Muslims make up over 25 percent of the population and play a decisive role in electoral outcomes.

Prabhat Patnaik, a renowned Marxist economist, commenting on the party’s decline in West Bengal, identifies a critical factor behind its fall: what he terms “empiricization.” By this, he means the party’s tendency to focus on short-term political praxis, divorced from the long-term objective of transcending capitalism. This shift, Patnaik suggests, has also led to stagnation and bureaucratization within the party.

The Muslim Factor and the Left’s Decline in West Bengal

Historically, the CPI(M) had a massive base among landless Muslim peasants due to land reform initiatives between 1978 and 1980, especially Operation Barga, which aimed to provide legal recognition and protection to bargadars (sharecroppers). The program greatly benefited most Muslim sharecroppers, improving their socioeconomic conditions. However, over time, the moral impact of these land reform measures began to fade in the absence of new, inclusive development projects for marginalized Muslims. The party’s “symbolic capital” subsequently started to deplete with increasing bureaucratization on the ground.

A stark example of this was observed in the hunger-stricken, Muslim-majority district of Murshidabad, which witnessed multiple starvation deaths in the mid-2000s. The region’s major river, the Padma, has often caused severe erosion and destroyed fertile lands. This undoubtedly precipitated this situation, too, and yet environmental degradation was not the only factor contributing to the tragedy. Poverty, displacement, unemployment, and, above all, the criminal apathy of the CPI(M)-led government toward the crisis pushed the villagers to the brink, even causing starvation. The dire conditions and the state government’s apathy were highlighted in reports from Masum, a local human rights organization. According to Masum:

Every day someone or the other dies of hunger in the village of Dayarampur or among other adjacent villages. They have not even heard of Annapurna Yojana, a central government scheme intended to give them food grains when in need. One handicapped man named Amir Shah complained that their names have not even been included in the Below Poverty Line list, which would allow them to apply for assistance.

There were also instances where children were forced to drop out of school because studying on an empty stomach became impossible. In their struggle to survive hunger, many of these children were forced into child labor. Among many such heart-wrenching stories, there were also accounts of a desperate small child eating dirt to fill his stomach, only to later succumb to starvation.

However, despite repeated calls for intervention from the state government, these pleas were ignored, with even the state’s then rural development minister, Surjya Kanta Mishra, refusing to acknowledge the starvation deaths. As noted by the newspaper Tehelka, he crudely claimed that “[t]hese are stories woven by journalists; there has not been any starvation death in the region.” Mishra went on to become the secretary of the CPI(M) West Bengal State Committee in 2015.

Further, a detailed report by the Charity Alliance revealed that Below Poverty Line (BPL) ration cards, meant to provide subsidized food to the poor, were not issued to the majority of the affected population, many of whom later died from starvation and malnutrition. Instead, these government benefits were disproportionately allocated to a select few, notably CPI(M) cadres themselves.This intersection of bureaucratization and the absence of welfare policies in Muslim-majority areas gave rise to a crisis within a crisis, with each reinforcing the other.

Moreover, as journalist Tarun Kanti Bose highlighted, amidst this tragedy, CPI(M) functionaries not only threatened the villagers to discourage them from complaining, but also appropriated whatever relief materials came their way. On top of that, the party’s cadres launched an extortion drive against these hunger-stricken families in the name of collecting party funds. This blatant inequity and gangsterism went largely unchallenged, as fear of retaliation from party cadres deterred villagers from protesting. Those who attempted to highlight the starvation crisis were targeted by the police, as noted in a report by the Asian Human Rights Commission.

In 2006, the Sachar Committee report — a detailed study of the socioeconomic conditions of Indian Muslims — further attested to the fact that Muslims in West Bengal did not receive equal sociopolitical and economic support from the left-wing government, compared to other communities. The committee found that Muslims in the state had some of the lowest mean years of schooling (MYS), and Muslim-majority rural areas lacked basic infrastructure, including medical facilities. Their representation in government jobs and work participation rate (WPR) were also among the lowest nationwide, making their situation one of the most disadvantaged in the country.

The report also pointed out that these socioeconomic deprivations pave the way for insecurities among Muslims, leading them to perceive these material problems as community-specific. As the late Marxist thinker Aijaz Ahmad aptly states in an essay on communalism:

Considering that the vast majority of Indians enjoy no rights of citizenship, except the abstract right of universal suffrage, it is all the more likely that most people would feel much less moved by our nationalist discourses and would be more attached to what we ourselves regard as the communities of their actual religious belief, affective relationships, and social belonging.

In this context, the dilapidated condition of underclass Muslims in West Bengal led to a shift from class consciousness toward the solidification of their religious identity, as a “protest against real suffering.” For example, the scarcity of educational facilities in Muslim-majority areas was partially addressed by the community through the establishment of Islamic denominational institutions, known as madrassas. An increasing number of private madrassas began to emerge in the state, catering to the underprivileged Muslim population.

This self-help by the community was cast as religious extremism by the then CPI(M) chief minister of West Bengal, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, who declared these unregistered madrassas “dens of terrorism.” The party leadership’s reductive view of these madrassas as extremist, rather than understanding them as a response to deprivation, can be seen as a product of “empiricization,” where political stagnation gave rise to ideological stagnation, and the absence of revolutionary praxis led to the emergence of a reactionary, anti-Muslim stance.

The CPI(M)’s alienation of Muslims was further worsened by its adoption of a neoliberal route to industrialization. The party’s attempt to acquire land from the peasantry to lease to Indonesia’s Salim Group conglomerate to build a chemical hub backfired, culminating in the Nandigram violence of 2007.

During this state-backed crackdown, CPI(M) cadres brutally suppressed peasants protesting against land dispossession, resulting in the deaths of fourteen villagers and leaving over a hundred missing. Coincidentally, the majority of the affected peasants were Muslim, further deepening their distrust with the party.

This series of events indicates a continuous reproduction of crises that appear isolated but are, in fact, interrelated symptoms of a larger structural malaise within the party at both political and ideological levels. The decline of the Left in West Bengal is a symptom of these contradictions. By the 2009 general elections, this accumulated alienation resulted in a nearly 10 percent shift in the Muslim vote away from the Left, leading to its eventual electoral collapse in the state.

A Case for Kerala

Despite Kerala’s world-famous leftist government, the dominance of communist politics has not overshadowed the role of religious identity and caste.

The veteran CPI(M) leader E. M. S. Namboodiripad once observed this shortcoming vis-à-vis religious minorities:

Looking back, I feel one of our key failures has been in understanding issues connected with religious minorities in Kerala. Unlike West Bengal and Tripura, the population of Kerala has large Christian and Muslim minorities, which form over 40 percent of the state’s population. Muslims and Christians are under the predominant influence of religion-based leaders, that is, of the Muslim League and the Church.

Since his speech in 1994, little progress has been made on this front, as the CPI(M) continues to struggle to rally Muslims under its Left Democratic Front (LDF) — an issue the party yet again acknowledged in its review of 2024 parliamentary elections. The review states that Muslims did not see the Left as a force in the fight against Narendra Modi’s Hindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

This gap between the Left and Muslims of Kerala becomes evident in their electoral behavior during parliamentary elections, with most rallying behind the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML). The party holds significant electoral power in Malabar, a region with a large Muslim population. Although the IUML was once allied with the CPI(M), it joined the Indian National Congress–led United Democratic Front (UDF) over four decades ago and has remained a key ally ever since.

At the same time, the Hindu-nationalist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and BJP have seized the opportunity to extend their anti-Muslim propaganda, aiming to strengthen their position in Kerala. Slowly but surely, they have been succeeding, with one example being the growing divide between Christians and Muslims. Concurrently, there has been a noticeable shift by the Left’s traditional Ezhava (a so-called backward Hindu caste group) base toward the BJP in the last general election. However, to overcome such short-term political setbacks, the CPI(M) has often resorted to “populist reasoning,” invoking the specter of Muslim extremism to balance its position among non-Muslim communities.

Commenting on this problem, Kerala-based journalist Ayyapan R writes that

the [CPI(M)] had subtle ways to humour the openly secular but secretly communal Hindu. [The CPI(M)] created a villain, the Extremist Muslim, and flogged it publicly. The spectacle was clearly intended for the satisfaction of the “half-way Hindu” who did not want to be seen with the [RSS and BJP] crowd but still had found merit in the wild fears they had raised about the Muslim.

This is not to imply that communal forces are entirely absent from Muslim politics; however, they remain largely marginalized within the community. One contributing factor is the widespread presence of the IUML, a secular, democratic Muslim party that works for minorities in general and also has members from non-Muslim communities. In addition to support from upper- and middle-class Muslims, the party also has backing from the Muslim working class, garnering support through its trade union, the Swatantra Thozhilali Union.

The CPI(M) has made attempts to court the IUML, most recently in the run-up to the 2024 general elections. But, following the devastating electoral results and the failure to bring the IUML into the LDF, the party which previously regarded the IUML as a secular outfit suddenly reversed its position. It then accused the IUML of being communal and claimed it had a secret alliance with Muslim extremists which led to the defeat of the LDF.

The party’s move to blame Muslim extremists for its electoral failure hints at another symptom of a bigger crisis, where it continues to focus more on external factors for its decline rather than engaging in “ruthless criticism” of its own line. But most importantly, the party’s attitude of framing “Muslim politics” in this or that schematic fashion according to its electoral convenience, resembles just another bourgeois parliamentary tactic where scapegoating Muslims remains constant in today’s India.

Growing Islamophobia within Kerala’s society and state machinery also hints at a regression of its strong secular trend, itself the result of once-uncompromising struggle of communists and other social reformers. Recently, a Muslim independent journalist was detained by Kerala police for wearing a Palestinian keffiyeh during a cricket match. After his release, his mother was questioned by the Kerala Anti-Terrorism Squad, which inquired whether her son was religious.

This incident, like many others, showcases the CPI(M)’s failure to combat anti-Muslim biases within civil society and the state machinery. Accompanied by its occasional strategic use of the “good vs. bad Muslims” narrative and the appropriation of Hindutva lexicon, the party fails to shift the Overton window on Muslim identity away from its Hindutva definition. This also highlights the party’s reluctance to rethink its engagement with the question of identity, leading to a dead end where theoretical limitations translate into political failures.

These symptoms that previously emerged before the collapse in West Bengal are now increasingly evident in Kerala, the party’s last remaining stronghold.

At its core, this structural crisis in the CPI(M) is a crisis of imagination regarding the kind of social transformation it aims to achieve. The party’s reliance on balancing the majority-minority calculus to stay electorally relevant also means getting trapped in the conflicts of identity. Such an approach clearly contradicts its long-standing claim of transcending such divisions through working-class politics.

[framefounder]

The Process of Perfecting Films in Post-Production

Post-production is a critical phase in filmmaking. It takes all the footage shot during production and transforms it into the final version that audiences will see on screen. In this stage, the raw materials are edited, enhanced, and polished to create a seamless movie. From editing to color grading and sound design, each step ensures that the vision of the filmmakers comes to life.

Editing and Assembling Footage

The first step in post-production is assembling the footage. The editor carefully selects and arranges shots in a way that tells a compelling story. This is where the film’s pacing, tone, and flow are established. Editors use software like Adobe Premiere or Final Cut Pro to cut, trim, and rearrange scenes. Once the rough cut is complete, the team reviews it for feedback before finalizing the edit.

Adding Special Effects and Graphics

Next comes adding special effects, if needed. Special effects like CGI (computer-generated imagery) and visual enhancements help bring scenes to life. This may include adding explosions, digital creatures, or even subtle background changes. Companies like Frame Founder Studio specialize in services such as Rotoscoping, Chroma Keying, and Match Moving to create realistic effects that blend seamlessly with the live-action footage. The visual effects (VFX) team works closely with the director to ensure the effects align with the creative vision.

Sound Design and Mixing

Sound plays a vital role in film post-production. It's where dialogue, background sounds, and music are added to elevate the viewer's experience. Sound designers create a detailed soundscape that matches the action on screen. Music is often composed or selected to enhance the emotional impact. Once the sound elements are recorded, sound mixing ensures they blend perfectly with the visuals. This process gives the film a polished, immersive feel.

Color Grading and Correction

Color grading is another crucial step. Color correction is done to adjust the brightness, contrast, and color balance of the footage. This helps make the images more visually appealing and ensures consistency across all scenes. Color grading, on the other hand, is about adding a specific look or mood to the film. The right color palette can drastically affect the tone of the story. Services like color grading are often done by specialists to ensure the film has a professional finish.

Finalizing the Film for Distribution

Once editing, sound, and color work are complete, the final step is preparing the film for distribution. This involves creating a Digital Cinema Package (DCP), which is a standardized format for cinema playback. The DCP ensures the film’s audio and visual quality are preserved across different theaters and platforms. Final checks for quality control are also conducted to ensure the film meets industry standards.

Conclusion

Post-production is where a film truly comes together. The process involves collaboration between different specialists, from editors to sound designers to VFX artists. Each step, whether it’s editing the footage, enhancing the visuals, or finalizing the sound, plays a critical role in bringing the filmmakers' vision to life. With professional services from companies like Frame Founder Studio, the post-production process can elevate a film, ensuring it reaches its full potential.

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[odnewsin]

BJD questions Odisha CM govt’s silence on Bangladesh leader’s territorial claims

Bhubaneswar: Opposition BJD Wednesday criticised the BJP-led Odisha government’s silence on remarks by a Bangladeshi leader, who said the country has legitimate territorial claims over West Bengal, Bihar and Odisha. The issue was raised in the Odisha Assembly by Biju Janata Dal (BJD) member Ganeswar Behera. “A Bangladeshi leader has said the country has legitimate claims over Odisha, Bengal, and…

[news365timesindia]

[ad_1] GG News Bureau Kolkata, 29th Nov. BJP legislators in West Bengal staged a walkout on Friday after the Speaker of the state Assembly, Biman Bandyopadhyay, refused to allow them to table an adjournment motion regarding alleged attacks on religious places during recent pujas. The BJP MLAs, led by Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari, sought to raise the issue in the House, but the Speaker denied their request. “This issue had already come up during debates the day before. No separate adjournment motion is needed,” Bandyopadhyay said. Frustrated by the Speaker’s refusal, around 40 BJP MLAs displayed placards with slogans in Bengali, condemning the alleged attacks during Durga Puja, Lakshmi Puja, and Kartik Puja. The slogans read, “Religious places were attacked during pujas in Bengal. This can’t be allowed. The state must act.” In response, Adhikari told PTI, “No discussion on the recent attacks by ‘jihadi elements’ had taken place in the House yesterday. I don’t know why the Speaker said this.” The opposition party also demanded the resignation of Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, accusing her of failing to protect the people, their properties, and their religious rights. After around 15 minutes of shouting slogans, the BJP members left the House. The Speaker warned the BJP legislators, saying, “If you behave in this manner, I will not allow you to raise points on issues in future. I had always believed in giving you the space and you must reciprocate.” Chief Whip of the BJP, Shankar Ghosh, expressed dismay, stating, “We wanted to bring an adjournment motion to address the alarming situation of attacks on puja pandals in Metiabruz, Falakata, and Beldanga. The Speaker does not want the opposition to raise this crucial issue.” The BJP lawmakers accused the Speaker of “throttling” their voices, forcing them to stage the walkout. The post BJP Walks Out of WB Assembly Over Denied Motion on Attacks on Religious Places appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[news365times]

[ad_1] GG News Bureau Kolkata, 29th Nov. BJP legislators in West Bengal staged a walkout on Friday after the Speaker of the state Assembly, Biman Bandyopadhyay, refused to allow them to table an adjournment motion regarding alleged attacks on religious places during recent pujas. The BJP MLAs, led by Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari, sought to raise the issue in the House, but the Speaker denied their request. “This issue had already come up during debates the day before. No separate adjournment motion is needed,” Bandyopadhyay said. Frustrated by the Speaker’s refusal, around 40 BJP MLAs displayed placards with slogans in Bengali, condemning the alleged attacks during Durga Puja, Lakshmi Puja, and Kartik Puja. The slogans read, “Religious places were attacked during pujas in Bengal. This can’t be allowed. The state must act.” In response, Adhikari told PTI, “No discussion on the recent attacks by ‘jihadi elements’ had taken place in the House yesterday. I don’t know why the Speaker said this.” The opposition party also demanded the resignation of Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, accusing her of failing to protect the people, their properties, and their religious rights. After around 15 minutes of shouting slogans, the BJP members left the House. The Speaker warned the BJP legislators, saying, “If you behave in this manner, I will not allow you to raise points on issues in future. I had always believed in giving you the space and you must reciprocate.” Chief Whip of the BJP, Shankar Ghosh, expressed dismay, stating, “We wanted to bring an adjournment motion to address the alarming situation of attacks on puja pandals in Metiabruz, Falakata, and Beldanga. The Speaker does not want the opposition to raise this crucial issue.” The BJP lawmakers accused the Speaker of “throttling” their voices, forcing them to stage the walkout. The post BJP Walks Out of WB Assembly Over Denied Motion on Attacks on Religious Places appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[musicverse11]

The Evolution of Babul Supriyo: From Music to Public Service

Babul Supriyo is a name synonymous with versatility and dedication. From enchanting millions with his soulful voice to taking on significant roles in Indian politics, his journey is nothing short of inspiring. Born in Uttarpara, West Bengal, Supriyo’s life story is a fascinating tale of passion, perseverance, and transformation. This article delves into his transition from a celebrated playback singer to a political leader, highlighting the milestones of his incredible career.

Early Life and Musical Beginnings

Born on December 15, 1970, in a musically rich family, Supriyo was destined to make waves in the music industry. His grandfather, N.C. Baral, was a renowned vocalist and composer in Bengal, and it was under his guidance that Supriyo’s love for music flourished. Growing up, he showcased his talent in school competitions and earned several accolades, including the All India Don Bosco Music Champion in 1983.

After completing his education in commerce from Serampore College, Supriyo initially worked at Standard Chartered Bank in Kolkata. However, his passion for music was unwavering, prompting him to resign and move to Mumbai in 1992. This decision marked the beginning of his illustrious career in playback singing.

Bollywood Success: A Voice for the Ages

In Mumbai, Supriyo adopted the stage name “Babul Supriyo” and quickly became a recognizable voice in the Bollywood music industry. His breakthrough came with the song “Dil Ne Dil Ko Pukara” from the blockbuster movie Kaho Naa… Pyaar Hai (2000). This song not only earned him widespread acclaim but also established him as a leading playback singer.

Over the years, Supriyo delivered several hits, collaborating with prominent music directors like Jatin-Lalit, Anu Malik, and A.R. Rahman. Some of his memorable songs include:

“Chanda Chamke” from Fanaa (2006)

“Hum Tum” from Hum Tum (2004)

“Pari Pari Hai Ek Pari” from Hungama (2003)

His ability to adapt to different musical styles and his impeccable vocal range made him a favorite among audiences. Supriyo’s songs, marked by their emotional depth and melodic quality, have left an indelible mark on Bollywood’s music landscape.

Venturing into Politics

Despite his thriving music career, Supriyo’s ambitions extended beyond the recording studio. In 2014, he entered the political arena by joining the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). His entry into politics surprised many, but his dedication and charisma quickly earned him a significant following.

Elected as a Member of Parliament from Asansol in West Bengal, Supriyo served in the 16th and 17th Lok Sabha. During his tenure, he held various ministerial roles, including:

Minister of State for Urban Development

Minister of State for Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises

Minister of State for Environment, Forest, and Climate Change

His contributions in these roles were noteworthy, focusing on urban development and sustainable initiatives. However, his political journey took a dramatic turn in 2021 when he joined the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC). In 2022, he was elected as a Member of the West Bengal Legislative Assembly and appointed Cabinet Minister for Information Technology and Electronics in the state government.

Balancing Music and Public Service

One of the remarkable aspects of Supriyo’s career is his ability to seamlessly balance his love for music with his political responsibilities. While politics now occupies a significant portion of his life, he remains deeply connected to his musical roots. He continues to perform at concerts and events, reminding fans of the magic he brought to Bollywood.

His dual career path reflects his dedication to making a difference — both as an artist who touches hearts with music and as a politician committed to serving the people.

Personal Life and Resilience

Babul Supriyo’s personal life has also been a testament to resilience and strength. His first marriage ended in divorce, but he found love again and remarried in 2016. He is a proud father to two daughters, and his family remains a source of inspiration and support.

Despite facing challenges, Supriyo’s journey highlights the importance of perseverance. Whether it was the initial struggle to establish himself in the music industry or the complexities of navigating Indian politics, he has always emerged stronger.

Legacy and Inspiration

Babul Supriyo’s story is not just about personal success; it is about inspiring others to dream big and work tirelessly to achieve their goals. His transition from a celebrated singer to a respected politician underscores the value of adaptability and continuous growth.

For aspiring artists, his musical journey serves as a reminder that passion and dedication can pave the way to success. For young politicians, his story is a lesson in balancing ambition with the desire to serve society.

Conclusion

Babul Supriyo journey from Uttarpara to the corridors of power is a story of determination, talent, and a relentless pursuit of excellence. As a singer, he gave us songs that resonate with emotions; as a politician, he has worked towards meaningful change. His life is a testament to the idea that one can excel in multiple fields with dedication and hard work.

What aspect of Babul Supriyo’s journey inspires you the most? Share your thoughts in the comments or connect on social media to discuss this multifaceted personality’s legacy.

To explore more about Babul Supriyo’s music, politics, and inspiring life, visit the detailed article on Deliver My Tune or stream his songs on your favorite platform. Don’t miss the chance to revisit the timeless melodies that have captivated millions!