#we vote for local parliament in a month or so

[thatonceandfutureprat]

I follow the national news on tiktok (a news source I believe tries its best to not have an opinion in news articles) and it’s funny how, in minutes after posting a video on something, the right wing comes flooding in to call them fake, leftist, divisive, bad, incorrect etc.

Don’t these brainwashed kids have anything better to do? Do homework? Play outside, touch some grass?

[sapphia]

i wanna tell the US the thing actually good about NZ's democracy.

because we have a lot of things that suck. we have a single house. we have some of the weakest lobbying laws in the world, and at this very second we have a government selling out our environment and our future to mining and oil and tobacco companies because of it. we have an MMP system that gives too much power to far right parties while somehow limiting the power of the left. we have a central right party that spent two decades sponsoring our further right libertarian party into parliament in an underhanded way that has pushed this country to the right in a divisive manner. we have a total lack of accountability for pre-election promises, and a modern political discourse built on lies and manipulation and neoliberalism.

but the one thing we do have is this guy:

this little orange man rises like a cryptid every three years to incessantly tell the people of aotearoa to vote. you will find him in your mailbox, in your phone, on your tv, at the end of your bed, at your local mall, and if you are not careful, while you are walking home at night when he spots you from his orange van and kidnaps you to enrol you by force.

okay, that last one isn't true. but he's the mascot of our electoral commission and they will do anything to get you to vote. australia have their democracy sausage to bribe people but here, we just make things literally as easy as it possibly can be to participate in democracy. there are sign-up stations in every language in every city and town for months before the election. people go around door-knocking to sign you up. you can sign up on the day and still vote. if you don't have an address or a phone number or ID to use, they'll probably give you one. the philosophy is generally that everyone who is entitled to vote should be fully facilitated to do so.

and then our early voting opens weeks before election day so people can just... vote whenever they want. about half of the country do. for three weeks or so, aotearoa turns into an orange maze of pop up voting booths and pensioners. they're in every mall, every school, every hospital, half our workplaces, they drive around retirement homes and villages, they will assail you as you walk past stores -- literally, during our pandemic elections, i was heading into my local shopping center from my car when some middle-aged lady all but leapt out at me from a hidden alcove to ask me if i'd voted yet. i'd only gone down to buy some groceries, but i came back from the shops having spent approximately 2 minutes from start to end casting my vote for my preferred party. democractic duty done.

it actually makes me sometimes tear up with pride a little to think of the work that goes into encouraging voter participation in this country, and just how important it is that that the work done is seen is bipartisan and a key consideration for a strong democracy. what is most broken about american politics, in my opinion, is your established voter disenfranchisement; the years of blatant racism that has made a sport out of the right preventing your poor and your minorities from voting. nz is perhaps a bit different on this front culturally, as we put (perhaps too much) pride in being the first country to give women the vote, and our early indigenous representation in parliament and later MMP system has gone a long way to ensuring our maori voter enrolments are upkept, which is strategically sort of the same as democrats signing up black voters, we've just been much more successful and long-term about it.

but the outcome, oh the outcome -- not only are our eligible voter percentages so much greater, so our are voter turnouts. 77% voter turnout in the last election. sure, we got from it the worst government since muldoon, but even in our year of democratic apathy and exhaustion, three quarters of our population voted.

if there's any hope for us, it's got to be in that.

[just-ray]

What do you think about Northern Ireland or Manitoba's politics? I went to the Manitoba Legislative Assembly the other month and I quite enjoyed the tour. The tour guide was raised Francophone, which is interesting. They had a provincial election last year and the NDP won, meaning the premier now has the somewhat confusing title of first First Nations premier (mainly a confusing title because you say "first" twice in a row), which is not to say first Indigenous premier—Manitoba's first premier was a Métis man—because there are three main Indigenous groups in Canada. Also, I think Nunavut has only had Indigenous premiers, but I think they're Inuit, so Kinew is the first First Nations premier.

As for Sinn Féin, I don't mind them and I would probably vote for them if I was Irish, but some of their politics in the Republic seems like they aren't accounting for practicalities.

I think the Northern Irish political system is very interesting and kind of Alaskan.

This stream of consiousness is dated 20 September 2024 19:23 UTC-5

Ah lad that's a lot of words

But a lot of interesting words.

I find the difference between MPs and MLAs really interesting. In ireland, we have councillors (very local level. No national imput. Tends to be the start of someone's political career), Teachta Dala's (hs a constituency and can also work on a national level. Has a seat in the lower, widely considered MAIN house if the irish parliament) and Senators (usually the later years of someone's political career, but not necessarily. Does not have constituents, and will be corrected if they try to work on a level of constituency rather than a national level. Also arguably less power than TD's)

It's interesting because I researched Canadian and northern Irish MLAs for a bit after reading this and I know it's bad to compare, but I find that MLAs seem to be a mix of TD's and Councillors, while MPs seem to be a mix of TD's and Senators, although I could be wrong. I also find it interesting that MLAs and MPs mostly only have soft/agenda setting power. Irish TD's are allowed to be quite active in their constituencies.

May I also ask what you think of the NDP? As when I hear anything with the word democratic my brain goes "ding ding ding!" And I tend to like that party, however in Ireland, the theoretical most democratically and socially positive parties don't always take the most practical action, so it's about finding a balance, and it would be interesting to hear about how they are and how they're doing.

Also excuse my lack of knowledge on Northern Irish and Canadian politics, but can I ask, do Legislative Assembly parties mirror to Parliamentary (?) Parties. Eg, if you have party A, let's call them Tusa, in a Legislative Assembly, do you also have Tusa MP's?

Thanknyouuuuuuuuuiyu

[tomorrowusa]

Predictions for seats in Parliament in the UK election

Although it's almost universally assumed that the Conservative Party will lose bigtime in the general election, the forecasts for number of seats in the House of Commons are more varied than one would expect. Survation predicts 470 seats for Labour while Britain Elects (at The New Statesman) predicts a mere 418 seats for them.

So I created this chart to compare predictions from five sources. In the right column are the number of seats for each party at end of the previous Parliament in May. If the image below is too small, try this direct link.

Sources...

The Guardian Electoral Calculus Nowcast Britain Elects (The New Statesman) Survation

326 seats out of the total 650 are needed for a majority. The numbers in the Nowcast prediction add up to just 649 because they aren't counting the Speaker who does not vote.

Polls close at 10:00 PM BST which is 2100 GMT. To determine when that is in your local time, click here.

According to this election night timeline at The Guardian, results from the 650 constituencies will start flooding in around 3:00 AM BST. Though some interesting results may be announced as early as a couple of hours before then.

What time will we know who won? Hour-by-hour guide to election night

Some constituencies which I'll be paying particular attention to tonight...

Richmond and Northallerton – Rishi Sunak's seat. The odds are (slightly) that he will keep his seat though it's far from certain. One of his challengers is a candidate who goes by the name Count Binface.

Godalming and Ash – Jeremy Hunt, the Conservative Chancellor of the Exchequer, who is said to be in serious danger of losing his seat.

Chingford and Woodford Green - Iain Duncan Smith, leader of the Conservative Party for a few years in the 2000s.

North East Somerset and Hanham – Jacob Rees-Mogg, a particularly annoying Tory grandee who would be lucky to get voted back to the House.

South West Norfolk – Liz Truss, Rishi Sunak's immediate predecessor whose time in Number 10 was famously outlasted by a head of lettuce.

Clacton – Nigel Farage, head of the far right Reform Party and infamous Brexit fanatic. Because Farage seems to be leading there, Clacton may be the only constituency where it's possible to justify voting Tory — just to block him.

Holborn and St Pancras – Sir Keir Starmer, the next Labour prime minister. Should be an easy win for him there.

Kingston and Surbiton – Sir Ed Davey, head of the Liberal Democrats. If the Lib Dems have a particularly good evening then it's within the realm of possibility that they could replace the Conservatives as the official opposition.

So why should you take an interest in this election? If you're reading posts in this blog then you are likely a political nerd. Also, UK elections are interesting and fun. Monty Python devoted several sketches to UK election scenarios.

But frankly, unless Putin is overthrown in a coup or a major hurricane strikes Mar-a-Lago, this will be the best political news of the month. So savor every minute of coverage of it.

There should be live coverage at the BBC here. ITV News and other reputable UK news providers may also offer live coverage. One source to avoid is GB News which is roughly the Fox News of the UK. *shudders*

[mariacallous]

Viktor Orban and his right-wing Fidesz party won the European elections in Hungary with 44.5 per cent of the votes cast – but it was the party’s worst result in a European election and it lost two of its 13 seats in the European Parliament.

Rising political star former Fidesz member Peter Magyar and his two-month-old TISZA (Respect and Freedom) party came second with almost 30 per cent, taking seven seats and crushing all other opposition parties. The turnout was a record 58 per cent.

The liberal Momentum party lost both its seats, and the left-wing Democratic Coalition lost half its support, while the far-right Mi Hazánk (Our Homeland) party won 6.7 per cent and one seat in the European Parliament.

In local elections, held at the same time as the European elections, Fidesz won most of the counties and half of the larger cities, but the results were far from a landslide victory.

Nevertheless, Prime Minister Orban celebrated the results in a late-night speech. “We have won two elections, we have defeated the old and the new opposition, and we will defeat them in the future, no matter what they call themselves,” he said, clearly alluding to TISZA. Orban repeated his familiar culture-war message: “Stop migration, stop gender, stop war, stop Brussels,” while the party elite stood behind him.

The real winner of the night, 43-year-old Peter Magyar, a former bureaucrat, hailed his better-than-expected result as “a political earthquake and the Waterloo for Orban’s power machine. “An era has ended, the future has begun,” he told cheering supporters, adding that TISZA was now the largest opposition party in Hungary, only a few hundred thousand voters behind the ruling party. “We will be ready for the next elections,” he said.

The race was unexpectedly close in Budapest, where the incumbent mayor, the liberal-leftist Gergely Karacsony, was only 350 votes ahead of challenger David Vitezy, who was running on the ticket of the small Green party, but also backed by Fidesz after the ruling party withdrew its own candidate two days before the election. TISZA won 30 per cent of the vote in Budapest, coming neck-and-neck with Fidesz, a highly unusual constellation in Hungary that could make the capital a litmus test for the country.

Poland’s Tusk ‘so happy’ with win

In Poland, the ruling Civic Platform, KO, won the European elections with 37 per cent of votes compared to 36 per cent for Law and Justice, PiS. The third best performing party, the far-right Confederation, won an estimated 12 per cent of the votes, followed by the two parties joining KO in the governing coalition: 7 per cent voted for Third Way and 6 per cent for the Left. KO is expected to get 21 seats in the European Parliament, PiS 20, Confederation six, Third Way three and the Left three.

The victory was especially important for Tusk, as PiS has defeated KO in all European elections in the past decade. “We waited ten years to get the first place on the podium, I am so happy,” Tusk said of the results. But PiS leader Jaroslaw Kaczynski insisted the results showed “the road to presidential elections is open”. Presidential elections are due in Poland next year.

While KO performed well, its coalition partners did worse than they might have expected, while the far-right Confederation had a very good result, likely winning six seats in the European Parliament compared to none at the moment.

In Czechia, the opposition ANO party of former Prime Minister Andrej Babis came first with 26 per cent of the votes, taking seven of the country’s 21 MEP mandates, although with a smaller than expected lead over the government SPOLU coalition, which won 22 per cent of the votes. “Thank you very much everyone! You’re amazing,” Babis tweeted as the results were released.

The surprise in this year’s ballot came with the breakthrough of the populist anti-system Prisaha and Motorists coalition led by Filip Turek, which took more than 10 per cent of the vote, ahead of the communist-led Stacilo coalition, on 9.5 per cent.

Coalition members STAN and the Pirates underperformed compared to five years ago with 9 and 6 per cent of the votes respectively. So did the far-right alliance of the SPD and Trikolora, which just barely made it past the 5-per-cent threshold. The turnout was more than 36 per cent, compared to less than 29 per cent in 2019.

In neighbouring Slovakia, more than a third of the electorate also turned out to vote to fill the 15 seats allocated to the country in the European Parliament – about half a million more than five years ago and a record in the EU’s traditionally worst-performing nation in terms of turnout.

The liberal and pro-European Progressive Slovakia came first with 28 per cent of the votes, a few percentage points ahead of the ruling Smer of Prime Minister Robert Fico, on 25 per cent. The far-right Republika emerged as a potent political force, with almost 13 per cent.

[hazardous-waste-containment]

okay, real quick [not so quick as it turns out, you will notice these get longer as i go on for basically no reason; this is as succinct as i get i think]:

italy (1914–1925): oligarchic/corrupt liberal parliamentary system, relatively weak + poor among the great powers, frustrated territorial ambitions despite a handful of colonies. heterogeneous radical nationalist movement (stretching left to right on various issues) in wwi advocates participation in the war for various conflicting reasons, and then sticks around after the war ends—at the same time as the national humiliation of unsatisfied territorial demands, a brief economic recession, problems w veteran demobilization, proto-revolutionary labor unrest, and the general collapse of politics-as-usual. radical nationalists generally consolidate into two camps, 1) a more radical and popular one behind mussolini ("fascists"), built mostly on the use of armed force against rural socialists (and to seize control of local govt) but also including a pro-worker 'left' faction, 2) a more reactionary, pro-business, monarchist, etc clique (ani). mussolini is handed power after a show of force in rome in 1922 but presides over a seminormal conservative govt (what we might call 'illiberal democracy' today?) until the fascist murder of the socialist leader giacomo matteoti in 1924; the ensuing crisis eventually forces mussolini to stand before parliament in 1925 and declare an outright dictatorship, but the regime that emerges in the late 1920s represents a series of compromises and the input of multiple, fascist + nonfascist (esp. the ani), contending factions

germany (1918–1933): late to imperialism and industrialization but caught up fast, becomes the industrial heart of europe under an increasingly militaristic authoritarian monarchy. stripped of colonies and much of its european territory after wwi, briefly succumbs to a communist rev that's crushed by the new post-imperial liberal democracy. diverse and aggressive far right subculture variously focused on imperial restoration, territorial aggrandizement, antisemitism, etc. german workers' party, working-class offshoot of a racialist occult sect, is among these groups and is quickly commandeered by adolf hitler and the adjective 'national socialist' added. radical nationalist ecosystem feeds off of national humiliation of defeat, abdication, etc etc, economic crisis, veteran problem, and continued impositions by france. nazi attempt to exploit a serious crisis in 1923 and take power by force fails, party banned and hitler imprisoned, during which time he fleshes out a sophisticated ideology of, basically, revolutionary racism, entailing complete dictatorship, social levelling and worker mobilization, new imperial conquests to the east, and extermination of racial inferiors. hitler released from prison early and gets party unbanned, great depression in 1929 catapults the nsdap into national politics, claiming a third of the vote by 1932. to the nazis' 'right' arguably are the dnvp (authoritarian, monarchist, pro-business) and the vaguely authoritarian presidential clique clinging to power by emergency rule as of 1930. nazi militia attacks leftists in the streets but also tries to rally workers and supports the late 1932 berlin transport strike; despite apparent radicalism, hitler promises industrialists he's their best option and so they pressure the weak/collapsing presidential regime to bring the nazis into the fold. this occurs as a result of internal squabbles in the conservative camp when hitler is named chancellor in early 1933, and only a few months of 'illiberal democracy' ensue before the nazis install a single-party dictatorship and, more specifically, begin consolidating much more total party control over the state and traditional elites than the italian fascists ever managed

spain (1930–1937): neutral in wwi. declining imperial power; largely poor, weak, and agrarian, similar to italy; conservative dictatorship overthrown in 1930, king rules as interim dictator until new elections act as de facto referendum on the monarchy: republicans sweep the cities in a landslide, the king goes into self-exile, and a liberal democracy is proclaimed. radical nationalist subculture partially inspired by what's going on in italy seeks restored authoritarian catholic monarchy. a young intellectual called ramiro ledesma ramos, like the nazis and fascists, preaches something beyond that, a revolutionary totalitarian republic based on worker mobilization and sweeping expropriations + nationalizations. he joins w an extreme catholic in 1931 to form the jons, composed of radical university students. in 1933, the aristocratic lawyer and dictator's son, josé antonio primo de rivera, founds his own fascist-inspired 'falange', somewhat more catholic and moderate; the falange wins two seats in parliament w help from the mainstream right. the year later the falangists and 'jonsists' merge, though josé antonio soon consolidates autocratic control w/in the party and kicks out ledesma. although increasingly violent towards leftists, the falange remains a minuscule and mostly irrelevant force. the rise of the popular front in 1936 sees a state crackdown on the falange and josé antonio's arrest, after which he begins plotting for armed insurgency; however, the military takes the initiative and stages a coup which becomes a civil war. the falange balloons in membership and joins the rightist 'nationalist' camp. w most of its old leadership executed by republicans, the nationalist generalissimo francisco franco coopts the falange and converts it into his personal power base in 1937, gradually purging the falange of authentically fascist elements over the next several years.

romania (1923–1941): not only victorious in wwi but, unlike italy, gets massive territorial concessions largely satisfying any lingering irredentism. no colonial history except that of its own colonization. deeply impoverished and agrarian society + oligarchic/corrupt liberal parliamentary system, w a looong history of antisemitism. jews are only granted civil rights in 1923; in the same year, professor and antisemitic politician a.c. cuza founds the lanc: aggressively anti-jewish on an almost single-issue basis. within the lanc is a faction of university students banking on the student protest movement of the early 1920s; their leader, corneliu codreanu, thinks cuza should go beyond electoral activity and build an armed mass movement capable of mobilizing a) students like himself, and b) the peasantry, or in other words the students' parents. this results in the codrenists splitting from the lanc in 1927 as the 'legion of the archangel michael' espousing a semiheretical and mystical school of orthodox christianity, genocidal antisemitism, and a sort of peasant socialism. over the 1930s the legionaries do in fact become an armed mass movement of the youth and peasants, and a persistent thorn in the side of the oligarchic establishment, at one point assassinating a prime minister. politics finally grinds to a halt in 1937, when the national christians (authoritarian, antisemitic, but not revolutionary; successor to the lanc, w a love-hate relationship to the legion) are hoisted into govt. the nc administration proves too friendly to the legionaries and instead, in 1938 king carol seizes power from above, creating a royal dictatorship w a vague/amorphous single party collecting members of the old oligarchy. codreanu is assassinated and the legion declares all-out revolutionary war on the state, but unsuccessfully. they remain a threat though; in 1940 carol changes tack and tries to coopt the legion, but his regime breaks down and he abdicates in favor of military dictator ion antonescu, who more fully absorbs the legion into govt in a franco-like arrangement. unlike franco who was able to slowly marginalize the falange, the legion's unruliness makes it an unsustainable partner: a 1941 legionary revolt turns into a horrific pogrom and antonescu purges it in the most brutal and decisive anti-legionary crackdown yet. this doesn't stop the more 'orderly' and pragmatic antonescu regime from participating enthusiastically in the holocaust.

[beardedmrbean]

“If the old parties had done their jobs properly then the AfD would not exist,” Ingolf complains, echoing a common sense that the rest of Germany looks down on so-called “Ossis” in the east.

Far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) have already won the most votes in regional elections this month in the eastern state of Thuringia. Now Germany’s bracing for a further political shockwave, as polls suggest the AfD could also take the most votes in Brandenburg state's election in a few weeks time.

Tucked away near the Polish border, in the two tiny villages of Jämlitz and Klein Düben, support for the far right has soared.

A former conservative (CDU) voter, Ingolf is frustrated about how successive governments have handled education, saying standards were better when he was a boy growing up in the communist German Democratic Republic.

He voices anxiety about Germany’s flatlining economy as well as immigration, comparing the far-right riots in England this summer to “civil war-like conditions”.

Disorder that, while nothing like a civil war, has stoked narratives about the potential for violent clashes within multicultural communities.

“That’s not what we want here in Germany,” he says.

In Jämlitz, most notable for a large goose farm, the idea of civil strife couldn’t feel further away.

Nor could the war raging in Ukraine. But the AfD’s call to stop sending weapons to Kyiv is also resonating strongly.

“The money for Ukraine is an issue,” says Yvonne, who sees all war as “senseless” as we chat to her just down the road.

“And this is our tax money that is sent abroad. We have enough things to fix in our own country.”

However, Yvonne is leaning towards another anti-establishment party launched only this year that also opposes supplying arms to Ukraine and which is a surging force in German politics: the Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW).

Ms Wagenknecht’s personal brand of “left-wing conservatism” has already propelled her party this month into the potential role of kingmaker in Saxony and Thuringia.

However, for her critics, she has simply fashioned another unwelcome populist, pro-Putin movement that’s actively undermining central pillars of German foreign policy.

I challenge Yvonne about the idea of ending arms supplies to Ukraine, which could help Russia win a war it began, by invading its neighbour.

“I can understand both sides,” she says after a little hesitation.

This is the part of Germany where the older generation, from the GDR years, grew up learning Russian language and culture.

It’s also a country, scarred by two World Wars, that retains a strong pacifist streak fed by fears the existing conflict could escalate.

“Poland is not big,” Yvonne says, as she points out the Polish border is only a few miles away. “And we are then the first ones to go when the tanks come across.”

In these two villages, that have a population of under 500 people, 57.5% of voters backed the far-right party in a recent local council election, the largest proportion in Brandenburg.

Across the wider district, that number was 43.7%, also unusually high.

It comes ahead of a larger, state-parliament level vote on 22 September, where the AfD is leading the polls – after they already won the most votes in Thuringia and came a close second in Saxony on 1 September.

In Thuringia, the AfD attracted 36% of the under-30s vote, say election researchers.

Their relative strength in the east is despite the fact the party is viewed by many – and officially classed in three states – as right-wing extremist, a charge its supporters avidly reject.

Even if the AfD does well in Brandenburg it likely won’t take power because – as elsewhere – other parties refuse to work with it.

Not far away, I visit one of the beautiful lakes that have been transformed from their original purpose as open cast coal mines.

As I wander around asking people if they want to talk about German politics, most, perhaps unsurprisingly, are not all that tempted.

A woman called Katrin does agree to speak, although she doesn’t want her picture taken.

Ushering us away from a small crowd sunbathing on the grass and a little beach, she lights a cigarette and is watchful as we wait to hear what she has to say.

It feels like it’s going to be really controversial.

She doesn’t like the AfD – something that can feel like a rogue opinion around here.

“Half the people here didn’t vote for the AfD,” she reminds us, adding she is “devastated” by local levels of support for a far-right party.

But why are they so popular, I ask?

“That’s a good question,” says Katrin. “That’s what I ask myself all the time.”

“There is an old saying,” she recalls. “If a donkey is too comfortable it goes on black ice.”

Katrin is saying that she believes life, actually, is relatively good for people in the community, leading to a misguided “grass-is-greener” syndrome - whether that’s with an eye on the past or present.

Average wage levels and household wealth are lower in the east when compared to the west, although inequalities have narrowed through the years.

Overall, Katrin doesn’t understand it. “I’m still thinking myself, why, why, why?”

You get the feeling that mainstream parties, including those in Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s coalition government, are similarly unable to quite comprehend, or respond, to the success of either the AfD or BSW, parties polling nationally at about 18% and 8% respectively.

The traditional parties of power are casting a nervous eye to the east and the Germany’s reputation for relatively calm, consensus politics is under strain.

[companyknowledgenews]

Meet RiseMzansi’s Songezo Zibi: Why media insiders (and Rebecca) love him – and rest of SA should too - Notice Global Online https://www.merchant-business.com/meet-risemzansis-songezo-zibi-why-media-insiders-and-rebecca-love-him-and-rest-of-sa-should-too/?feed_id=187255&_unique_id=66d6b64bc43a8 #GLOBAL - BLOGGER BLOGGER The one-time editor turned corporate executive and now political player has been a welcome addition to SA’s body politic. Through circumstances which were unimaginable just three months ago, Songezo Zibi chairs one of Parliament’s most important Committees – responsible for monitoring the trillions spent annually by the State. He spoke to BizNews editor Alec Hogg.Sign up for your early morning brew of the BizNews Insider to keep you up to speed with the content that matters. The newsletter will land in your inbox at 5:30am weekdays. Register here.Watch here [embed]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Oy5ydZIx89Y[/embed]Listen hereHighlights from the interviewIn this interview, Alec Hogg speaks with Songezo Zibi, the founder and leader of Rise Mzansi, about the political landscape in South Africa and the strategies of his party. Zibi discusses the shifting dynamics within South African politics, particularly the decline of the ANC’s dominance. He highlights the challenges and opportunities in Gauteng, mentioning the tough decision for their chairperson to serve as an MEC in a government with a historically problematic reputation. Zibi emphasizes the importance of political realignment at the local government level, advocating for consolidation among political parties to avoid fragmentation.He shares insights into Rise Mzansi’s strategy, noting that the party is focusing on areas where they have strong support, particularly among professionals and young families in metropolitan regions. Zibi highlights a recent by-election where Rise Mzansi secured 10% of the vote, marking a significant achievement for the new party. Looking ahead, he stresses the importance of collaboration with other parties, hinting at potential alliances to strengthen their position in future elections. The interview concludes with Hogg praising Zibi’s contributions to South African politics and expressing interest in following the party’s progress.Edited transcript of the interview ___STEADY_PAYWALL___00:00:09:00 – 00:00:38:15Alec HoggWell, for many people in the media, Songezo Zibi and Rise Mzansi have become the favourite political party. Not surprisingly, he’s a former editor of Business Day. But he has a lot more arrows in his quiver, as you will find out as we converse over the next few minutes. Songezo is the founder and leader of Rise Mzansi.00:00:38:17 – 00:00:47:18Alec HoggGood to see you, Songezo. Are you in Parliament, or is it a remote Parliament? How does that all work? Because I know being an MP is different for you.00:00:47:20 – 00:01:12:15Songezo ZibiYeah, no, thanks for having me on. So, I am actually at home in Centurion. I commute between Centurion and Cape Town every week when Parliament is in session, as it is now until the 18th of September. I typically leave on Monday and return either on Thursday night or Friday morning, if I don’t have any other business. That’s the theory.00:01:12:17 – 00:01:33:08Songezo ZibiThe reality is that because my committee is very busy and it’s a standing committee, I usually have committee business on Monday and Friday as well. So, I actually have a full working week with very little of the constituency period, which in theory is supposed to be on Mondays and Fridays. I try to mix things up.00:01:35:12 – 00:01:47:11Alec HoggExplain what a standing committee is, just assuming that many people watching or listening might not know how Parliament works.00:01:47:13 – 00:02:13:23Songezo ZibiYes. So, Parliament sits from Tuesday to Thursday. Committees meet in the morning, from 9:00 to 1:00. Then there’s lunchtime, and from 2:00 p.m. until 5:00 p.m. is the main sitting, sometimes up to 8:00 p.m., depending on the issues on the order paper, which is our agenda for the National Assembly.

Most committees meet on Tuesday.00:02:14:01 – 00:02:38:09Songezo ZibiWednesday is Cabinet Day, and Thursday is Caucus Day, where political parties discuss their own business in the morning. There are a few standing committees in Parliament: the Standing Committee on Public Accounts, which I chair and which looks after government expenditure; the Standing Committee on the Auditor-General; the Appropriations Committee, which processes the budget; and Finance. These committees don’t have the luxury of meeting only on Tuesdays.00:02:38:11 – 00:03:00:18Songezo ZibiThe reason they’re called standing committees is that on Tuesday, Wednesday, and Friday, you are expected to work. So that’s what I mean by mixing things up. In theory, Monday and Friday are supposed to be constituency days, meaning you’re not in Parliament, but if you’re on a standing committee, those days are for work.00:03:00:20 – 00:03:06:09Alec HoggOkay. Rise Mzansi—let’s start with the name and why you’re in politics.00:03:06:11 – 00:03:37:01Songezo ZibiWell, getting involved in politics had a lot to do with my career and personal history. Almost everyone in my family was and is in the ANC, right? Since I was a kid. But that’s not why I got into politics. There were experiences, both good and bad, that led me here. The most profound was when I was editor of Business Day.00:03:37:01 – 00:04:07:15Songezo ZibiDuring my career, I worked at Volkswagen at the beginning of the Motor Industry Development Program. I was in my third year of Communications at what was then Technikon, and they took me on as an intern. I eventually got a job. I saw the factory in Uitenhage, which is now in Port Elizabeth, transform significantly because of good politics and decent policy. I then left Volkswagen and went into mining, where I saw what bad policy looks like and what it does.00:04:07:17 – 00:04:40:02Songezo ZibiThen I became a journalist at Financial Mail for a year and saw the other side, being closer to politics and what really happens. My editorship at Business Day was during the state capture years, and I was left reeling. I couldn’t believe the looting and gangsterism in politics. It was then that I realized you can’t always write about what’s going wrong—some of us have to step forward and try to fix things. That’s effectively why I got involved in politics.Read more: Songezo Zibi: Don’t be a cry baby, John00:05:27:22 – 00:05:35:20Alec HoggBut why start your own political party? Why not join the ANC, given your family’s strong ties?00:05:35:22 – 00:05:56:19Songezo ZibiInterestingly, I wasn’t deeply involved in the ANC personally. My introduction to politics was through the PAC, which was politically opposed to the ANC. By the way, I was just a kid, about 14 or 15, but in the area where I lived and at my boarding school, everyone was in the PAC.00:05:56:19 – 00:06:21:19Songezo Zibi:So, you know, you go with your buddies. So I was never really fully committed to the ANC at all, like tethered to the ANC as my family was. I never had any difficulty with not being involved in politics through the ANC. As a result, I was never a member. I was never involved with any of the satellite organizations, student or otherwise.00:06:21:21 – 00:06:45:06Songezo Zibi:That was not an issue. What I did do, together with others, was to explore for years whether I should join the DA or not. We looked at the ANC and thought, that’s a lost cause. The logical thing to consider was the DA because it was a party that was rising, with lots of black leaders and so on.00:06:45:08 – 00:07:09:18Songezo Zibi:But I felt that it needed to do what Labour did in the UK during Tony Blair and Peter Mandelson’s time—occupy the South African political center. And you don’t do that without shifting. So in other words, it would need to shift to center-left. I felt that if the DA did that, it would become an attractive proposition.00:07:09:20 – 00:07:34:17Songezo Zibi:I think it was on its way to doing that, but I felt that its internal dynamics hampered that progress.

I still believe so, and I still believe that it has significant potential if it were to evolve and find voters where they are, rather than trying to convince them to come over, which takes longer and causes a lot of damage in between.00:07:34:22 – 00:07:43:14Songezo Zibi:So we ended up with a political party that we were fed up with, and since it has declined, somebody needs to occupy the space that the DA refuses to occupy.00:07:43:16 – 00:07:52:00Alec Hogg:And the funding—there’s a lot of controversy around Harry Oppenheimer’s granddaughter, or grand who’ve helped you along the way.00:07:52:01 – 00:08:20:11Songezo Zibi:Well, I’d like to comment on that. The funding thing is really interesting because I think there is a certain trajectory to new political parties that people have become familiar with. They think it must be all about money, and they must do all these things. To be honest with you, two things worked in our favor. One is my relationships that I’ve had for many years, working for corporates and being an editor.00:08:20:11 – 00:08:49:10Songezo Zibi:I had a significant black book, so I could phone people up and that sort of thing. The second thing is that I also spent a lot of time in capital raising, because of my past work, so you learn how to make your case, you learn how to convince people to believe in the same vision that you have.00:08:49:12 – 00:09:13:00Songezo Zibi:In South Africa, there is this belief that donors come to you, choose you, manipulate you, and that sort of thing. The relationship with Rebecca, and she’s not been our only donor—we’ve had quite a few—but she’s obviously given the most signal to us, was actually really significant. I mean, she’s an exceptionally smart person.00:09:13:01 – 00:09:38:17Songezo Zibi:She is exceptionally patriotic about South Africa. She’s been deeply respectful of the distance you need to keep between a political party and its donors. We have incredibly respectful conversations. The same goes for other large donors. People didn’t expect us to get support, and this was shocking to them.00:09:38:18 – 00:09:57:20Songezo Zibi:The second thing is that we were appealing to people who would have supported the ANC and the DA. And since the pie isn’t so big, there was a bit of jealousy in between. So I never took it personally. To be honest with you, I understood it in the context of competition in politics. You take the good with the bad and you keep moving.00:10:01:17 – 00:10:39:12Alec Hogg:It is very interesting. I know the family quite well, from a different route in the horse racing industry, which I was very involved in. Mary, who I suppose would be the matriarch now that Bridget’s passed, is so publicity-shy, it’s almost painful. I’m sure for the whole family, lifting their heads above the parapet and doing what they’ve done in supporting political parties—not just yours, but others across the board—must have taken a lot of reflection. They knew they would be almost a magnet for criticism.00:10:39:12 – 00:11:03:13Songezo Zibi:Yeah. And we had to think about that too, in deciding whether we accepted Rebecca’s assistance. Right. Because she’s donated significantly to us. I mean, in each of the window periods, she’s given us 15 million rand, which is a lot, right? I actually know Mary. We’ve met, and I agree with you. She’s not the kind of person who is flashy. She can walk past you, and you wouldn’t even know who she is. She’s incredibly humble. But Rebecca understands where the country is and the kind of people that need to be in politics. If people with her means do not step forward and help people like myself and my colleagues, who have less lucrative careers, to do the right thing, then the country gets nowhere. We discussed the issue of publicity and the criticisms that would be thrown at us. And she said, “Look, we all have to step up at some point, and I’m choosing to step up in this way.” I’m really grateful and proud of her for doing that.00:11:52:09 – 00:11:58:22Alec

Hogg:Why are you saying that? So, what was it about your elevator pitch that resonated?00:11:59:00 – 00:12:17:14Songezo Zibi:What I would say is that, I mean, if you knew the people who ended up not helping us with money, the one thing they said, at least as feedback, was that we were genuine. We meant what we were saying, and we really wanted to do it. We were in it for the right reasons. We were very transparent about what we stood for. Our proposals, I think, were fairly detailed, especially in the beginning, about what we stood for, how we were going to develop policy, and what sort of long-term outcomes we wanted for South Africa. The vision was, and I believe still is, completely right.00:12:17:16 – 00:13:05:03Songezo Zibi:But I also have to say, having surrogates who can vouch for your character is also important. There were lots of people who were able to do that—people who have credibility in society, either in business, politics, or civil society—who would pick up the phone and say, “Listen, you don’t know this guy, but I’ve known him for many years. Please hear him out. I think what he wants to do is worthwhile, and I hope that you can help him and his colleagues.” So there are lots of people that I’m really grateful to for doing that.00:13:05:03 – 00:13:16:01Alec Hogg:And it is a real feather in your cap, knowing the media industry as I do. People in the media industry, who tend, I wouldn’t say always, but often try to make themselves feel bigger by making others in the industry feel smaller, almost universally came out in support for you. They know you, and they’ve given you the thumbs up. And as you say, also with people in business as well. But there was one issue that certainly must have hurt your votes in many areas of society, and that was your apparent endorsement of expropriation without compensation. Just unpack that for us. Was this all about politics?00:14:02:15 – 00:14:28:15Songezo Zibi:It was. And I must say, the DA was quite smart in spotting the gap and, in my view, kind of pushing the envelope between being aggressive and engaging in disinformation. I would say—and I’ve gone into a lot of spaces like the, you know, the community meetings and so on to talk about this—that our full story is not long. When land was confiscated from black people, either in the 1700s or 1800s or even the 1900s, there were far fewer of us. South Africa was largely rural, with fewer people in the cities, and so on.00:14:28:17 – 00:15:37:12Songezo Zibi:South Africa has more people now, which means even if you were to restore land to the families that owned it at some point, you would still be left with a lot of landless people. Secondly, South Africa is urbanizing in a chaotic way, and when people move to the cities, they often occupy informal land because there’s nowhere else to put up a shack. We pretend that this is not happening, but it’s the most prevalent land occupation pattern in South Africa. So what must you do if you are a government that respects the fact that you recognize, at least, that land restitution may be in the past? Access to land and land justice is possibly the thing you should be doing.00:15:37:12 – 00:16:05:22Songezo Zibi:So in other words, you say, listen, we can’t give you the same piece of land that your ancestors had. People say it is now a county. We will devise some other mechanism, either pay you or provide some other form of compensation. Secondly, recognize that it’s not okay that every time people are landless and occupy annexed land—and so on, and they have to go to court—let’s recognize the problem, expropriate the land.00:16:05:22 – 00:16:37:09Songezo Zibi:We see what is allowed in the Constitution, do spatial development properly, put public infrastructure in place so that at the rate at which South Africa is urbanizing, you’re also able to unlock land. I worked in mining. I think the people who are most unhappy with the mining industry about land, it’s not black people; it’s farmers.

Why? Because the South African government and mining companies work together to expropriate the land.Read more: New political party, RISE Mzansi wants to rebuild a non-racial democracy in South Africa – Songezo Zibi00:16:37:11 – 00:17:10:20Songezo Zibi:The farmers become unhappy because the value received is not what they’re looking for. But the law is what it is. They get paid fair value, and the mine is built. Right? Farmers will tell you in Mpumalanga, in Limpopo, in the North West, and so on, all the mines were portions of farms before they were expropriated. If we can do that within the same Constitution to build mines and dams and roads and that sort of thing, why can’t we do it for housing?00:17:10:22 – 00:17:26:15Songezo Zibi:That’s all we’re saying. So we’re not saying expropriate without compensation. We’re saying expropriate within the law, pay fair value, and do spatial planning properly so that you don’t have the chaos that we have now.00:17:26:17 – 00:17:58:06Alec Hogg:I think things get lost in translation, especially with the complexity you’ve outlined there. What about the complexity of politics? You’ve now moved into this space, you’ve got a brand new, fresh party. I know you’re ambitious, and I know you are focused. In the next election, you’ll probably have more members of parliament or people locally. But just from your perspective, joining the government of national unity, what motivated you in that regard?00:17:58:08 – 00:18:22:11Songezo Zibi:Sure. It was a hard decision. We joined late because, to be honest with you, you have to think carefully before getting into a relationship that involves the ANC. Okay? So we decided to have a proper conversation where the conversation might have had stages, but there were some principles that had nothing to do with party politics, but with the country.00:18:22:13 – 00:18:50:14Songezo Zibi:I recognized immediately that with no one getting a majority, things we used to take for granted, such as money bills, would now be subject to contestation, and they might not go through. So we need to create a cooperative mechanism that gets the basics of governing right. And you can’t do that by saying, you know, I’m going to fight the ANC and the DA because they are our opponents and so on.00:18:50:20 – 00:19:15:22Songezo Zibi:Let’s get together for the things that matter. And that meant we need to have a president who forms a government, takes the speaker and the deputy speaker. That was part one of the conversation. Part two of the conversation was, we want to be effective. We want to show South Africans what we do when we get elected. And so we want to play a very serious role in Parliament.00:19:16:00 – 00:19:36:10Songezo Zibi:But you as the ANC, the guys who approached us, need to tell us why you want us in the GNU. Because if you don’t know why you want us there, then we shouldn’t be. And they said two things. One, your manifesto is social democratic like ours. People don’t trust ours, but I think they trust you.00:19:36:12 – 00:19:55:13Songezo Zibi:It’s to say, if we were to say the same thing, you know, they wouldn’t believe us, but they might believe you. We want the same things from a social justice perspective. And the second thing is, they said, we recognize that at a time when, again, voters are fed up with the ANC and party politics, they want us to work together.00:19:55:13 – 00:20:18:21Songezo Zibi:So, no long-term commitments. Let’s give this a chance. We will support you to play a serious role in Parliament, and we won’t interfere with your work. And that was the deal. And that’s why we’ve ended up with me as chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts. The last thing I want to say is, even though we threw a lot of punches at one another—the ANC, the DA, and so on—one of the things I learned, at least from American politics, is that when the election is over, you recognize that the voters want a government that works.00:20:18:21 – 00:20:41:23Songezo

Zibi:But, you know, the fact that we kind of delegated power to the Western Cape, I mean, that was an election type thing. I haven’t raised it because it’s not necessary to raise it. Let’s serve the South African people now and show them that democracy works. Otherwise, the crooks win in their argument that democracy doesn’t work and that you need a dictator like Zuma.00:20:54:08 – 00:21:19:20Alec Hogg:We’ve seen the rand improve from around 19.50 to around 17.50, give or take a few, since either side of the Government of National Unity has held. What’s your view—not putting back your editor of Business Day cap—if you were writing a leader about the rand into the future? What’s your prognosis for a continuation of this very welcome trend?00:21:19:22 – 00:21:41:14Songezo Zibi:I would say I’m sure there was another trend, by the way. So I have a small stock portfolio, and I watched it appreciate. Okay? And now I was actually talking to one of the journalists, and I was giving him updates, saying, “Look, I paid X amount, and now it’s this.” So there was a period where equities also improved.00:21:41:16 – 00:22:04:20Songezo Zibi:And I had a meeting with the finance minister, by the way, and I said to him, “You know, the one thing I learned from working for listed companies is that clarity of the pathway or the strategy is important. Showing that you’ve got the people to execute on that strategy is important. But more importantly, it’s momentum.”00:22:04:22 – 00:22:32:02Songezo Zibi:You need to show momentum. What this government cannot do is lose momentum. So you need to signal, present, and update—signal, present, update, signal, present, update. So you’ve got to do that. Even as the rand improves, I feel like if we were doing that, it should be at 16. Right? It should be at 16. It should be at 15.5.00:22:32:02 – 00:22:55:07Songezo Zibi:And the GNU—it’s the nature of politicians, and I know because I am one—they don’t quite understand how the market thinks. I think we can do a heck of a lot better, but we’re not. But I’m glad about the trend. I have to say I am cautiously optimistic, but I think we can do better.00:22:55:07 – 00:23:05:20Alec Hogg:And so the execution thus far—and it’s only been a few months—has been good. Are there any reasons for optimism that it will continue in this way?00:23:05:22 – 00:23:26:11Songezo Zibi:Yeah, yes. Look, I mean, the three anchors of the GNU are the IFP, the DA, and the ANC, and they appear determined to make it work. And I think that’s a good thing. There are people who think that the ideological issues supersede everything. No. We wouldn’t have had the miracle if Madiba didn’t want to work with Mr. de Klerk.00:23:26:11 – 00:23:46:15Songezo Zibi:You know, sometimes in a country’s life, you are challenged to work with people you don’t like or you don’t 100% agree with, as long as it’s good for the people. And I think the ANC, the DA, and the IFP, at this stage, are willing to make it work. And the other political parties as well.Read more: RW Johnson: Big trouble is brewing in the USA – Egotistic Trump vs Empty Harris00:23:46:17 – 00:24:10:01Songezo Zibi:I believe that if I do a really good job as chairperson of SCOPA—hold the government accountable for what it does with the public purse and so on—it will actually be good for the GNU. Voters would say, “You know what? Actually, this kind of works where nobody wins, and so we might force them to work together again.” These are the choices in a democracy that will just return. So I think I’m very optimistic. We’ve got people who are looking at it with the right attitude, but we need to push one another to do better, do more, and do it faster.00:24:24:03 – 00:24:28:13Alec Hogg:Were you surprised at being offered such an important portfolio?00:24:28:15 – 00:24:49:16Songezo Zibi:No, I wasn’t offered; I had to fight for it. Do you know that 24 hours before the election, we actually didn’t have the votes? We had to negotiate right up to the last minute.

By the way, the ANC wanted me to chair Appropriations, and I think that was partly because of the finance minister, given his job and my background and so on.00:24:49:18 – 00:25:12:10Songezo Zibi:So he kind of really pushed. And there were a few instances where they kept saying, “No, no, Appropriations.” I said, “No, I want either Finance or the Standing Committee on Public Accounts.” And so I started lobbying hard—all of us did—my colleagues and everybody else. I spoke to the IFP, the DA, and they supported me. I spoke to MK, and while MK wasn’t thrilled, they didn’t object at the vote.00:25:12:10 – 00:25:36:23Songezo Zibi:The big one was the ANC, and at around 5:00 PM the day before, Mandla eventually caved and said, “Okay, fine, I will support you.” That has to count for something at some point. So no, it wasn’t offered; I had to fight for it.00:25:39:11 – 00:26:07:05Alec Hogg:But it’s also such a positive part as a South African to see that so many of those old tales—those old legends, those old myths, perhaps—have now been shattered. And yeah, they might have been relevant when the ANC had over 50%, but not anymore. For you to be shining a light on the way government spends its money, not being an ANC person, is commendable.00:26:07:05 – 00:26:23:13Alec Hogg:But just to kind of wrap up as we come closer to the end of this conversation, Songezo, what’s your take? You don’t have a dog in the fight, but what’s your view on what’s going on in Gauteng, particularly in Tshwane?00:26:23:13 – 00:26:51:00Songezo Zibi:Right now, I live in Tshwane, Alec. So there are two things about Gauteng. The first is that I must tell you, for our chairperson to be an MEC in the Gauteng government was a hard decision because the Gauteng government historically has had some problematic characters—let me be gentle and say that—and those characters are still there.00:26:51:02 – 00:27:15:14Songezo Zibi:But the thing about voters is they give you the outcome that you get. We noticed a lot of hunger in Gauteng, and the agriculture portfolio, which impacts people’s ability to produce their own food, was something we thought we could address. But I was very clear with Panyaza that if we see any funny business, we are out of there at the drop of a hat. We’ll be out of there.00:27:15:14 – 00:27:37:21Songezo Zibi:So if we are left alone to do our work and deliver, then we can go ahead and brag about it. But if there’s an issue at the provincial level, then the ANC needs to prove themselves. It’s not just Tshwane; the city of Johannesburg is also a disgrace. I’ve been to Johannesburg, and it’s an absolute disgrace. It should be the jewel of the African continent, but it’s so messed up. I live in Tshwane, and if I told you how much I pay for water, still based on incorrect billing, your eyes would water.00:27:37:21 – 00:28:05:10Songezo Zibi:What we need is for this realignment to be completed at the local government level. In my view, it’s actually a good thing if we don’t have a majority. But you need a consolidation of political parties so that you don’t have 15 political parties being part of a council—maybe just 5 or 6. We are actively talking to other political parties ourselves about consolidating ahead of 2026 and 2029 so that South Africans have fewer choices but good people within those environments.00:28:05:10 – 00:28:30:19Alec Hogg:That’s a big statement. Who are you talking to?00:28:30:21 – 00:28:59:12Songezo Zibi:So we’ve actually started working with GOOD. One of our guys is a GOOD councilor. We’ve started a sort of joint membership conversation. We’re talking to Mmusi, we’re talking to ActionSA, and to BOSA. Let me not just say Mmusi; Mmusi and I sit next to each other in Parliament, and we’ve had this conversation where we said, “Hey, listen, let’s talk about how we cooperate in 2026 and 2029.”00:28:59:16 – 00:29:19:12Songezo Zibi:We don’t need to cannibalize one another’s supporters in certain areas. Let’s try and put our best foot forward. ActionSA is in that conversation as well.

We’re not going to rush anything, but we think consolidation is important for the future, and we are going to do it in good faith.00:29:19:14 – 00:29:31:18Alec Hogg:But the way that ActionSA is behaving in Tshwane right now, certainly the feedback that most people are getting, is that they’re being irresponsible. Is this accurate?00:29:31:19 – 00:29:59:00Songezo Zibi:I don’t know; we’re not in that council. I will say this as a general statement. I think within the former—well, I used to say Moonshot; it’s no longer Moonshot—it was the ticket. And once on the table, come to me, there is a lot of hurt, Alec, a lot of it because there were many unequivocal statements made about never working with the ANC, and so on.00:29:59:00 – 00:30:23:16Songezo Zibi:And, you know, as soon as the situation changed, the DA was like, “Cheers, we’ll talk to those guys now,” and so on. So I do think there is an element of that. I don’t want to get into their heads; that’s why I’m saying maybe we shouldn’t rush anything. All of us should just heal. And I often say it’s not a good idea to make big decisions while you are grieving.00:30:23:18 – 00:30:28:20Songezo Zibi:You need to give it time. And I think they also shouldn’t rush, and I don’t feel—00:30:28:22 – 00:30:47:10Alec Hogg:Last question. We’ve got local government elections coming up just around the corner—it feels like 2026—and then the next national and provincial elections not long after that, just a couple of years later. Where’s Rise Mzansi’s trajectory from here?00:30:47:12 – 00:31:11:22Songezo Zibi:So the one good thing about this election is that we now know the types of areas where our voters are. Contrary to what Helen might say, it’s not just white South Africans. I would say it’s professionals in both the public and private sectors, typically young families. In many areas with cluster homes, townhouses, and similar settings, we receive a lot of support, particularly in the metros and so on.00:31:12:00 – 00:31:37:00Songezo Zibi:We contested a by-election in Ward 87 in Johannesburg. We want to be a double-digit party, and we got 10%. So we’re going to be very selective about where we contest. We want to target the kind of voters that we know, especially in these early days, who will give us that sort of support. This pilot gave us 10% for a new party like ours.00:31:37:00 – 00:32:02:09Songezo Zibi:It’s a PR seat—a proportional representation seat—so it’s about where we contest. We did that, and that’s what we’ll continue to do. I think if we aim for 10% in the wards we contest, it will give us a decent showing in Johannesburg, Tshwane, and Ekurhuleni. Then we can build on that in terms of national support for 2029.00:32:02:11 – 00:32:17:06Songezo Zibi:But by then, hopefully, we’ll be part of some form of consolidation. If everything goes well, it won’t just be Rise Mzansi; it will be Rise plus, plus, plus, you know.00:32:17:08 – 00:32:39:23Alec Hogg:Fascinating insights, Songezo. There’s no question that you are a great addition to the body politic. We look forward to talking with you more in the future and watching the progress of both your party and the consolidation you’ve spoken about. Songezo Zibi is the founder and leader of Rise Mzansi. I’m Alec Hogg from BizNews.com.Read also:Source Link: https://www.biznews.com/interviews/2024/09/02/risemzansis-songezo-zibi-media-insiders-rebecca-sa http://109.70.148.72/~merchant29/6network/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/GOrdo2nXsAMPvCu.jpg The one-time editor turned corporate executive and now political player has been a welcome addition to SA’s body politic. Through circumstances which were unimaginable just three months ago, Songezo Zibi chairs one of Parliament’s most important Committees – responsible for monitoring the trillions spent annually by the State. He spoke to BizNews editor Alec Hogg. … Read More

[bravecompanynews]

Meet RiseMzansi’s Songezo Zibi: Why media insiders (and Rebecca) love him – and rest of SA should too - Notice Global Online - #GLOBAL https://www.merchant-business.com/meet-risemzansis-songezo-zibi-why-media-insiders-and-rebecca-love-him-and-rest-of-sa-should-too/?feed_id=187252&_unique_id=66d6b52dcb614 The one-time editor turned corporate executive and now political player has been a welcome addition to SA’s body politic. Through circumstances which were unimaginable just three months ago, Songezo Zibi chairs one of Parliament’s most important Committees – responsible for monitoring the trillions spent annually by the State. He spoke to BizNews editor Alec Hogg.Sign up for your early morning brew of the BizNews Insider to keep you up to speed with the content that matters. The newsletter will land in your inbox at 5:30am weekdays. Register here.Watch here [embed]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Oy5ydZIx89Y[/embed]Listen hereHighlights from the interviewIn this interview, Alec Hogg speaks with Songezo Zibi, the founder and leader of Rise Mzansi, about the political landscape in South Africa and the strategies of his party. Zibi discusses the shifting dynamics within South African politics, particularly the decline of the ANC’s dominance. He highlights the challenges and opportunities in Gauteng, mentioning the tough decision for their chairperson to serve as an MEC in a government with a historically problematic reputation. Zibi emphasizes the importance of political realignment at the local government level, advocating for consolidation among political parties to avoid fragmentation.He shares insights into Rise Mzansi’s strategy, noting that the party is focusing on areas where they have strong support, particularly among professionals and young families in metropolitan regions. Zibi highlights a recent by-election where Rise Mzansi secured 10% of the vote, marking a significant achievement for the new party. Looking ahead, he stresses the importance of collaboration with other parties, hinting at potential alliances to strengthen their position in future elections. The interview concludes with Hogg praising Zibi’s contributions to South African politics and expressing interest in following the party’s progress.Edited transcript of the interview ___STEADY_PAYWALL___00:00:09:00 – 00:00:38:15Alec HoggWell, for many people in the media, Songezo Zibi and Rise Mzansi have become the favourite political party. Not surprisingly, he’s a former editor of Business Day. But he has a lot more arrows in his quiver, as you will find out as we converse over the next few minutes. Songezo is the founder and leader of Rise Mzansi.00:00:38:17 – 00:00:47:18Alec HoggGood to see you, Songezo. Are you in Parliament, or is it a remote Parliament? How does that all work? Because I know being an MP is different for you.00:00:47:20 – 00:01:12:15Songezo ZibiYeah, no, thanks for having me on. So, I am actually at home in Centurion. I commute between Centurion and Cape Town every week when Parliament is in session, as it is now until the 18th of September. I typically leave on Monday and return either on Thursday night or Friday morning, if I don’t have any other business. That’s the theory.00:01:12:17 – 00:01:33:08Songezo ZibiThe reality is that because my committee is very busy and it’s a standing committee, I usually have committee business on Monday and Friday as well. So, I actually have a full working week with very little of the constituency period, which in theory is supposed to be on Mondays and Fridays. I try to mix things up.00:01:35:12 – 00:01:47:11Alec HoggExplain what a standing committee is, just assuming that many people watching or listening might not know how Parliament works.00:01:47:13 – 00:02:13:23Songezo ZibiYes. So, Parliament sits from Tuesday to Thursday. Committees meet in the morning, from 9:00 to 1:00. Then there’s lunchtime, and from 2:00 p.m. until 5:00 p.m. is the main sitting, sometimes up to 8:00 p.m., depending on the issues on the order paper, which is our agenda for the National Assembly.

Most committees meet on Tuesday.00:02:14:01 – 00:02:38:09Songezo ZibiWednesday is Cabinet Day, and Thursday is Caucus Day, where political parties discuss their own business in the morning. There are a few standing committees in Parliament: the Standing Committee on Public Accounts, which I chair and which looks after government expenditure; the Standing Committee on the Auditor-General; the Appropriations Committee, which processes the budget; and Finance. These committees don’t have the luxury of meeting only on Tuesdays.00:02:38:11 – 00:03:00:18Songezo ZibiThe reason they’re called standing committees is that on Tuesday, Wednesday, and Friday, you are expected to work. So that’s what I mean by mixing things up. In theory, Monday and Friday are supposed to be constituency days, meaning you’re not in Parliament, but if you’re on a standing committee, those days are for work.00:03:00:20 – 00:03:06:09Alec HoggOkay. Rise Mzansi—let’s start with the name and why you’re in politics.00:03:06:11 – 00:03:37:01Songezo ZibiWell, getting involved in politics had a lot to do with my career and personal history. Almost everyone in my family was and is in the ANC, right? Since I was a kid. But that’s not why I got into politics. There were experiences, both good and bad, that led me here. The most profound was when I was editor of Business Day.00:03:37:01 – 00:04:07:15Songezo ZibiDuring my career, I worked at Volkswagen at the beginning of the Motor Industry Development Program. I was in my third year of Communications at what was then Technikon, and they took me on as an intern. I eventually got a job. I saw the factory in Uitenhage, which is now in Port Elizabeth, transform significantly because of good politics and decent policy. I then left Volkswagen and went into mining, where I saw what bad policy looks like and what it does.00:04:07:17 – 00:04:40:02Songezo ZibiThen I became a journalist at Financial Mail for a year and saw the other side, being closer to politics and what really happens. My editorship at Business Day was during the state capture years, and I was left reeling. I couldn’t believe the looting and gangsterism in politics. It was then that I realized you can’t always write about what’s going wrong—some of us have to step forward and try to fix things. That’s effectively why I got involved in politics.Read more: Songezo Zibi: Don’t be a cry baby, John00:05:27:22 – 00:05:35:20Alec HoggBut why start your own political party? Why not join the ANC, given your family’s strong ties?00:05:35:22 – 00:05:56:19Songezo ZibiInterestingly, I wasn’t deeply involved in the ANC personally. My introduction to politics was through the PAC, which was politically opposed to the ANC. By the way, I was just a kid, about 14 or 15, but in the area where I lived and at my boarding school, everyone was in the PAC.00:05:56:19 – 00:06:21:19Songezo Zibi:So, you know, you go with your buddies. So I was never really fully committed to the ANC at all, like tethered to the ANC as my family was. I never had any difficulty with not being involved in politics through the ANC. As a result, I was never a member. I was never involved with any of the satellite organizations, student or otherwise.00:06:21:21 – 00:06:45:06Songezo Zibi:That was not an issue. What I did do, together with others, was to explore for years whether I should join the DA or not. We looked at the ANC and thought, that’s a lost cause. The logical thing to consider was the DA because it was a party that was rising, with lots of black leaders and so on.00:06:45:08 – 00:07:09:18Songezo Zibi:But I felt that it needed to do what Labour did in the UK during Tony Blair and Peter Mandelson’s time—occupy the South African political center. And you don’t do that without shifting. So in other words, it would need to shift to center-left. I felt that if the DA did that, it would become an attractive proposition.00:07:09:20 – 00:07:34:17Songezo Zibi:I think it was on its way to doing that, but I felt that its internal dynamics hampered that progress.

I still believe so, and I still believe that it has significant potential if it were to evolve and find voters where they are, rather than trying to convince them to come over, which takes longer and causes a lot of damage in between.00:07:34:22 – 00:07:43:14Songezo Zibi:So we ended up with a political party that we were fed up with, and since it has declined, somebody needs to occupy the space that the DA refuses to occupy.00:07:43:16 – 00:07:52:00Alec Hogg:And the funding—there’s a lot of controversy around Harry Oppenheimer’s granddaughter, or grand who’ve helped you along the way.00:07:52:01 – 00:08:20:11Songezo Zibi:Well, I’d like to comment on that. The funding thing is really interesting because I think there is a certain trajectory to new political parties that people have become familiar with. They think it must be all about money, and they must do all these things. To be honest with you, two things worked in our favor. One is my relationships that I’ve had for many years, working for corporates and being an editor.00:08:20:11 – 00:08:49:10Songezo Zibi:I had a significant black book, so I could phone people up and that sort of thing. The second thing is that I also spent a lot of time in capital raising, because of my past work, so you learn how to make your case, you learn how to convince people to believe in the same vision that you have.00:08:49:12 – 00:09:13:00Songezo Zibi:In South Africa, there is this belief that donors come to you, choose you, manipulate you, and that sort of thing. The relationship with Rebecca, and she’s not been our only donor—we’ve had quite a few—but she’s obviously given the most signal to us, was actually really significant. I mean, she’s an exceptionally smart person.00:09:13:01 – 00:09:38:17Songezo Zibi:She is exceptionally patriotic about South Africa. She’s been deeply respectful of the distance you need to keep between a political party and its donors. We have incredibly respectful conversations. The same goes for other large donors. People didn’t expect us to get support, and this was shocking to them.00:09:38:18 – 00:09:57:20Songezo Zibi:The second thing is that we were appealing to people who would have supported the ANC and the DA. And since the pie isn’t so big, there was a bit of jealousy in between. So I never took it personally. To be honest with you, I understood it in the context of competition in politics. You take the good with the bad and you keep moving.00:10:01:17 – 00:10:39:12Alec Hogg:It is very interesting. I know the family quite well, from a different route in the horse racing industry, which I was very involved in. Mary, who I suppose would be the matriarch now that Bridget’s passed, is so publicity-shy, it’s almost painful. I’m sure for the whole family, lifting their heads above the parapet and doing what they’ve done in supporting political parties—not just yours, but others across the board—must have taken a lot of reflection. They knew they would be almost a magnet for criticism.00:10:39:12 – 00:11:03:13Songezo Zibi:Yeah. And we had to think about that too, in deciding whether we accepted Rebecca’s assistance. Right. Because she’s donated significantly to us. I mean, in each of the window periods, she’s given us 15 million rand, which is a lot, right? I actually know Mary. We’ve met, and I agree with you. She’s not the kind of person who is flashy. She can walk past you, and you wouldn’t even know who she is. She’s incredibly humble. But Rebecca understands where the country is and the kind of people that need to be in politics. If people with her means do not step forward and help people like myself and my colleagues, who have less lucrative careers, to do the right thing, then the country gets nowhere. We discussed the issue of publicity and the criticisms that would be thrown at us. And she said, “Look, we all have to step up at some point, and I’m choosing to step up in this way.” I’m really grateful and proud of her for doing that.00:11:52:09 – 00:11:58:22Alec

Hogg:Why are you saying that? So, what was it about your elevator pitch that resonated?00:11:59:00 – 00:12:17:14Songezo Zibi:What I would say is that, I mean, if you knew the people who ended up not helping us with money, the one thing they said, at least as feedback, was that we were genuine. We meant what we were saying, and we really wanted to do it. We were in it for the right reasons. We were very transparent about what we stood for. Our proposals, I think, were fairly detailed, especially in the beginning, about what we stood for, how we were going to develop policy, and what sort of long-term outcomes we wanted for South Africa. The vision was, and I believe still is, completely right.00:12:17:16 – 00:13:05:03Songezo Zibi:But I also have to say, having surrogates who can vouch for your character is also important. There were lots of people who were able to do that—people who have credibility in society, either in business, politics, or civil society—who would pick up the phone and say, “Listen, you don’t know this guy, but I’ve known him for many years. Please hear him out. I think what he wants to do is worthwhile, and I hope that you can help him and his colleagues.” So there are lots of people that I’m really grateful to for doing that.00:13:05:03 – 00:13:16:01Alec Hogg:And it is a real feather in your cap, knowing the media industry as I do. People in the media industry, who tend, I wouldn’t say always, but often try to make themselves feel bigger by making others in the industry feel smaller, almost universally came out in support for you. They know you, and they’ve given you the thumbs up. And as you say, also with people in business as well. But there was one issue that certainly must have hurt your votes in many areas of society, and that was your apparent endorsement of expropriation without compensation. Just unpack that for us. Was this all about politics?00:14:02:15 – 00:14:28:15Songezo Zibi:It was. And I must say, the DA was quite smart in spotting the gap and, in my view, kind of pushing the envelope between being aggressive and engaging in disinformation. I would say—and I’ve gone into a lot of spaces like the, you know, the community meetings and so on to talk about this—that our full story is not long. When land was confiscated from black people, either in the 1700s or 1800s or even the 1900s, there were far fewer of us. South Africa was largely rural, with fewer people in the cities, and so on.00:14:28:17 – 00:15:37:12Songezo Zibi:South Africa has more people now, which means even if you were to restore land to the families that owned it at some point, you would still be left with a lot of landless people. Secondly, South Africa is urbanizing in a chaotic way, and when people move to the cities, they often occupy informal land because there’s nowhere else to put up a shack. We pretend that this is not happening, but it’s the most prevalent land occupation pattern in South Africa. So what must you do if you are a government that respects the fact that you recognize, at least, that land restitution may be in the past? Access to land and land justice is possibly the thing you should be doing.00:15:37:12 – 00:16:05:22Songezo Zibi:So in other words, you say, listen, we can’t give you the same piece of land that your ancestors had. People say it is now a county. We will devise some other mechanism, either pay you or provide some other form of compensation. Secondly, recognize that it’s not okay that every time people are landless and occupy annexed land—and so on, and they have to go to court—let’s recognize the problem, expropriate the land.00:16:05:22 – 00:16:37:09Songezo Zibi:We see what is allowed in the Constitution, do spatial development properly, put public infrastructure in place so that at the rate at which South Africa is urbanizing, you’re also able to unlock land. I worked in mining. I think the people who are most unhappy with the mining industry about land, it’s not black people; it’s farmers.

Why? Because the South African government and mining companies work together to expropriate the land.Read more: New political party, RISE Mzansi wants to rebuild a non-racial democracy in South Africa – Songezo Zibi00:16:37:11 – 00:17:10:20Songezo Zibi:The farmers become unhappy because the value received is not what they’re looking for. But the law is what it is. They get paid fair value, and the mine is built. Right? Farmers will tell you in Mpumalanga, in Limpopo, in the North West, and so on, all the mines were portions of farms before they were expropriated. If we can do that within the same Constitution to build mines and dams and roads and that sort of thing, why can’t we do it for housing?00:17:10:22 – 00:17:26:15Songezo Zibi:That’s all we’re saying. So we’re not saying expropriate without compensation. We’re saying expropriate within the law, pay fair value, and do spatial planning properly so that you don’t have the chaos that we have now.00:17:26:17 – 00:17:58:06Alec Hogg:I think things get lost in translation, especially with the complexity you’ve outlined there. What about the complexity of politics? You’ve now moved into this space, you’ve got a brand new, fresh party. I know you’re ambitious, and I know you are focused. In the next election, you’ll probably have more members of parliament or people locally. But just from your perspective, joining the government of national unity, what motivated you in that regard?00:17:58:08 – 00:18:22:11Songezo Zibi:Sure. It was a hard decision. We joined late because, to be honest with you, you have to think carefully before getting into a relationship that involves the ANC. Okay? So we decided to have a proper conversation where the conversation might have had stages, but there were some principles that had nothing to do with party politics, but with the country.00:18:22:13 – 00:18:50:14Songezo Zibi:I recognized immediately that with no one getting a majority, things we used to take for granted, such as money bills, would now be subject to contestation, and they might not go through. So we need to create a cooperative mechanism that gets the basics of governing right. And you can’t do that by saying, you know, I’m going to fight the ANC and the DA because they are our opponents and so on.00:18:50:20 – 00:19:15:22Songezo Zibi:Let’s get together for the things that matter. And that meant we need to have a president who forms a government, takes the speaker and the deputy speaker. That was part one of the conversation. Part two of the conversation was, we want to be effective. We want to show South Africans what we do when we get elected. And so we want to play a very serious role in Parliament.00:19:16:00 – 00:19:36:10Songezo Zibi:But you as the ANC, the guys who approached us, need to tell us why you want us in the GNU. Because if you don’t know why you want us there, then we shouldn’t be. And they said two things. One, your manifesto is social democratic like ours. People don’t trust ours, but I think they trust you.00:19:36:12 – 00:19:55:13Songezo Zibi:It’s to say, if we were to say the same thing, you know, they wouldn’t believe us, but they might believe you. We want the same things from a social justice perspective. And the second thing is, they said, we recognize that at a time when, again, voters are fed up with the ANC and party politics, they want us to work together.00:19:55:13 – 00:20:18:21Songezo Zibi:So, no long-term commitments. Let’s give this a chance. We will support you to play a serious role in Parliament, and we won’t interfere with your work. And that was the deal. And that’s why we’ve ended up with me as chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts. The last thing I want to say is, even though we threw a lot of punches at one another—the ANC, the DA, and so on—one of the things I learned, at least from American politics, is that when the election is over, you recognize that the voters want a government that works.00:20:18:21 – 00:20:41:23Songezo

Zibi:But, you know, the fact that we kind of delegated power to the Western Cape, I mean, that was an election type thing. I haven’t raised it because it’s not necessary to raise it. Let’s serve the South African people now and show them that democracy works. Otherwise, the crooks win in their argument that democracy doesn’t work and that you need a dictator like Zuma.00:20:54:08 – 00:21:19:20Alec Hogg:We’ve seen the rand improve from around 19.50 to around 17.50, give or take a few, since either side of the Government of National Unity has held. What’s your view—not putting back your editor of Business Day cap—if you were writing a leader about the rand into the future? What’s your prognosis for a continuation of this very welcome trend?00:21:19:22 – 00:21:41:14Songezo Zibi:I would say I’m sure there was another trend, by the way. So I have a small stock portfolio, and I watched it appreciate. Okay? And now I was actually talking to one of the journalists, and I was giving him updates, saying, “Look, I paid X amount, and now it’s this.” So there was a period where equities also improved.00:21:41:16 – 00:22:04:20Songezo Zibi:And I had a meeting with the finance minister, by the way, and I said to him, “You know, the one thing I learned from working for listed companies is that clarity of the pathway or the strategy is important. Showing that you’ve got the people to execute on that strategy is important. But more importantly, it’s momentum.”00:22:04:22 – 00:22:32:02Songezo Zibi:You need to show momentum. What this government cannot do is lose momentum. So you need to signal, present, and update—signal, present, update, signal, present, update. So you’ve got to do that. Even as the rand improves, I feel like if we were doing that, it should be at 16. Right? It should be at 16. It should be at 15.5.00:22:32:02 – 00:22:55:07Songezo Zibi:And the GNU—it’s the nature of politicians, and I know because I am one—they don’t quite understand how the market thinks. I think we can do a heck of a lot better, but we’re not. But I’m glad about the trend. I have to say I am cautiously optimistic, but I think we can do better.00:22:55:07 – 00:23:05:20Alec Hogg:And so the execution thus far—and it’s only been a few months—has been good. Are there any reasons for optimism that it will continue in this way?00:23:05:22 – 00:23:26:11Songezo Zibi:Yeah, yes. Look, I mean, the three anchors of the GNU are the IFP, the DA, and the ANC, and they appear determined to make it work. And I think that’s a good thing. There are people who think that the ideological issues supersede everything. No. We wouldn’t have had the miracle if Madiba didn’t want to work with Mr. de Klerk.00:23:26:11 – 00:23:46:15Songezo Zibi:You know, sometimes in a country’s life, you are challenged to work with people you don’t like or you don’t 100% agree with, as long as it’s good for the people. And I think the ANC, the DA, and the IFP, at this stage, are willing to make it work. And the other political parties as well.Read more: RW Johnson: Big trouble is brewing in the USA – Egotistic Trump vs Empty Harris00:23:46:17 – 00:24:10:01Songezo Zibi:I believe that if I do a really good job as chairperson of SCOPA—hold the government accountable for what it does with the public purse and so on—it will actually be good for the GNU. Voters would say, “You know what? Actually, this kind of works where nobody wins, and so we might force them to work together again.” These are the choices in a democracy that will just return. So I think I’m very optimistic. We’ve got people who are looking at it with the right attitude, but we need to push one another to do better, do more, and do it faster.00:24:24:03 – 00:24:28:13Alec Hogg:Were you surprised at being offered such an important portfolio?00:24:28:15 – 00:24:49:16Songezo Zibi:No, I wasn’t offered; I had to fight for it. Do you know that 24 hours before the election, we actually didn’t have the votes? We had to negotiate right up to the last minute.

By the way, the ANC wanted me to chair Appropriations, and I think that was partly because of the finance minister, given his job and my background and so on.00:24:49:18 – 00:25:12:10Songezo Zibi:So he kind of really pushed. And there were a few instances where they kept saying, “No, no, Appropriations.” I said, “No, I want either Finance or the Standing Committee on Public Accounts.” And so I started lobbying hard—all of us did—my colleagues and everybody else. I spoke to the IFP, the DA, and they supported me. I spoke to MK, and while MK wasn’t thrilled, they didn’t object at the vote.00:25:12:10 – 00:25:36:23Songezo Zibi:The big one was the ANC, and at around 5:00 PM the day before, Mandla eventually caved and said, “Okay, fine, I will support you.” That has to count for something at some point. So no, it wasn’t offered; I had to fight for it.00:25:39:11 – 00:26:07:05Alec Hogg:But it’s also such a positive part as a South African to see that so many of those old tales—those old legends, those old myths, perhaps—have now been shattered. And yeah, they might have been relevant when the ANC had over 50%, but not anymore. For you to be shining a light on the way government spends its money, not being an ANC person, is commendable.00:26:07:05 – 00:26:23:13Alec Hogg:But just to kind of wrap up as we come closer to the end of this conversation, Songezo, what’s your take? You don’t have a dog in the fight, but what’s your view on what’s going on in Gauteng, particularly in Tshwane?00:26:23:13 – 00:26:51:00Songezo Zibi:Right now, I live in Tshwane, Alec. So there are two things about Gauteng. The first is that I must tell you, for our chairperson to be an MEC in the Gauteng government was a hard decision because the Gauteng government historically has had some problematic characters—let me be gentle and say that—and those characters are still there.00:26:51:02 – 00:27:15:14Songezo Zibi:But the thing about voters is they give you the outcome that you get. We noticed a lot of hunger in Gauteng, and the agriculture portfolio, which impacts people’s ability to produce their own food, was something we thought we could address. But I was very clear with Panyaza that if we see any funny business, we are out of there at the drop of a hat. We’ll be out of there.00:27:15:14 – 00:27:37:21Songezo Zibi:So if we are left alone to do our work and deliver, then we can go ahead and brag about it. But if there’s an issue at the provincial level, then the ANC needs to prove themselves. It’s not just Tshwane; the city of Johannesburg is also a disgrace. I’ve been to Johannesburg, and it’s an absolute disgrace. It should be the jewel of the African continent, but it’s so messed up. I live in Tshwane, and if I told you how much I pay for water, still based on incorrect billing, your eyes would water.00:27:37:21 – 00:28:05:10Songezo Zibi:What we need is for this realignment to be completed at the local government level. In my view, it’s actually a good thing if we don’t have a majority. But you need a consolidation of political parties so that you don’t have 15 political parties being part of a council—maybe just 5 or 6. We are actively talking to other political parties ourselves about consolidating ahead of 2026 and 2029 so that South Africans have fewer choices but good people within those environments.00:28:05:10 – 00:28:30:19Alec Hogg:That’s a big statement. Who are you talking to?00:28:30:21 – 00:28:59:12Songezo Zibi:So we’ve actually started working with GOOD. One of our guys is a GOOD councilor. We’ve started a sort of joint membership conversation. We’re talking to Mmusi, we’re talking to ActionSA, and to BOSA. Let me not just say Mmusi; Mmusi and I sit next to each other in Parliament, and we’ve had this conversation where we said, “Hey, listen, let’s talk about how we cooperate in 2026 and 2029.”00:28:59:16 – 00:29:19:12Songezo Zibi:We don’t need to cannibalize one another’s supporters in certain areas. Let’s try and put our best foot forward. ActionSA is in that conversation as well.

We’re not going to rush anything, but we think consolidation is important for the future, and we are going to do it in good faith.00:29:19:14 – 00:29:31:18Alec Hogg:But the way that ActionSA is behaving in Tshwane right now, certainly the feedback that most people are getting, is that they’re being irresponsible. Is this accurate?00:29:31:19 – 00:29:59:00Songezo Zibi:I don’t know; we’re not in that council. I will say this as a general statement. I think within the former—well, I used to say Moonshot; it’s no longer Moonshot—it was the ticket. And once on the table, come to me, there is a lot of hurt, Alec, a lot of it because there were many unequivocal statements made about never working with the ANC, and so on.00:29:59:00 – 00:30:23:16Songezo Zibi:And, you know, as soon as the situation changed, the DA was like, “Cheers, we’ll talk to those guys now,” and so on. So I do think there is an element of that. I don’t want to get into their heads; that’s why I’m saying maybe we shouldn’t rush anything. All of us should just heal. And I often say it’s not a good idea to make big decisions while you are grieving.00:30:23:18 – 00:30:28:20Songezo Zibi:You need to give it time. And I think they also shouldn’t rush, and I don’t feel—00:30:28:22 – 00:30:47:10Alec Hogg:Last question. We’ve got local government elections coming up just around the corner—it feels like 2026—and then the next national and provincial elections not long after that, just a couple of years later. Where’s Rise Mzansi’s trajectory from here?00:30:47:12 – 00:31:11:22Songezo Zibi:So the one good thing about this election is that we now know the types of areas where our voters are. Contrary to what Helen might say, it’s not just white South Africans. I would say it’s professionals in both the public and private sectors, typically young families. In many areas with cluster homes, townhouses, and similar settings, we receive a lot of support, particularly in the metros and so on.00:31:12:00 – 00:31:37:00Songezo Zibi:We contested a by-election in Ward 87 in Johannesburg. We want to be a double-digit party, and we got 10%. So we’re going to be very selective about where we contest. We want to target the kind of voters that we know, especially in these early days, who will give us that sort of support. This pilot gave us 10% for a new party like ours.00:31:37:00 – 00:32:02:09Songezo Zibi:It’s a PR seat—a proportional representation seat—so it’s about where we contest. We did that, and that’s what we’ll continue to do. I think if we aim for 10% in the wards we contest, it will give us a decent showing in Johannesburg, Tshwane, and Ekurhuleni. Then we can build on that in terms of national support for 2029.00:32:02:11 – 00:32:17:06Songezo Zibi:But by then, hopefully, we’ll be part of some form of consolidation. If everything goes well, it won’t just be Rise Mzansi; it will be Rise plus, plus, plus, you know.00:32:17:08 – 00:32:39:23Alec Hogg:Fascinating insights, Songezo. There’s no question that you are a great addition to the body politic. We look forward to talking with you more in the future and watching the progress of both your party and the consolidation you’ve spoken about. Songezo Zibi is the founder and leader of Rise Mzansi. I’m Alec Hogg from BizNews.com.Read also:Source Link: https://www.biznews.com/interviews/2024/09/02/risemzansis-songezo-zibi-media-insiders-rebecca-sa http://109.70.148.72/~merchant29/6network/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/GOrdo2nXsAMPvCu.jpg BLOGGER - #GLOBAL

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Meet RiseMzansi’s Songezo Zibi: Why media insiders (and Rebecca) love him – and rest of SA should too - Notice Global Online - BLOGGER https://www.merchant-business.com/meet-risemzansis-songezo-zibi-why-media-insiders-and-rebecca-love-him-and-rest-of-sa-should-too/?feed_id=187249&_unique_id=66d6b52a3602b The one-time editor turned corporate executive and now political player has been a welcome addition to SA’s body politic. Through circumstances which were unimaginable just three months ago, Songezo Zibi chairs one of Parliament’s most important Committees – responsible for monitoring the trillions spent annually by the State. He spoke to BizNews editor Alec Hogg.Sign up for your early morning brew of the BizNews Insider to keep you up to speed with the content that matters. The newsletter will land in your inbox at 5:30am weekdays. Register here.Watch here [embed]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Oy5ydZIx89Y[/embed]Listen hereHighlights from the interviewIn this interview, Alec Hogg speaks with Songezo Zibi, the founder and leader of Rise Mzansi, about the political landscape in South Africa and the strategies of his party. Zibi discusses the shifting dynamics within South African politics, particularly the decline of the ANC’s dominance. He highlights the challenges and opportunities in Gauteng, mentioning the tough decision for their chairperson to serve as an MEC in a government with a historically problematic reputation. Zibi emphasizes the importance of political realignment at the local government level, advocating for consolidation among political parties to avoid fragmentation.He shares insights into Rise Mzansi’s strategy, noting that the party is focusing on areas where they have strong support, particularly among professionals and young families in metropolitan regions. Zibi highlights a recent by-election where Rise Mzansi secured 10% of the vote, marking a significant achievement for the new party. Looking ahead, he stresses the importance of collaboration with other parties, hinting at potential alliances to strengthen their position in future elections. The interview concludes with Hogg praising Zibi’s contributions to South African politics and expressing interest in following the party’s progress.Edited transcript of the interview ___STEADY_PAYWALL___00:00:09:00 – 00:00:38:15Alec HoggWell, for many people in the media, Songezo Zibi and Rise Mzansi have become the favourite political party. Not surprisingly, he’s a former editor of Business Day. But he has a lot more arrows in his quiver, as you will find out as we converse over the next few minutes. Songezo is the founder and leader of Rise Mzansi.00:00:38:17 – 00:00:47:18Alec HoggGood to see you, Songezo. Are you in Parliament, or is it a remote Parliament? How does that all work? Because I know being an MP is different for you.00:00:47:20 – 00:01:12:15Songezo ZibiYeah, no, thanks for having me on. So, I am actually at home in Centurion. I commute between Centurion and Cape Town every week when Parliament is in session, as it is now until the 18th of September. I typically leave on Monday and return either on Thursday night or Friday morning, if I don’t have any other business. That’s the theory.00:01:12:17 – 00:01:33:08Songezo ZibiThe reality is that because my committee is very busy and it’s a standing committee, I usually have committee business on Monday and Friday as well. So, I actually have a full working week with very little of the constituency period, which in theory is supposed to be on Mondays and Fridays. I try to mix things up.00:01:35:12 – 00:01:47:11Alec HoggExplain what a standing committee is, just assuming that many people watching or listening might not know how Parliament works.00:01:47:13 – 00:02:13:23Songezo ZibiYes. So, Parliament sits from Tuesday to Thursday. Committees meet in the morning, from 9:00 to 1:00. Then there’s lunchtime, and from 2:00 p.m. until 5:00 p.m. is the main sitting, sometimes up to 8:00 p.m., depending on the issues on the order paper, which is our agenda for the National Assembly.

Most committees meet on Tuesday.00:02:14:01 – 00:02:38:09Songezo ZibiWednesday is Cabinet Day, and Thursday is Caucus Day, where political parties discuss their own business in the morning. There are a few standing committees in Parliament: the Standing Committee on Public Accounts, which I chair and which looks after government expenditure; the Standing Committee on the Auditor-General; the Appropriations Committee, which processes the budget; and Finance. These committees don’t have the luxury of meeting only on Tuesdays.00:02:38:11 – 00:03:00:18Songezo ZibiThe reason they’re called standing committees is that on Tuesday, Wednesday, and Friday, you are expected to work. So that’s what I mean by mixing things up. In theory, Monday and Friday are supposed to be constituency days, meaning you’re not in Parliament, but if you’re on a standing committee, those days are for work.00:03:00:20 – 00:03:06:09Alec HoggOkay. Rise Mzansi—let’s start with the name and why you’re in politics.00:03:06:11 – 00:03:37:01Songezo ZibiWell, getting involved in politics had a lot to do with my career and personal history. Almost everyone in my family was and is in the ANC, right? Since I was a kid. But that’s not why I got into politics. There were experiences, both good and bad, that led me here. The most profound was when I was editor of Business Day.00:03:37:01 – 00:04:07:15Songezo ZibiDuring my career, I worked at Volkswagen at the beginning of the Motor Industry Development Program. I was in my third year of Communications at what was then Technikon, and they took me on as an intern. I eventually got a job. I saw the factory in Uitenhage, which is now in Port Elizabeth, transform significantly because of good politics and decent policy. I then left Volkswagen and went into mining, where I saw what bad policy looks like and what it does.00:04:07:17 – 00:04:40:02Songezo ZibiThen I became a journalist at Financial Mail for a year and saw the other side, being closer to politics and what really happens. My editorship at Business Day was during the state capture years, and I was left reeling. I couldn’t believe the looting and gangsterism in politics. It was then that I realized you can’t always write about what’s going wrong—some of us have to step forward and try to fix things. That’s effectively why I got involved in politics.Read more: Songezo Zibi: Don’t be a cry baby, John00:05:27:22 – 00:05:35:20Alec HoggBut why start your own political party? Why not join the ANC, given your family’s strong ties?00:05:35:22 – 00:05:56:19Songezo ZibiInterestingly, I wasn’t deeply involved in the ANC personally. My introduction to politics was through the PAC, which was politically opposed to the ANC. By the way, I was just a kid, about 14 or 15, but in the area where I lived and at my boarding school, everyone was in the PAC.00:05:56:19 – 00:06:21:19Songezo Zibi:So, you know, you go with your buddies. So I was never really fully committed to the ANC at all, like tethered to the ANC as my family was. I never had any difficulty with not being involved in politics through the ANC. As a result, I was never a member. I was never involved with any of the satellite organizations, student or otherwise.00:06:21:21 – 00:06:45:06Songezo Zibi:That was not an issue. What I did do, together with others, was to explore for years whether I should join the DA or not. We looked at the ANC and thought, that’s a lost cause. The logical thing to consider was the DA because it was a party that was rising, with lots of black leaders and so on.00:06:45:08 – 00:07:09:18Songezo Zibi:But I felt that it needed to do what Labour did in the UK during Tony Blair and Peter Mandelson’s time—occupy the South African political center. And you don’t do that without shifting. So in other words, it would need to shift to center-left. I felt that if the DA did that, it would become an attractive proposition.00:07:09:20 – 00:07:34:17Songezo Zibi:I think it was on its way to doing that, but I felt that its internal dynamics hampered that progress.

I still believe so, and I still believe that it has significant potential if it were to evolve and find voters where they are, rather than trying to convince them to come over, which takes longer and causes a lot of damage in between.00:07:34:22 – 00:07:43:14Songezo Zibi:So we ended up with a political party that we were fed up with, and since it has declined, somebody needs to occupy the space that the DA refuses to occupy.00:07:43:16 – 00:07:52:00Alec Hogg:And the funding—there’s a lot of controversy around Harry Oppenheimer’s granddaughter, or grand who’ve helped you along the way.00:07:52:01 – 00:08:20:11Songezo Zibi:Well, I’d like to comment on that. The funding thing is really interesting because I think there is a certain trajectory to new political parties that people have become familiar with. They think it must be all about money, and they must do all these things. To be honest with you, two things worked in our favor. One is my relationships that I’ve had for many years, working for corporates and being an editor.00:08:20:11 – 00:08:49:10Songezo Zibi:I had a significant black book, so I could phone people up and that sort of thing. The second thing is that I also spent a lot of time in capital raising, because of my past work, so you learn how to make your case, you learn how to convince people to believe in the same vision that you have.00:08:49:12 – 00:09:13:00Songezo Zibi:In South Africa, there is this belief that donors come to you, choose you, manipulate you, and that sort of thing. The relationship with Rebecca, and she’s not been our only donor—we’ve had quite a few—but she’s obviously given the most signal to us, was actually really significant. I mean, she’s an exceptionally smart person.00:09:13:01 – 00:09:38:17Songezo Zibi:She is exceptionally patriotic about South Africa. She’s been deeply respectful of the distance you need to keep between a political party and its donors. We have incredibly respectful conversations. The same goes for other large donors. People didn’t expect us to get support, and this was shocking to them.00:09:38:18 – 00:09:57:20Songezo Zibi:The second thing is that we were appealing to people who would have supported the ANC and the DA. And since the pie isn’t so big, there was a bit of jealousy in between. So I never took it personally. To be honest with you, I understood it in the context of competition in politics. You take the good with the bad and you keep moving.00:10:01:17 – 00:10:39:12Alec Hogg:It is very interesting. I know the family quite well, from a different route in the horse racing industry, which I was very involved in. Mary, who I suppose would be the matriarch now that Bridget’s passed, is so publicity-shy, it’s almost painful. I’m sure for the whole family, lifting their heads above the parapet and doing what they’ve done in supporting political parties—not just yours, but others across the board—must have taken a lot of reflection. They knew they would be almost a magnet for criticism.00:10:39:12 – 00:11:03:13Songezo Zibi:Yeah. And we had to think about that too, in deciding whether we accepted Rebecca’s assistance. Right. Because she’s donated significantly to us. I mean, in each of the window periods, she’s given us 15 million rand, which is a lot, right? I actually know Mary. We’ve met, and I agree with you. She’s not the kind of person who is flashy. She can walk past you, and you wouldn’t even know who she is. She’s incredibly humble. But Rebecca understands where the country is and the kind of people that need to be in politics. If people with her means do not step forward and help people like myself and my colleagues, who have less lucrative careers, to do the right thing, then the country gets nowhere. We discussed the issue of publicity and the criticisms that would be thrown at us. And she said, “Look, we all have to step up at some point, and I’m choosing to step up in this way.” I’m really grateful and proud of her for doing that.00:11:52:09 – 00:11:58:22Alec

Hogg:Why are you saying that? So, what was it about your elevator pitch that resonated?00:11:59:00 – 00:12:17:14Songezo Zibi:What I would say is that, I mean, if you knew the people who ended up not helping us with money, the one thing they said, at least as feedback, was that we were genuine. We meant what we were saying, and we really wanted to do it. We were in it for the right reasons. We were very transparent about what we stood for. Our proposals, I think, were fairly detailed, especially in the beginning, about what we stood for, how we were going to develop policy, and what sort of long-term outcomes we wanted for South Africa. The vision was, and I believe still is, completely right.00:12:17:16 – 00:13:05:03Songezo Zibi:But I also have to say, having surrogates who can vouch for your character is also important. There were lots of people who were able to do that—people who have credibility in society, either in business, politics, or civil society—who would pick up the phone and say, “Listen, you don’t know this guy, but I’ve known him for many years. Please hear him out. I think what he wants to do is worthwhile, and I hope that you can help him and his colleagues.” So there are lots of people that I’m really grateful to for doing that.00:13:05:03 – 00:13:16:01Alec Hogg:And it is a real feather in your cap, knowing the media industry as I do. People in the media industry, who tend, I wouldn’t say always, but often try to make themselves feel bigger by making others in the industry feel smaller, almost universally came out in support for you. They know you, and they’ve given you the thumbs up. And as you say, also with people in business as well. But there was one issue that certainly must have hurt your votes in many areas of society, and that was your apparent endorsement of expropriation without compensation. Just unpack that for us. Was this all about politics?00:14:02:15 – 00:14:28:15Songezo Zibi:It was. And I must say, the DA was quite smart in spotting the gap and, in my view, kind of pushing the envelope between being aggressive and engaging in disinformation. I would say—and I’ve gone into a lot of spaces like the, you know, the community meetings and so on to talk about this—that our full story is not long. When land was confiscated from black people, either in the 1700s or 1800s or even the 1900s, there were far fewer of us. South Africa was largely rural, with fewer people in the cities, and so on.00:14:28:17 – 00:15:37:12Songezo Zibi:South Africa has more people now, which means even if you were to restore land to the families that owned it at some point, you would still be left with a lot of landless people. Secondly, South Africa is urbanizing in a chaotic way, and when people move to the cities, they often occupy informal land because there’s nowhere else to put up a shack. We pretend that this is not happening, but it’s the most prevalent land occupation pattern in South Africa. So what must you do if you are a government that respects the fact that you recognize, at least, that land restitution may be in the past? Access to land and land justice is possibly the thing you should be doing.00:15:37:12 – 00:16:05:22Songezo Zibi:So in other words, you say, listen, we can’t give you the same piece of land that your ancestors had. People say it is now a county. We will devise some other mechanism, either pay you or provide some other form of compensation. Secondly, recognize that it’s not okay that every time people are landless and occupy annexed land—and so on, and they have to go to court—let’s recognize the problem, expropriate the land.00:16:05:22 – 00:16:37:09Songezo Zibi:We see what is allowed in the Constitution, do spatial development properly, put public infrastructure in place so that at the rate at which South Africa is urbanizing, you’re also able to unlock land. I worked in mining. I think the people who are most unhappy with the mining industry about land, it’s not black people; it’s farmers.

Why? Because the South African government and mining companies work together to expropriate the land.Read more: New political party, RISE Mzansi wants to rebuild a non-racial democracy in South Africa – Songezo Zibi00:16:37:11 – 00:17:10:20Songezo Zibi:The farmers become unhappy because the value received is not what they’re looking for. But the law is what it is. They get paid fair value, and the mine is built. Right? Farmers will tell you in Mpumalanga, in Limpopo, in the North West, and so on, all the mines were portions of farms before they were expropriated. If we can do that within the same Constitution to build mines and dams and roads and that sort of thing, why can’t we do it for housing?00:17:10:22 – 00:17:26:15Songezo Zibi:That’s all we’re saying. So we’re not saying expropriate without compensation. We’re saying expropriate within the law, pay fair value, and do spatial planning properly so that you don’t have the chaos that we have now.00:17:26:17 – 00:17:58:06Alec Hogg:I think things get lost in translation, especially with the complexity you’ve outlined there. What about the complexity of politics? You’ve now moved into this space, you’ve got a brand new, fresh party. I know you’re ambitious, and I know you are focused. In the next election, you’ll probably have more members of parliament or people locally. But just from your perspective, joining the government of national unity, what motivated you in that regard?00:17:58:08 – 00:18:22:11Songezo Zibi:Sure. It was a hard decision. We joined late because, to be honest with you, you have to think carefully before getting into a relationship that involves the ANC. Okay? So we decided to have a proper conversation where the conversation might have had stages, but there were some principles that had nothing to do with party politics, but with the country.00:18:22:13 – 00:18:50:14Songezo Zibi:I recognized immediately that with no one getting a majority, things we used to take for granted, such as money bills, would now be subject to contestation, and they might not go through. So we need to create a cooperative mechanism that gets the basics of governing right. And you can’t do that by saying, you know, I’m going to fight the ANC and the DA because they are our opponents and so on.00:18:50:20 – 00:19:15:22Songezo Zibi:Let’s get together for the things that matter. And that meant we need to have a president who forms a government, takes the speaker and the deputy speaker. That was part one of the conversation. Part two of the conversation was, we want to be effective. We want to show South Africans what we do when we get elected. And so we want to play a very serious role in Parliament.00:19:16:00 – 00:19:36:10Songezo Zibi:But you as the ANC, the guys who approached us, need to tell us why you want us in the GNU. Because if you don’t know why you want us there, then we shouldn’t be. And they said two things. One, your manifesto is social democratic like ours. People don’t trust ours, but I think they trust you.00:19:36:12 – 00:19:55:13Songezo Zibi:It’s to say, if we were to say the same thing, you know, they wouldn’t believe us, but they might believe you. We want the same things from a social justice perspective. And the second thing is, they said, we recognize that at a time when, again, voters are fed up with the ANC and party politics, they want us to work together.00:19:55:13 – 00:20:18:21Songezo Zibi:So, no long-term commitments. Let’s give this a chance. We will support you to play a serious role in Parliament, and we won’t interfere with your work. And that was the deal. And that’s why we’ve ended up with me as chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts. The last thing I want to say is, even though we threw a lot of punches at one another—the ANC, the DA, and so on—one of the things I learned, at least from American politics, is that when the election is over, you recognize that the voters want a government that works.00:20:18:21 – 00:20:41:23Songezo

Zibi:But, you know, the fact that we kind of delegated power to the Western Cape, I mean, that was an election type thing. I haven’t raised it because it’s not necessary to raise it. Let’s serve the South African people now and show them that democracy works. Otherwise, the crooks win in their argument that democracy doesn’t work and that you need a dictator like Zuma.00:20:54:08 – 00:21:19:20Alec Hogg:We’ve seen the rand improve from around 19.50 to around 17.50, give or take a few, since either side of the Government of National Unity has held. What’s your view—not putting back your editor of Business Day cap—if you were writing a leader about the rand into the future? What’s your prognosis for a continuation of this very welcome trend?00:21:19:22 – 00:21:41:14Songezo Zibi:I would say I’m sure there was another trend, by the way. So I have a small stock portfolio, and I watched it appreciate. Okay? And now I was actually talking to one of the journalists, and I was giving him updates, saying, “Look, I paid X amount, and now it’s this.” So there was a period where equities also improved.00:21:41:16 – 00:22:04:20Songezo Zibi:And I had a meeting with the finance minister, by the way, and I said to him, “You know, the one thing I learned from working for listed companies is that clarity of the pathway or the strategy is important. Showing that you’ve got the people to execute on that strategy is important. But more importantly, it’s momentum.”00:22:04:22 – 00:22:32:02Songezo Zibi:You need to show momentum. What this government cannot do is lose momentum. So you need to signal, present, and update—signal, present, update, signal, present, update. So you’ve got to do that. Even as the rand improves, I feel like if we were doing that, it should be at 16. Right? It should be at 16. It should be at 15.5.00:22:32:02 – 00:22:55:07Songezo Zibi:And the GNU—it’s the nature of politicians, and I know because I am one—they don’t quite understand how the market thinks. I think we can do a heck of a lot better, but we’re not. But I’m glad about the trend. I have to say I am cautiously optimistic, but I think we can do better.00:22:55:07 – 00:23:05:20Alec Hogg:And so the execution thus far—and it’s only been a few months—has been good. Are there any reasons for optimism that it will continue in this way?00:23:05:22 – 00:23:26:11Songezo Zibi:Yeah, yes. Look, I mean, the three anchors of the GNU are the IFP, the DA, and the ANC, and they appear determined to make it work. And I think that’s a good thing. There are people who think that the ideological issues supersede everything. No. We wouldn’t have had the miracle if Madiba didn’t want to work with Mr. de Klerk.00:23:26:11 – 00:23:46:15Songezo Zibi:You know, sometimes in a country’s life, you are challenged to work with people you don’t like or you don’t 100% agree with, as long as it’s good for the people. And I think the ANC, the DA, and the IFP, at this stage, are willing to make it work. And the other political parties as well.Read more: RW Johnson: Big trouble is brewing in the USA – Egotistic Trump vs Empty Harris00:23:46:17 – 00:24:10:01Songezo Zibi:I believe that if I do a really good job as chairperson of SCOPA—hold the government accountable for what it does with the public purse and so on—it will actually be good for the GNU. Voters would say, “You know what? Actually, this kind of works where nobody wins, and so we might force them to work together again.” These are the choices in a democracy that will just return. So I think I’m very optimistic. We’ve got people who are looking at it with the right attitude, but we need to push one another to do better, do more, and do it faster.00:24:24:03 – 00:24:28:13Alec Hogg:Were you surprised at being offered such an important portfolio?00:24:28:15 – 00:24:49:16Songezo Zibi:No, I wasn’t offered; I had to fight for it. Do you know that 24 hours before the election, we actually didn’t have the votes? We had to negotiate right up to the last minute.

By the way, the ANC wanted me to chair Appropriations, and I think that was partly because of the finance minister, given his job and my background and so on.00:24:49:18 – 00:25:12:10Songezo Zibi:So he kind of really pushed. And there were a few instances where they kept saying, “No, no, Appropriations.” I said, “No, I want either Finance or the Standing Committee on Public Accounts.” And so I started lobbying hard—all of us did—my colleagues and everybody else. I spoke to the IFP, the DA, and they supported me. I spoke to MK, and while MK wasn’t thrilled, they didn’t object at the vote.00:25:12:10 – 00:25:36:23Songezo Zibi:The big one was the ANC, and at around 5:00 PM the day before, Mandla eventually caved and said, “Okay, fine, I will support you.” That has to count for something at some point. So no, it wasn’t offered; I had to fight for it.00:25:39:11 – 00:26:07:05Alec Hogg:But it’s also such a positive part as a South African to see that so many of those old tales—those old legends, those old myths, perhaps—have now been shattered. And yeah, they might have been relevant when the ANC had over 50%, but not anymore. For you to be shining a light on the way government spends its money, not being an ANC person, is commendable.00:26:07:05 – 00:26:23:13Alec Hogg:But just to kind of wrap up as we come closer to the end of this conversation, Songezo, what’s your take? You don’t have a dog in the fight, but what’s your view on what’s going on in Gauteng, particularly in Tshwane?00:26:23:13 – 00:26:51:00Songezo Zibi:Right now, I live in Tshwane, Alec. So there are two things about Gauteng. The first is that I must tell you, for our chairperson to be an MEC in the Gauteng government was a hard decision because the Gauteng government historically has had some problematic characters—let me be gentle and say that—and those characters are still there.00:26:51:02 – 00:27:15:14Songezo Zibi:But the thing about voters is they give you the outcome that you get. We noticed a lot of hunger in Gauteng, and the agriculture portfolio, which impacts people’s ability to produce their own food, was something we thought we could address. But I was very clear with Panyaza that if we see any funny business, we are out of there at the drop of a hat. We’ll be out of there.00:27:15:14 – 00:27:37:21Songezo Zibi:So if we are left alone to do our work and deliver, then we can go ahead and brag about it. But if there’s an issue at the provincial level, then the ANC needs to prove themselves. It’s not just Tshwane; the city of Johannesburg is also a disgrace. I’ve been to Johannesburg, and it’s an absolute disgrace. It should be the jewel of the African continent, but it’s so messed up. I live in Tshwane, and if I told you how much I pay for water, still based on incorrect billing, your eyes would water.00:27:37:21 – 00:28:05:10Songezo Zibi:What we need is for this realignment to be completed at the local government level. In my view, it’s actually a good thing if we don’t have a majority. But you need a consolidation of political parties so that you don’t have 15 political parties being part of a council—maybe just 5 or 6. We are actively talking to other political parties ourselves about consolidating ahead of 2026 and 2029 so that South Africans have fewer choices but good people within those environments.00:28:05:10 – 00:28:30:19Alec Hogg:That’s a big statement. Who are you talking to?00:28:30:21 – 00:28:59:12Songezo Zibi:So we’ve actually started working with GOOD. One of our guys is a GOOD councilor. We’ve started a sort of joint membership conversation. We’re talking to Mmusi, we’re talking to ActionSA, and to BOSA. Let me not just say Mmusi; Mmusi and I sit next to each other in Parliament, and we’ve had this conversation where we said, “Hey, listen, let’s talk about how we cooperate in 2026 and 2029.”00:28:59:16 – 00:29:19:12Songezo Zibi:We don’t need to cannibalize one another’s supporters in certain areas. Let’s try and put our best foot forward. ActionSA is in that conversation as well.

We’re not going to rush anything, but we think consolidation is important for the future, and we are going to do it in good faith.00:29:19:14 – 00:29:31:18Alec Hogg:But the way that ActionSA is behaving in Tshwane right now, certainly the feedback that most people are getting, is that they’re being irresponsible. Is this accurate?00:29:31:19 – 00:29:59:00Songezo Zibi:I don’t know; we’re not in that council. I will say this as a general statement. I think within the former—well, I used to say Moonshot; it’s no longer Moonshot—it was the ticket. And once on the table, come to me, there is a lot of hurt, Alec, a lot of it because there were many unequivocal statements made about never working with the ANC, and so on.00:29:59:00 – 00:30:23:16Songezo Zibi:And, you know, as soon as the situation changed, the DA was like, “Cheers, we’ll talk to those guys now,” and so on. So I do think there is an element of that. I don’t want to get into their heads; that’s why I’m saying maybe we shouldn’t rush anything. All of us should just heal. And I often say it’s not a good idea to make big decisions while you are grieving.00:30:23:18 – 00:30:28:20Songezo Zibi:You need to give it time. And I think they also shouldn’t rush, and I don’t feel—00:30:28:22 – 00:30:47:10Alec Hogg:Last question. We’ve got local government elections coming up just around the corner—it feels like 2026—and then the next national and provincial elections not long after that, just a couple of years later. Where’s Rise Mzansi’s trajectory from here?00:30:47:12 – 00:31:11:22Songezo Zibi:So the one good thing about this election is that we now know the types of areas where our voters are. Contrary to what Helen might say, it’s not just white South Africans. I would say it’s professionals in both the public and private sectors, typically young families. In many areas with cluster homes, townhouses, and similar settings, we receive a lot of support, particularly in the metros and so on.00:31:12:00 – 00:31:37:00Songezo Zibi:We contested a by-election in Ward 87 in Johannesburg. We want to be a double-digit party, and we got 10%. So we’re going to be very selective about where we contest. We want to target the kind of voters that we know, especially in these early days, who will give us that sort of support. This pilot gave us 10% for a new party like ours.00:31:37:00 – 00:32:02:09Songezo Zibi:It’s a PR seat—a proportional representation seat—so it’s about where we contest. We did that, and that’s what we’ll continue to do. I think if we aim for 10% in the wards we contest, it will give us a decent showing in Johannesburg, Tshwane, and Ekurhuleni. Then we can build on that in terms of national support for 2029.00:32:02:11 – 00:32:17:06Songezo Zibi:But by then, hopefully, we’ll be part of some form of consolidation. If everything goes well, it won’t just be Rise Mzansi; it will be Rise plus, plus, plus, you know.00:32:17:08 – 00:32:39:23Alec Hogg:Fascinating insights, Songezo. There’s no question that you are a great addition to the body politic. We look forward to talking with you more in the future and watching the progress of both your party and the consolidation you’ve spoken about. Songezo Zibi is the founder and leader of Rise Mzansi. I’m Alec Hogg from BizNews.com.Read also:Source Link: https://www.biznews.com/interviews/2024/09/02/risemzansis-songezo-zibi-media-insiders-rebecca-sa http://109.70.148.72/~merchant29/6network/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/GOrdo2nXsAMPvCu.jpg #GLOBAL - BLOGGER The one-time editor turned corporat... BLOGGER - #GLOBAL

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Meet RiseMzansi’s Songezo Zibi: Why media insiders (and Rebecca) love him – and rest of SA should too - Notice Global Online - BLOGGER https://www.merchant-business.com/meet-risemzansis-songezo-zibi-why-media-insiders-and-rebecca-love-him-and-rest-of-sa-should-too/?feed_id=187247&_unique_id=66d6b527acbc2 The one-time editor turned corporate executive and now political player has been a welcome addition to SA’s body politic. Through circumstances which were unimaginable just three months ago, Songezo Zibi chairs one of Parliament’s most important Committees – responsible for monitoring the trillions spent annually by the State. He spoke to BizNews editor Alec Hogg.Sign up for your early morning brew of the BizNews Insider to keep you up to speed with the content that matters. The newsletter will land in your inbox at 5:30am weekdays. Register here.Watch here [embed]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Oy5ydZIx89Y[/embed]Listen hereHighlights from the interviewIn this interview, Alec Hogg speaks with Songezo Zibi, the founder and leader of Rise Mzansi, about the political landscape in South Africa and the strategies of his party. Zibi discusses the shifting dynamics within South African politics, particularly the decline of the ANC’s dominance. He highlights the challenges and opportunities in Gauteng, mentioning the tough decision for their chairperson to serve as an MEC in a government with a historically problematic reputation. Zibi emphasizes the importance of political realignment at the local government level, advocating for consolidation among political parties to avoid fragmentation.He shares insights into Rise Mzansi’s strategy, noting that the party is focusing on areas where they have strong support, particularly among professionals and young families in metropolitan regions. Zibi highlights a recent by-election where Rise Mzansi secured 10% of the vote, marking a significant achievement for the new party. Looking ahead, he stresses the importance of collaboration with other parties, hinting at potential alliances to strengthen their position in future elections. The interview concludes with Hogg praising Zibi’s contributions to South African politics and expressing interest in following the party’s progress.Edited transcript of the interview ___STEADY_PAYWALL___00:00:09:00 – 00:00:38:15Alec HoggWell, for many people in the media, Songezo Zibi and Rise Mzansi have become the favourite political party. Not surprisingly, he’s a former editor of Business Day. But he has a lot more arrows in his quiver, as you will find out as we converse over the next few minutes. Songezo is the founder and leader of Rise Mzansi.00:00:38:17 – 00:00:47:18Alec HoggGood to see you, Songezo. Are you in Parliament, or is it a remote Parliament? How does that all work? Because I know being an MP is different for you.00:00:47:20 – 00:01:12:15Songezo ZibiYeah, no, thanks for having me on. So, I am actually at home in Centurion. I commute between Centurion and Cape Town every week when Parliament is in session, as it is now until the 18th of September. I typically leave on Monday and return either on Thursday night or Friday morning, if I don’t have any other business. That’s the theory.00:01:12:17 – 00:01:33:08Songezo ZibiThe reality is that because my committee is very busy and it’s a standing committee, I usually have committee business on Monday and Friday as well. So, I actually have a full working week with very little of the constituency period, which in theory is supposed to be on Mondays and Fridays. I try to mix things up.00:01:35:12 – 00:01:47:11Alec HoggExplain what a standing committee is, just assuming that many people watching or listening might not know how Parliament works.00:01:47:13 – 00:02:13:23Songezo ZibiYes. So, Parliament sits from Tuesday to Thursday. Committees meet in the morning, from 9:00 to 1:00. Then there’s lunchtime, and from 2:00 p.m. until 5:00 p.m. is the main sitting, sometimes up to 8:00 p.m., depending on the issues on the order paper, which is our agenda for the National Assembly.

Most committees meet on Tuesday.00:02:14:01 – 00:02:38:09Songezo ZibiWednesday is Cabinet Day, and Thursday is Caucus Day, where political parties discuss their own business in the morning. There are a few standing committees in Parliament: the Standing Committee on Public Accounts, which I chair and which looks after government expenditure; the Standing Committee on the Auditor-General; the Appropriations Committee, which processes the budget; and Finance. These committees don’t have the luxury of meeting only on Tuesdays.00:02:38:11 – 00:03:00:18Songezo ZibiThe reason they’re called standing committees is that on Tuesday, Wednesday, and Friday, you are expected to work. So that’s what I mean by mixing things up. In theory, Monday and Friday are supposed to be constituency days, meaning you’re not in Parliament, but if you’re on a standing committee, those days are for work.00:03:00:20 – 00:03:06:09Alec HoggOkay. Rise Mzansi—let’s start with the name and why you’re in politics.00:03:06:11 – 00:03:37:01Songezo ZibiWell, getting involved in politics had a lot to do with my career and personal history. Almost everyone in my family was and is in the ANC, right? Since I was a kid. But that’s not why I got into politics. There were experiences, both good and bad, that led me here. The most profound was when I was editor of Business Day.00:03:37:01 – 00:04:07:15Songezo ZibiDuring my career, I worked at Volkswagen at the beginning of the Motor Industry Development Program. I was in my third year of Communications at what was then Technikon, and they took me on as an intern. I eventually got a job. I saw the factory in Uitenhage, which is now in Port Elizabeth, transform significantly because of good politics and decent policy. I then left Volkswagen and went into mining, where I saw what bad policy looks like and what it does.00:04:07:17 – 00:04:40:02Songezo ZibiThen I became a journalist at Financial Mail for a year and saw the other side, being closer to politics and what really happens. My editorship at Business Day was during the state capture years, and I was left reeling. I couldn’t believe the looting and gangsterism in politics. It was then that I realized you can’t always write about what’s going wrong—some of us have to step forward and try to fix things. That’s effectively why I got involved in politics.Read more: Songezo Zibi: Don’t be a cry baby, John00:05:27:22 – 00:05:35:20Alec HoggBut why start your own political party? Why not join the ANC, given your family’s strong ties?00:05:35:22 – 00:05:56:19Songezo ZibiInterestingly, I wasn’t deeply involved in the ANC personally. My introduction to politics was through the PAC, which was politically opposed to the ANC. By the way, I was just a kid, about 14 or 15, but in the area where I lived and at my boarding school, everyone was in the PAC.00:05:56:19 – 00:06:21:19Songezo Zibi:So, you know, you go with your buddies. So I was never really fully committed to the ANC at all, like tethered to the ANC as my family was. I never had any difficulty with not being involved in politics through the ANC. As a result, I was never a member. I was never involved with any of the satellite organizations, student or otherwise.00:06:21:21 – 00:06:45:06Songezo Zibi:That was not an issue. What I did do, together with others, was to explore for years whether I should join the DA or not. We looked at the ANC and thought, that’s a lost cause. The logical thing to consider was the DA because it was a party that was rising, with lots of black leaders and so on.00:06:45:08 – 00:07:09:18Songezo Zibi:But I felt that it needed to do what Labour did in the UK during Tony Blair and Peter Mandelson’s time—occupy the South African political center. And you don’t do that without shifting. So in other words, it would need to shift to center-left. I felt that if the DA did that, it would become an attractive proposition.00:07:09:20 – 00:07:34:17Songezo Zibi:I think it was on its way to doing that, but I felt that its internal dynamics hampered that progress.

I still believe so, and I still believe that it has significant potential if it were to evolve and find voters where they are, rather than trying to convince them to come over, which takes longer and causes a lot of damage in between.00:07:34:22 – 00:07:43:14Songezo Zibi:So we ended up with a political party that we were fed up with, and since it has declined, somebody needs to occupy the space that the DA refuses to occupy.00:07:43:16 – 00:07:52:00Alec Hogg:And the funding—there’s a lot of controversy around Harry Oppenheimer’s granddaughter, or grand who’ve helped you along the way.00:07:52:01 – 00:08:20:11Songezo Zibi:Well, I’d like to comment on that. The funding thing is really interesting because I think there is a certain trajectory to new political parties that people have become familiar with. They think it must be all about money, and they must do all these things. To be honest with you, two things worked in our favor. One is my relationships that I’ve had for many years, working for corporates and being an editor.00:08:20:11 – 00:08:49:10Songezo Zibi:I had a significant black book, so I could phone people up and that sort of thing. The second thing is that I also spent a lot of time in capital raising, because of my past work, so you learn how to make your case, you learn how to convince people to believe in the same vision that you have.00:08:49:12 – 00:09:13:00Songezo Zibi:In South Africa, there is this belief that donors come to you, choose you, manipulate you, and that sort of thing. The relationship with Rebecca, and she’s not been our only donor—we’ve had quite a few—but she’s obviously given the most signal to us, was actually really significant. I mean, she’s an exceptionally smart person.00:09:13:01 – 00:09:38:17Songezo Zibi:She is exceptionally patriotic about South Africa. She’s been deeply respectful of the distance you need to keep between a political party and its donors. We have incredibly respectful conversations. The same goes for other large donors. People didn’t expect us to get support, and this was shocking to them.00:09:38:18 – 00:09:57:20Songezo Zibi:The second thing is that we were appealing to people who would have supported the ANC and the DA. And since the pie isn’t so big, there was a bit of jealousy in between. So I never took it personally. To be honest with you, I understood it in the context of competition in politics. You take the good with the bad and you keep moving.00:10:01:17 – 00:10:39:12Alec Hogg:It is very interesting. I know the family quite well, from a different route in the horse racing industry, which I was very involved in. Mary, who I suppose would be the matriarch now that Bridget’s passed, is so publicity-shy, it’s almost painful. I’m sure for the whole family, lifting their heads above the parapet and doing what they’ve done in supporting political parties—not just yours, but others across the board—must have taken a lot of reflection. They knew they would be almost a magnet for criticism.00:10:39:12 – 00:11:03:13Songezo Zibi:Yeah. And we had to think about that too, in deciding whether we accepted Rebecca’s assistance. Right. Because she’s donated significantly to us. I mean, in each of the window periods, she’s given us 15 million rand, which is a lot, right? I actually know Mary. We’ve met, and I agree with you. She’s not the kind of person who is flashy. She can walk past you, and you wouldn’t even know who she is. She’s incredibly humble. But Rebecca understands where the country is and the kind of people that need to be in politics. If people with her means do not step forward and help people like myself and my colleagues, who have less lucrative careers, to do the right thing, then the country gets nowhere. We discussed the issue of publicity and the criticisms that would be thrown at us. And she said, “Look, we all have to step up at some point, and I’m choosing to step up in this way.” I’m really grateful and proud of her for doing that.00:11:52:09 – 00:11:58:22Alec

Hogg:Why are you saying that? So, what was it about your elevator pitch that resonated?00:11:59:00 – 00:12:17:14Songezo Zibi:What I would say is that, I mean, if you knew the people who ended up not helping us with money, the one thing they said, at least as feedback, was that we were genuine. We meant what we were saying, and we really wanted to do it. We were in it for the right reasons. We were very transparent about what we stood for. Our proposals, I think, were fairly detailed, especially in the beginning, about what we stood for, how we were going to develop policy, and what sort of long-term outcomes we wanted for South Africa. The vision was, and I believe still is, completely right.00:12:17:16 – 00:13:05:03Songezo Zibi:But I also have to say, having surrogates who can vouch for your character is also important. There were lots of people who were able to do that—people who have credibility in society, either in business, politics, or civil society—who would pick up the phone and say, “Listen, you don’t know this guy, but I’ve known him for many years. Please hear him out. I think what he wants to do is worthwhile, and I hope that you can help him and his colleagues.” So there are lots of people that I’m really grateful to for doing that.00:13:05:03 – 00:13:16:01Alec Hogg:And it is a real feather in your cap, knowing the media industry as I do. People in the media industry, who tend, I wouldn’t say always, but often try to make themselves feel bigger by making others in the industry feel smaller, almost universally came out in support for you. They know you, and they’ve given you the thumbs up. And as you say, also with people in business as well. But there was one issue that certainly must have hurt your votes in many areas of society, and that was your apparent endorsement of expropriation without compensation. Just unpack that for us. Was this all about politics?00:14:02:15 – 00:14:28:15Songezo Zibi:It was. And I must say, the DA was quite smart in spotting the gap and, in my view, kind of pushing the envelope between being aggressive and engaging in disinformation. I would say—and I’ve gone into a lot of spaces like the, you know, the community meetings and so on to talk about this—that our full story is not long. When land was confiscated from black people, either in the 1700s or 1800s or even the 1900s, there were far fewer of us. South Africa was largely rural, with fewer people in the cities, and so on.00:14:28:17 – 00:15:37:12Songezo Zibi:South Africa has more people now, which means even if you were to restore land to the families that owned it at some point, you would still be left with a lot of landless people. Secondly, South Africa is urbanizing in a chaotic way, and when people move to the cities, they often occupy informal land because there’s nowhere else to put up a shack. We pretend that this is not happening, but it’s the most prevalent land occupation pattern in South Africa. So what must you do if you are a government that respects the fact that you recognize, at least, that land restitution may be in the past? Access to land and land justice is possibly the thing you should be doing.00:15:37:12 – 00:16:05:22Songezo Zibi:So in other words, you say, listen, we can’t give you the same piece of land that your ancestors had. People say it is now a county. We will devise some other mechanism, either pay you or provide some other form of compensation. Secondly, recognize that it’s not okay that every time people are landless and occupy annexed land—and so on, and they have to go to court—let’s recognize the problem, expropriate the land.00:16:05:22 – 00:16:37:09Songezo Zibi:We see what is allowed in the Constitution, do spatial development properly, put public infrastructure in place so that at the rate at which South Africa is urbanizing, you’re also able to unlock land. I worked in mining. I think the people who are most unhappy with the mining industry about land, it’s not black people; it’s farmers.

Why? Because the South African government and mining companies work together to expropriate the land.Read more: New political party, RISE Mzansi wants to rebuild a non-racial democracy in South Africa – Songezo Zibi00:16:37:11 – 00:17:10:20Songezo Zibi:The farmers become unhappy because the value received is not what they’re looking for. But the law is what it is. They get paid fair value, and the mine is built. Right? Farmers will tell you in Mpumalanga, in Limpopo, in the North West, and so on, all the mines were portions of farms before they were expropriated. If we can do that within the same Constitution to build mines and dams and roads and that sort of thing, why can’t we do it for housing?00:17:10:22 – 00:17:26:15Songezo Zibi:That’s all we’re saying. So we’re not saying expropriate without compensation. We’re saying expropriate within the law, pay fair value, and do spatial planning properly so that you don’t have the chaos that we have now.00:17:26:17 – 00:17:58:06Alec Hogg:I think things get lost in translation, especially with the complexity you’ve outlined there. What about the complexity of politics? You’ve now moved into this space, you’ve got a brand new, fresh party. I know you’re ambitious, and I know you are focused. In the next election, you’ll probably have more members of parliament or people locally. But just from your perspective, joining the government of national unity, what motivated you in that regard?00:17:58:08 – 00:18:22:11Songezo Zibi:Sure. It was a hard decision. We joined late because, to be honest with you, you have to think carefully before getting into a relationship that involves the ANC. Okay? So we decided to have a proper conversation where the conversation might have had stages, but there were some principles that had nothing to do with party politics, but with the country.00:18:22:13 – 00:18:50:14Songezo Zibi:I recognized immediately that with no one getting a majority, things we used to take for granted, such as money bills, would now be subject to contestation, and they might not go through. So we need to create a cooperative mechanism that gets the basics of governing right. And you can’t do that by saying, you know, I’m going to fight the ANC and the DA because they are our opponents and so on.00:18:50:20 – 00:19:15:22Songezo Zibi:Let’s get together for the things that matter. And that meant we need to have a president who forms a government, takes the speaker and the deputy speaker. That was part one of the conversation. Part two of the conversation was, we want to be effective. We want to show South Africans what we do when we get elected. And so we want to play a very serious role in Parliament.00:19:16:00 – 00:19:36:10Songezo Zibi:But you as the ANC, the guys who approached us, need to tell us why you want us in the GNU. Because if you don’t know why you want us there, then we shouldn’t be. And they said two things. One, your manifesto is social democratic like ours. People don’t trust ours, but I think they trust you.00:19:36:12 – 00:19:55:13Songezo Zibi:It’s to say, if we were to say the same thing, you know, they wouldn’t believe us, but they might believe you. We want the same things from a social justice perspective. And the second thing is, they said, we recognize that at a time when, again, voters are fed up with the ANC and party politics, they want us to work together.00:19:55:13 – 00:20:18:21Songezo Zibi:So, no long-term commitments. Let’s give this a chance. We will support you to play a serious role in Parliament, and we won’t interfere with your work. And that was the deal. And that’s why we’ve ended up with me as chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts. The last thing I want to say is, even though we threw a lot of punches at one another—the ANC, the DA, and so on—one of the things I learned, at least from American politics, is that when the election is over, you recognize that the voters want a government that works.00:20:18:21 – 00:20:41:23Songezo

Zibi:But, you know, the fact that we kind of delegated power to the Western Cape, I mean, that was an election type thing. I haven’t raised it because it’s not necessary to raise it. Let’s serve the South African people now and show them that democracy works. Otherwise, the crooks win in their argument that democracy doesn’t work and that you need a dictator like Zuma.00:20:54:08 – 00:21:19:20Alec Hogg:We’ve seen the rand improve from around 19.50 to around 17.50, give or take a few, since either side of the Government of National Unity has held. What’s your view—not putting back your editor of Business Day cap—if you were writing a leader about the rand into the future? What’s your prognosis for a continuation of this very welcome trend?00:21:19:22 – 00:21:41:14Songezo Zibi:I would say I’m sure there was another trend, by the way. So I have a small stock portfolio, and I watched it appreciate. Okay? And now I was actually talking to one of the journalists, and I was giving him updates, saying, “Look, I paid X amount, and now it’s this.” So there was a period where equities also improved.00:21:41:16 – 00:22:04:20Songezo Zibi:And I had a meeting with the finance minister, by the way, and I said to him, “You know, the one thing I learned from working for listed companies is that clarity of the pathway or the strategy is important. Showing that you’ve got the people to execute on that strategy is important. But more importantly, it’s momentum.”00:22:04:22 – 00:22:32:02Songezo Zibi:You need to show momentum. What this government cannot do is lose momentum. So you need to signal, present, and update—signal, present, update, signal, present, update. So you’ve got to do that. Even as the rand improves, I feel like if we were doing that, it should be at 16. Right? It should be at 16. It should be at 15.5.00:22:32:02 – 00:22:55:07Songezo Zibi:And the GNU—it’s the nature of politicians, and I know because I am one—they don’t quite understand how the market thinks. I think we can do a heck of a lot better, but we’re not. But I’m glad about the trend. I have to say I am cautiously optimistic, but I think we can do better.00:22:55:07 – 00:23:05:20Alec Hogg:And so the execution thus far—and it’s only been a few months—has been good. Are there any reasons for optimism that it will continue in this way?00:23:05:22 – 00:23:26:11Songezo Zibi:Yeah, yes. Look, I mean, the three anchors of the GNU are the IFP, the DA, and the ANC, and they appear determined to make it work. And I think that’s a good thing. There are people who think that the ideological issues supersede everything. No. We wouldn’t have had the miracle if Madiba didn’t want to work with Mr. de Klerk.00:23:26:11 – 00:23:46:15Songezo Zibi:You know, sometimes in a country’s life, you are challenged to work with people you don’t like or you don’t 100% agree with, as long as it’s good for the people. And I think the ANC, the DA, and the IFP, at this stage, are willing to make it work. And the other political parties as well.Read more: RW Johnson: Big trouble is brewing in the USA – Egotistic Trump vs Empty Harris00:23:46:17 – 00:24:10:01Songezo Zibi:I believe that if I do a really good job as chairperson of SCOPA—hold the government accountable for what it does with the public purse and so on—it will actually be good for the GNU. Voters would say, “You know what? Actually, this kind of works where nobody wins, and so we might force them to work together again.” These are the choices in a democracy that will just return. So I think I’m very optimistic. We’ve got people who are looking at it with the right attitude, but we need to push one another to do better, do more, and do it faster.00:24:24:03 – 00:24:28:13Alec Hogg:Were you surprised at being offered such an important portfolio?00:24:28:15 – 00:24:49:16Songezo Zibi:No, I wasn’t offered; I had to fight for it. Do you know that 24 hours before the election, we actually didn’t have the votes? We had to negotiate right up to the last minute.

By the way, the ANC wanted me to chair Appropriations, and I think that was partly because of the finance minister, given his job and my background and so on.00:24:49:18 – 00:25:12:10Songezo Zibi:So he kind of really pushed. And there were a few instances where they kept saying, “No, no, Appropriations.” I said, “No, I want either Finance or the Standing Committee on Public Accounts.” And so I started lobbying hard—all of us did—my colleagues and everybody else. I spoke to the IFP, the DA, and they supported me. I spoke to MK, and while MK wasn’t thrilled, they didn’t object at the vote.00:25:12:10 – 00:25:36:23Songezo Zibi:The big one was the ANC, and at around 5:00 PM the day before, Mandla eventually caved and said, “Okay, fine, I will support you.” That has to count for something at some point. So no, it wasn’t offered; I had to fight for it.00:25:39:11 – 00:26:07:05Alec Hogg:But it’s also such a positive part as a South African to see that so many of those old tales—those old legends, those old myths, perhaps—have now been shattered. And yeah, they might have been relevant when the ANC had over 50%, but not anymore. For you to be shining a light on the way government spends its money, not being an ANC person, is commendable.00:26:07:05 – 00:26:23:13Alec Hogg:But just to kind of wrap up as we come closer to the end of this conversation, Songezo, what’s your take? You don’t have a dog in the fight, but what’s your view on what’s going on in Gauteng, particularly in Tshwane?00:26:23:13 – 00:26:51:00Songezo Zibi:Right now, I live in Tshwane, Alec. So there are two things about Gauteng. The first is that I must tell you, for our chairperson to be an MEC in the Gauteng government was a hard decision because the Gauteng government historically has had some problematic characters—let me be gentle and say that—and those characters are still there.00:26:51:02 – 00:27:15:14Songezo Zibi:But the thing about voters is they give you the outcome that you get. We noticed a lot of hunger in Gauteng, and the agriculture portfolio, which impacts people’s ability to produce their own food, was something we thought we could address. But I was very clear with Panyaza that if we see any funny business, we are out of there at the drop of a hat. We’ll be out of there.00:27:15:14 – 00:27:37:21Songezo Zibi:So if we are left alone to do our work and deliver, then we can go ahead and brag about it. But if there’s an issue at the provincial level, then the ANC needs to prove themselves. It’s not just Tshwane; the city of Johannesburg is also a disgrace. I’ve been to Johannesburg, and it’s an absolute disgrace. It should be the jewel of the African continent, but it’s so messed up. I live in Tshwane, and if I told you how much I pay for water, still based on incorrect billing, your eyes would water.00:27:37:21 – 00:28:05:10Songezo Zibi:What we need is for this realignment to be completed at the local government level. In my view, it’s actually a good thing if we don’t have a majority. But you need a consolidation of political parties so that you don’t have 15 political parties being part of a council—maybe just 5 or 6. We are actively talking to other political parties ourselves about consolidating ahead of 2026 and 2029 so that South Africans have fewer choices but good people within those environments.00:28:05:10 – 00:28:30:19Alec Hogg:That’s a big statement. Who are you talking to?00:28:30:21 – 00:28:59:12Songezo Zibi:So we’ve actually started working with GOOD. One of our guys is a GOOD councilor. We’ve started a sort of joint membership conversation. We’re talking to Mmusi, we’re talking to ActionSA, and to BOSA. Let me not just say Mmusi; Mmusi and I sit next to each other in Parliament, and we’ve had this conversation where we said, “Hey, listen, let’s talk about how we cooperate in 2026 and 2029.”00:28:59:16 – 00:29:19:12Songezo Zibi:We don’t need to cannibalize one another’s supporters in certain areas. Let’s try and put our best foot forward. ActionSA is in that conversation as well.

We’re not going to rush anything, but we think consolidation is important for the future, and we are going to do it in good faith.00:29:19:14 – 00:29:31:18Alec Hogg:But the way that ActionSA is behaving in Tshwane right now, certainly the feedback that most people are getting, is that they’re being irresponsible. Is this accurate?00:29:31:19 – 00:29:59:00Songezo Zibi:I don’t know; we’re not in that council. I will say this as a general statement. I think within the former—well, I used to say Moonshot; it’s no longer Moonshot—it was the ticket. And once on the table, come to me, there is a lot of hurt, Alec, a lot of it because there were many unequivocal statements made about never working with the ANC, and so on.00:29:59:00 – 00:30:23:16Songezo Zibi:And, you know, as soon as the situation changed, the DA was like, “Cheers, we’ll talk to those guys now,” and so on. So I do think there is an element of that. I don’t want to get into their heads; that’s why I’m saying maybe we shouldn’t rush anything. All of us should just heal. And I often say it’s not a good idea to make big decisions while you are grieving.00:30:23:18 – 00:30:28:20Songezo Zibi:You need to give it time. And I think they also shouldn’t rush, and I don’t feel—00:30:28:22 – 00:30:47:10Alec Hogg:Last question. We’ve got local government elections coming up just around the corner—it feels like 2026—and then the next national and provincial elections not long after that, just a couple of years later. Where’s Rise Mzansi’s trajectory from here?00:30:47:12 – 00:31:11:22Songezo Zibi:So the one good thing about this election is that we now know the types of areas where our voters are. Contrary to what Helen might say, it’s not just white South Africans. I would say it’s professionals in both the public and private sectors, typically young families. In many areas with cluster homes, townhouses, and similar settings, we receive a lot of support, particularly in the metros and so on.00:31:12:00 – 00:31:37:00Songezo Zibi:We contested a by-election in Ward 87 in Johannesburg. We want to be a double-digit party, and we got 10%. So we’re going to be very selective about where we contest. We want to target the kind of voters that we know, especially in these early days, who will give us that sort of support. This pilot gave us 10% for a new party like ours.00:31:37:00 – 00:32:02:09Songezo Zibi:It’s a PR seat—a proportional representation seat—so it’s about where we contest. We did that, and that’s what we’ll continue to do. I think if we aim for 10% in the wards we contest, it will give us a decent showing in Johannesburg, Tshwane, and Ekurhuleni. Then we can build on that in terms of national support for 2029.00:32:02:11 – 00:32:17:06Songezo Zibi:But by then, hopefully, we’ll be part of some form of consolidation. If everything goes well, it won’t just be Rise Mzansi; it will be Rise plus, plus, plus, you know.00:32:17:08 – 00:32:39:23Alec Hogg:Fascinating insights, Songezo. There’s no question that you are a great addition to the body politic. We look forward to talking with you more in the future and watching the progress of both your party and the consolidation you’ve spoken about. Songezo Zibi is the founder and leader of Rise Mzansi. I’m Alec Hogg from BizNews.com.Read also:Source Link: https://www.biznews.com/interviews/2024/09/02/risemzansis-songezo-zibi-media-insiders-rebecca-sa http://109.70.148.72/~merchant29/6network/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/GOrdo2nXsAMPvCu.jpg BLOGGER - #GLOBAL The one-time editor turned corporate executive and now political player has been a welcome addition to SA’s body politic. Through circumstances which were unimaginable just three months ago, Songezo Zibi chairs one of Parliament’s most important Committees – responsible for monitoring the trillions spent annually by the State. He spoke to BizNews editor Alec Hogg. … Read More

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Meet RiseMzansi’s Songezo Zibi: Why media insiders (and Rebecca) love him – and rest of SA should too - Notice Global Online https://www.merchant-business.com/meet-risemzansis-songezo-zibi-why-media-insiders-and-rebecca-love-him-and-rest-of-sa-should-too/?feed_id=187241&_unique_id=66d6b5205a8d7 #GLOBAL - BLOGGER BLOGGER The one-time editor turned corporate executive and now political player has been a welcome addition to SA’s body politic. Through circumstances which were unimaginable just three months ago, Songezo Zibi chairs one of Parliament’s most important Committees – responsible for monitoring the trillions spent annually by the State. He spoke to BizNews editor Alec Hogg.Sign up for your early morning brew of the BizNews Insider to keep you up to speed with the content that matters. The newsletter will land in your inbox at 5:30am weekdays. Register here.Watch here [embed]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Oy5ydZIx89Y[/embed]Listen hereHighlights from the interviewIn this interview, Alec Hogg speaks with Songezo Zibi, the founder and leader of Rise Mzansi, about the political landscape in South Africa and the strategies of his party. Zibi discusses the shifting dynamics within South African politics, particularly the decline of the ANC’s dominance. He highlights the challenges and opportunities in Gauteng, mentioning the tough decision for their chairperson to serve as an MEC in a government with a historically problematic reputation. Zibi emphasizes the importance of political realignment at the local government level, advocating for consolidation among political parties to avoid fragmentation.He shares insights into Rise Mzansi’s strategy, noting that the party is focusing on areas where they have strong support, particularly among professionals and young families in metropolitan regions. Zibi highlights a recent by-election where Rise Mzansi secured 10% of the vote, marking a significant achievement for the new party. Looking ahead, he stresses the importance of collaboration with other parties, hinting at potential alliances to strengthen their position in future elections. The interview concludes with Hogg praising Zibi’s contributions to South African politics and expressing interest in following the party’s progress.Edited transcript of the interview ___STEADY_PAYWALL___00:00:09:00 – 00:00:38:15Alec HoggWell, for many people in the media, Songezo Zibi and Rise Mzansi have become the favourite political party. Not surprisingly, he’s a former editor of Business Day. But he has a lot more arrows in his quiver, as you will find out as we converse over the next few minutes. Songezo is the founder and leader of Rise Mzansi.00:00:38:17 – 00:00:47:18Alec HoggGood to see you, Songezo. Are you in Parliament, or is it a remote Parliament? How does that all work? Because I know being an MP is different for you.00:00:47:20 – 00:01:12:15Songezo ZibiYeah, no, thanks for having me on. So, I am actually at home in Centurion. I commute between Centurion and Cape Town every week when Parliament is in session, as it is now until the 18th of September. I typically leave on Monday and return either on Thursday night or Friday morning, if I don’t have any other business. That’s the theory.00:01:12:17 – 00:01:33:08Songezo ZibiThe reality is that because my committee is very busy and it’s a standing committee, I usually have committee business on Monday and Friday as well. So, I actually have a full working week with very little of the constituency period, which in theory is supposed to be on Mondays and Fridays. I try to mix things up.00:01:35:12 – 00:01:47:11Alec HoggExplain what a standing committee is, just assuming that many people watching or listening might not know how Parliament works.00:01:47:13 – 00:02:13:23Songezo ZibiYes. So, Parliament sits from Tuesday to Thursday. Committees meet in the morning, from 9:00 to 1:00. Then there’s lunchtime, and from 2:00 p.m. until 5:00 p.m. is the main sitting, sometimes up to 8:00 p.m., depending on the issues on the order paper, which is our agenda for the National Assembly.

Most committees meet on Tuesday.00:02:14:01 – 00:02:38:09Songezo ZibiWednesday is Cabinet Day, and Thursday is Caucus Day, where political parties discuss their own business in the morning. There are a few standing committees in Parliament: the Standing Committee on Public Accounts, which I chair and which looks after government expenditure; the Standing Committee on the Auditor-General; the Appropriations Committee, which processes the budget; and Finance. These committees don’t have the luxury of meeting only on Tuesdays.00:02:38:11 – 00:03:00:18Songezo ZibiThe reason they’re called standing committees is that on Tuesday, Wednesday, and Friday, you are expected to work. So that’s what I mean by mixing things up. In theory, Monday and Friday are supposed to be constituency days, meaning you’re not in Parliament, but if you’re on a standing committee, those days are for work.00:03:00:20 – 00:03:06:09Alec HoggOkay. Rise Mzansi—let’s start with the name and why you’re in politics.00:03:06:11 – 00:03:37:01Songezo ZibiWell, getting involved in politics had a lot to do with my career and personal history. Almost everyone in my family was and is in the ANC, right? Since I was a kid. But that’s not why I got into politics. There were experiences, both good and bad, that led me here. The most profound was when I was editor of Business Day.00:03:37:01 – 00:04:07:15Songezo ZibiDuring my career, I worked at Volkswagen at the beginning of the Motor Industry Development Program. I was in my third year of Communications at what was then Technikon, and they took me on as an intern. I eventually got a job. I saw the factory in Uitenhage, which is now in Port Elizabeth, transform significantly because of good politics and decent policy. I then left Volkswagen and went into mining, where I saw what bad policy looks like and what it does.00:04:07:17 – 00:04:40:02Songezo ZibiThen I became a journalist at Financial Mail for a year and saw the other side, being closer to politics and what really happens. My editorship at Business Day was during the state capture years, and I was left reeling. I couldn’t believe the looting and gangsterism in politics. It was then that I realized you can’t always write about what’s going wrong—some of us have to step forward and try to fix things. That’s effectively why I got involved in politics.Read more: Songezo Zibi: Don’t be a cry baby, John00:05:27:22 – 00:05:35:20Alec HoggBut why start your own political party? Why not join the ANC, given your family’s strong ties?00:05:35:22 – 00:05:56:19Songezo ZibiInterestingly, I wasn’t deeply involved in the ANC personally. My introduction to politics was through the PAC, which was politically opposed to the ANC. By the way, I was just a kid, about 14 or 15, but in the area where I lived and at my boarding school, everyone was in the PAC.00:05:56:19 – 00:06:21:19Songezo Zibi:So, you know, you go with your buddies. So I was never really fully committed to the ANC at all, like tethered to the ANC as my family was. I never had any difficulty with not being involved in politics through the ANC. As a result, I was never a member. I was never involved with any of the satellite organizations, student or otherwise.00:06:21:21 – 00:06:45:06Songezo Zibi:That was not an issue. What I did do, together with others, was to explore for years whether I should join the DA or not. We looked at the ANC and thought, that’s a lost cause. The logical thing to consider was the DA because it was a party that was rising, with lots of black leaders and so on.00:06:45:08 – 00:07:09:18Songezo Zibi:But I felt that it needed to do what Labour did in the UK during Tony Blair and Peter Mandelson’s time—occupy the South African political center. And you don’t do that without shifting. So in other words, it would need to shift to center-left. I felt that if the DA did that, it would become an attractive proposition.00:07:09:20 – 00:07:34:17Songezo Zibi:I think it was on its way to doing that, but I felt that its internal dynamics hampered that progress.

I still believe so, and I still believe that it has significant potential if it were to evolve and find voters where they are, rather than trying to convince them to come over, which takes longer and causes a lot of damage in between.00:07:34:22 – 00:07:43:14Songezo Zibi:So we ended up with a political party that we were fed up with, and since it has declined, somebody needs to occupy the space that the DA refuses to occupy.00:07:43:16 – 00:07:52:00Alec Hogg:And the funding—there’s a lot of controversy around Harry Oppenheimer’s granddaughter, or grand who’ve helped you along the way.00:07:52:01 – 00:08:20:11Songezo Zibi:Well, I’d like to comment on that. The funding thing is really interesting because I think there is a certain trajectory to new political parties that people have become familiar with. They think it must be all about money, and they must do all these things. To be honest with you, two things worked in our favor. One is my relationships that I’ve had for many years, working for corporates and being an editor.00:08:20:11 – 00:08:49:10Songezo Zibi:I had a significant black book, so I could phone people up and that sort of thing. The second thing is that I also spent a lot of time in capital raising, because of my past work, so you learn how to make your case, you learn how to convince people to believe in the same vision that you have.00:08:49:12 – 00:09:13:00Songezo Zibi:In South Africa, there is this belief that donors come to you, choose you, manipulate you, and that sort of thing. The relationship with Rebecca, and she’s not been our only donor—we’ve had quite a few—but she’s obviously given the most signal to us, was actually really significant. I mean, she’s an exceptionally smart person.00:09:13:01 – 00:09:38:17Songezo Zibi:She is exceptionally patriotic about South Africa. She’s been deeply respectful of the distance you need to keep between a political party and its donors. We have incredibly respectful conversations. The same goes for other large donors. People didn’t expect us to get support, and this was shocking to them.00:09:38:18 – 00:09:57:20Songezo Zibi:The second thing is that we were appealing to people who would have supported the ANC and the DA. And since the pie isn’t so big, there was a bit of jealousy in between. So I never took it personally. To be honest with you, I understood it in the context of competition in politics. You take the good with the bad and you keep moving.00:10:01:17 – 00:10:39:12Alec Hogg:It is very interesting. I know the family quite well, from a different route in the horse racing industry, which I was very involved in. Mary, who I suppose would be the matriarch now that Bridget’s passed, is so publicity-shy, it’s almost painful. I’m sure for the whole family, lifting their heads above the parapet and doing what they’ve done in supporting political parties—not just yours, but others across the board—must have taken a lot of reflection. They knew they would be almost a magnet for criticism.00:10:39:12 – 00:11:03:13Songezo Zibi:Yeah. And we had to think about that too, in deciding whether we accepted Rebecca’s assistance. Right. Because she’s donated significantly to us. I mean, in each of the window periods, she’s given us 15 million rand, which is a lot, right? I actually know Mary. We’ve met, and I agree with you. She’s not the kind of person who is flashy. She can walk past you, and you wouldn’t even know who she is. She’s incredibly humble. But Rebecca understands where the country is and the kind of people that need to be in politics. If people with her means do not step forward and help people like myself and my colleagues, who have less lucrative careers, to do the right thing, then the country gets nowhere. We discussed the issue of publicity and the criticisms that would be thrown at us. And she said, “Look, we all have to step up at some point, and I’m choosing to step up in this way.” I’m really grateful and proud of her for doing that.00:11:52:09 – 00:11:58:22Alec

Hogg:Why are you saying that? So, what was it about your elevator pitch that resonated?00:11:59:00 – 00:12:17:14Songezo Zibi:What I would say is that, I mean, if you knew the people who ended up not helping us with money, the one thing they said, at least as feedback, was that we were genuine. We meant what we were saying, and we really wanted to do it. We were in it for the right reasons. We were very transparent about what we stood for. Our proposals, I think, were fairly detailed, especially in the beginning, about what we stood for, how we were going to develop policy, and what sort of long-term outcomes we wanted for South Africa. The vision was, and I believe still is, completely right.00:12:17:16 – 00:13:05:03Songezo Zibi:But I also have to say, having surrogates who can vouch for your character is also important. There were lots of people who were able to do that—people who have credibility in society, either in business, politics, or civil society—who would pick up the phone and say, “Listen, you don’t know this guy, but I’ve known him for many years. Please hear him out. I think what he wants to do is worthwhile, and I hope that you can help him and his colleagues.” So there are lots of people that I’m really grateful to for doing that.00:13:05:03 – 00:13:16:01Alec Hogg:And it is a real feather in your cap, knowing the media industry as I do. People in the media industry, who tend, I wouldn’t say always, but often try to make themselves feel bigger by making others in the industry feel smaller, almost universally came out in support for you. They know you, and they’ve given you the thumbs up. And as you say, also with people in business as well. But there was one issue that certainly must have hurt your votes in many areas of society, and that was your apparent endorsement of expropriation without compensation. Just unpack that for us. Was this all about politics?00:14:02:15 – 00:14:28:15Songezo Zibi:It was. And I must say, the DA was quite smart in spotting the gap and, in my view, kind of pushing the envelope between being aggressive and engaging in disinformation. I would say—and I’ve gone into a lot of spaces like the, you know, the community meetings and so on to talk about this—that our full story is not long. When land was confiscated from black people, either in the 1700s or 1800s or even the 1900s, there were far fewer of us. South Africa was largely rural, with fewer people in the cities, and so on.00:14:28:17 – 00:15:37:12Songezo Zibi:South Africa has more people now, which means even if you were to restore land to the families that owned it at some point, you would still be left with a lot of landless people. Secondly, South Africa is urbanizing in a chaotic way, and when people move to the cities, they often occupy informal land because there’s nowhere else to put up a shack. We pretend that this is not happening, but it’s the most prevalent land occupation pattern in South Africa. So what must you do if you are a government that respects the fact that you recognize, at least, that land restitution may be in the past? Access to land and land justice is possibly the thing you should be doing.00:15:37:12 – 00:16:05:22Songezo Zibi:So in other words, you say, listen, we can’t give you the same piece of land that your ancestors had. People say it is now a county. We will devise some other mechanism, either pay you or provide some other form of compensation. Secondly, recognize that it’s not okay that every time people are landless and occupy annexed land—and so on, and they have to go to court—let’s recognize the problem, expropriate the land.00:16:05:22 – 00:16:37:09Songezo Zibi:We see what is allowed in the Constitution, do spatial development properly, put public infrastructure in place so that at the rate at which South Africa is urbanizing, you’re also able to unlock land. I worked in mining. I think the people who are most unhappy with the mining industry about land, it’s not black people; it’s farmers.

Why? Because the South African government and mining companies work together to expropriate the land.Read more: New political party, RISE Mzansi wants to rebuild a non-racial democracy in South Africa – Songezo Zibi00:16:37:11 – 00:17:10:20Songezo Zibi:The farmers become unhappy because the value received is not what they’re looking for. But the law is what it is. They get paid fair value, and the mine is built. Right? Farmers will tell you in Mpumalanga, in Limpopo, in the North West, and so on, all the mines were portions of farms before they were expropriated. If we can do that within the same Constitution to build mines and dams and roads and that sort of thing, why can’t we do it for housing?00:17:10:22 – 00:17:26:15Songezo Zibi:That’s all we’re saying. So we’re not saying expropriate without compensation. We’re saying expropriate within the law, pay fair value, and do spatial planning properly so that you don’t have the chaos that we have now.00:17:26:17 – 00:17:58:06Alec Hogg:I think things get lost in translation, especially with the complexity you’ve outlined there. What about the complexity of politics? You’ve now moved into this space, you’ve got a brand new, fresh party. I know you’re ambitious, and I know you are focused. In the next election, you’ll probably have more members of parliament or people locally. But just from your perspective, joining the government of national unity, what motivated you in that regard?00:17:58:08 – 00:18:22:11Songezo Zibi:Sure. It was a hard decision. We joined late because, to be honest with you, you have to think carefully before getting into a relationship that involves the ANC. Okay? So we decided to have a proper conversation where the conversation might have had stages, but there were some principles that had nothing to do with party politics, but with the country.00:18:22:13 – 00:18:50:14Songezo Zibi:I recognized immediately that with no one getting a majority, things we used to take for granted, such as money bills, would now be subject to contestation, and they might not go through. So we need to create a cooperative mechanism that gets the basics of governing right. And you can’t do that by saying, you know, I’m going to fight the ANC and the DA because they are our opponents and so on.00:18:50:20 – 00:19:15:22Songezo Zibi:Let’s get together for the things that matter. And that meant we need to have a president who forms a government, takes the speaker and the deputy speaker. That was part one of the conversation. Part two of the conversation was, we want to be effective. We want to show South Africans what we do when we get elected. And so we want to play a very serious role in Parliament.00:19:16:00 – 00:19:36:10Songezo Zibi:But you as the ANC, the guys who approached us, need to tell us why you want us in the GNU. Because if you don’t know why you want us there, then we shouldn’t be. And they said two things. One, your manifesto is social democratic like ours. People don’t trust ours, but I think they trust you.00:19:36:12 – 00:19:55:13Songezo Zibi:It’s to say, if we were to say the same thing, you know, they wouldn’t believe us, but they might believe you. We want the same things from a social justice perspective. And the second thing is, they said, we recognize that at a time when, again, voters are fed up with the ANC and party politics, they want us to work together.00:19:55:13 – 00:20:18:21Songezo Zibi:So, no long-term commitments. Let’s give this a chance. We will support you to play a serious role in Parliament, and we won’t interfere with your work. And that was the deal. And that’s why we’ve ended up with me as chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts. The last thing I want to say is, even though we threw a lot of punches at one another—the ANC, the DA, and so on—one of the things I learned, at least from American politics, is that when the election is over, you recognize that the voters want a government that works.00:20:18:21 – 00:20:41:23Songezo

Zibi:But, you know, the fact that we kind of delegated power to the Western Cape, I mean, that was an election type thing. I haven’t raised it because it’s not necessary to raise it. Let’s serve the South African people now and show them that democracy works. Otherwise, the crooks win in their argument that democracy doesn’t work and that you need a dictator like Zuma.00:20:54:08 – 00:21:19:20Alec Hogg:We’ve seen the rand improve from around 19.50 to around 17.50, give or take a few, since either side of the Government of National Unity has held. What’s your view—not putting back your editor of Business Day cap—if you were writing a leader about the rand into the future? What’s your prognosis for a continuation of this very welcome trend?00:21:19:22 – 00:21:41:14Songezo Zibi:I would say I’m sure there was another trend, by the way. So I have a small stock portfolio, and I watched it appreciate. Okay? And now I was actually talking to one of the journalists, and I was giving him updates, saying, “Look, I paid X amount, and now it’s this.” So there was a period where equities also improved.00:21:41:16 – 00:22:04:20Songezo Zibi:And I had a meeting with the finance minister, by the way, and I said to him, “You know, the one thing I learned from working for listed companies is that clarity of the pathway or the strategy is important. Showing that you’ve got the people to execute on that strategy is important. But more importantly, it’s momentum.”00:22:04:22 – 00:22:32:02Songezo Zibi:You need to show momentum. What this government cannot do is lose momentum. So you need to signal, present, and update—signal, present, update, signal, present, update. So you’ve got to do that. Even as the rand improves, I feel like if we were doing that, it should be at 16. Right? It should be at 16. It should be at 15.5.00:22:32:02 – 00:22:55:07Songezo Zibi:And the GNU—it’s the nature of politicians, and I know because I am one—they don’t quite understand how the market thinks. I think we can do a heck of a lot better, but we’re not. But I’m glad about the trend. I have to say I am cautiously optimistic, but I think we can do better.00:22:55:07 – 00:23:05:20Alec Hogg:And so the execution thus far—and it’s only been a few months—has been good. Are there any reasons for optimism that it will continue in this way?00:23:05:22 – 00:23:26:11Songezo Zibi:Yeah, yes. Look, I mean, the three anchors of the GNU are the IFP, the DA, and the ANC, and they appear determined to make it work. And I think that’s a good thing. There are people who think that the ideological issues supersede everything. No. We wouldn’t have had the miracle if Madiba didn’t want to work with Mr. de Klerk.00:23:26:11 – 00:23:46:15Songezo Zibi:You know, sometimes in a country’s life, you are challenged to work with people you don’t like or you don’t 100% agree with, as long as it’s good for the people. And I think the ANC, the DA, and the IFP, at this stage, are willing to make it work. And the other political parties as well.Read more: RW Johnson: Big trouble is brewing in the USA – Egotistic Trump vs Empty Harris00:23:46:17 – 00:24:10:01Songezo Zibi:I believe that if I do a really good job as chairperson of SCOPA—hold the government accountable for what it does with the public purse and so on—it will actually be good for the GNU. Voters would say, “You know what? Actually, this kind of works where nobody wins, and so we might force them to work together again.” These are the choices in a democracy that will just return. So I think I’m very optimistic. We’ve got people who are looking at it with the right attitude, but we need to push one another to do better, do more, and do it faster.00:24:24:03 – 00:24:28:13Alec Hogg:Were you surprised at being offered such an important portfolio?00:24:28:15 – 00:24:49:16Songezo Zibi:No, I wasn’t offered; I had to fight for it. Do you know that 24 hours before the election, we actually didn’t have the votes? We had to negotiate right up to the last minute.

By the way, the ANC wanted me to chair Appropriations, and I think that was partly because of the finance minister, given his job and my background and so on.00:24:49:18 – 00:25:12:10Songezo Zibi:So he kind of really pushed. And there were a few instances where they kept saying, “No, no, Appropriations.” I said, “No, I want either Finance or the Standing Committee on Public Accounts.” And so I started lobbying hard—all of us did—my colleagues and everybody else. I spoke to the IFP, the DA, and they supported me. I spoke to MK, and while MK wasn’t thrilled, they didn’t object at the vote.00:25:12:10 – 00:25:36:23Songezo Zibi:The big one was the ANC, and at around 5:00 PM the day before, Mandla eventually caved and said, “Okay, fine, I will support you.” That has to count for something at some point. So no, it wasn’t offered; I had to fight for it.00:25:39:11 – 00:26:07:05Alec Hogg:But it’s also such a positive part as a South African to see that so many of those old tales—those old legends, those old myths, perhaps—have now been shattered. And yeah, they might have been relevant when the ANC had over 50%, but not anymore. For you to be shining a light on the way government spends its money, not being an ANC person, is commendable.00:26:07:05 – 00:26:23:13Alec Hogg:But just to kind of wrap up as we come closer to the end of this conversation, Songezo, what’s your take? You don’t have a dog in the fight, but what’s your view on what’s going on in Gauteng, particularly in Tshwane?00:26:23:13 – 00:26:51:00Songezo Zibi:Right now, I live in Tshwane, Alec. So there are two things about Gauteng. The first is that I must tell you, for our chairperson to be an MEC in the Gauteng government was a hard decision because the Gauteng government historically has had some problematic characters—let me be gentle and say that—and those characters are still there.00:26:51:02 – 00:27:15:14Songezo Zibi:But the thing about voters is they give you the outcome that you get. We noticed a lot of hunger in Gauteng, and the agriculture portfolio, which impacts people’s ability to produce their own food, was something we thought we could address. But I was very clear with Panyaza that if we see any funny business, we are out of there at the drop of a hat. We’ll be out of there.00:27:15:14 – 00:27:37:21Songezo Zibi:So if we are left alone to do our work and deliver, then we can go ahead and brag about it. But if there’s an issue at the provincial level, then the ANC needs to prove themselves. It’s not just Tshwane; the city of Johannesburg is also a disgrace. I’ve been to Johannesburg, and it’s an absolute disgrace. It should be the jewel of the African continent, but it’s so messed up. I live in Tshwane, and if I told you how much I pay for water, still based on incorrect billing, your eyes would water.00:27:37:21 – 00:28:05:10Songezo Zibi:What we need is for this realignment to be completed at the local government level. In my view, it’s actually a good thing if we don’t have a majority. But you need a consolidation of political parties so that you don’t have 15 political parties being part of a council—maybe just 5 or 6. We are actively talking to other political parties ourselves about consolidating ahead of 2026 and 2029 so that South Africans have fewer choices but good people within those environments.00:28:05:10 – 00:28:30:19Alec Hogg:That’s a big statement. Who are you talking to?00:28:30:21 – 00:28:59:12Songezo Zibi:So we’ve actually started working with GOOD. One of our guys is a GOOD councilor. We’ve started a sort of joint membership conversation. We’re talking to Mmusi, we’re talking to ActionSA, and to BOSA. Let me not just say Mmusi; Mmusi and I sit next to each other in Parliament, and we’ve had this conversation where we said, “Hey, listen, let’s talk about how we cooperate in 2026 and 2029.”00:28:59:16 – 00:29:19:12Songezo Zibi:We don’t need to cannibalize one another’s supporters in certain areas. Let’s try and put our best foot forward. ActionSA is in that conversation as well.

We’re not going to rush anything, but we think consolidation is important for the future, and we are going to do it in good faith.00:29:19:14 – 00:29:31:18Alec Hogg:But the way that ActionSA is behaving in Tshwane right now, certainly the feedback that most people are getting, is that they’re being irresponsible. Is this accurate?00:29:31:19 – 00:29:59:00Songezo Zibi:I don’t know; we’re not in that council. I will say this as a general statement. I think within the former—well, I used to say Moonshot; it’s no longer Moonshot—it was the ticket. And once on the table, come to me, there is a lot of hurt, Alec, a lot of it because there were many unequivocal statements made about never working with the ANC, and so on.00:29:59:00 – 00:30:23:16Songezo Zibi:And, you know, as soon as the situation changed, the DA was like, “Cheers, we’ll talk to those guys now,” and so on. So I do think there is an element of that. I don’t want to get into their heads; that’s why I’m saying maybe we shouldn’t rush anything. All of us should just heal. And I often say it’s not a good idea to make big decisions while you are grieving.00:30:23:18 – 00:30:28:20Songezo Zibi:You need to give it time. And I think they also shouldn’t rush, and I don’t feel—00:30:28:22 – 00:30:47:10Alec Hogg:Last question. We’ve got local government elections coming up just around the corner—it feels like 2026—and then the next national and provincial elections not long after that, just a couple of years later. Where’s Rise Mzansi’s trajectory from here?00:30:47:12 – 00:31:11:22Songezo Zibi:So the one good thing about this election is that we now know the types of areas where our voters are. Contrary to what Helen might say, it’s not just white South Africans. I would say it’s professionals in both the public and private sectors, typically young families. In many areas with cluster homes, townhouses, and similar settings, we receive a lot of support, particularly in the metros and so on.00:31:12:00 – 00:31:37:00Songezo Zibi:We contested a by-election in Ward 87 in Johannesburg. We want to be a double-digit party, and we got 10%. So we’re going to be very selective about where we contest. We want to target the kind of voters that we know, especially in these early days, who will give us that sort of support. This pilot gave us 10% for a new party like ours.00:31:37:00 – 00:32:02:09Songezo Zibi:It’s a PR seat—a proportional representation seat—so it’s about where we contest. We did that, and that’s what we’ll continue to do. I think if we aim for 10% in the wards we contest, it will give us a decent showing in Johannesburg, Tshwane, and Ekurhuleni. Then we can build on that in terms of national support for 2029.00:32:02:11 – 00:32:17:06Songezo Zibi:But by then, hopefully, we’ll be part of some form of consolidation. If everything goes well, it won’t just be Rise Mzansi; it will be Rise plus, plus, plus, you know.00:32:17:08 – 00:32:39:23Alec Hogg:Fascinating insights, Songezo. There’s no question that you are a great addition to the body politic. We look forward to talking with you more in the future and watching the progress of both your party and the consolidation you’ve spoken about. Songezo Zibi is the founder and leader of Rise Mzansi. I’m Alec Hogg from BizNews.com.Read also:Source Link: https://www.biznews.com/interviews/2024/09/02/risemzansis-songezo-zibi-media-insiders-rebecca-sa http://109.70.148.72/~merchant29/6network/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/GOrdo2nXsAMPvCu.jpg The one-time editor turned corporate executive and now political player has been a welcome addition to SA’s body politic. Through circumstances which were unimaginable just three months ago, Songezo Zibi chairs one of Parliament’s most important Committees – responsible for monitoring the trillions spent annually by the State. He spoke to BizNews editor Alec Hogg. … Read More

[tomorrowusa]

In Germany, the center right CDU and its partner the CSU (often called the "Union parties" because Union is in both their names) are starting to consider the unthinkable: cooperation with the far right AfD.

Looking at the numbers in a matter-of-fact way, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and its chairman, Friedrich Merz, should be satisfied: The center-right party has been leading German political polls for many months. Incorporating its Bavarian regional "sister party," the Christian Social Union (CSU), the conservative Union would currently hold about 28% of the vote. The conservatives could have won the 2021 general election with this result. But they ended up in opposition  and seem to be struggling in this role — particularly as it relates to their willingness to cooperate with the far-right populist Alternative for Germany party (AfD). [ ... ] But now the far-right populists are coming increasingly close to the Union in the polls — the AfD currently sits at about 20 percent. It is against this backdrop that, in a recent television interview, the CDU chairman continued to rule out a collaboration with the AfD in the Bundestag federal parliament or any of the 16 state parliaments. However, he left the door open for cooperation at the city and local municipal government level. "If a district administrator or mayor who belonged to the AfD was voted in," Merz said, "it's natural that we have to look for ways to ensure that we can continue to work together in the city." With these statements, Merz unleashed objection and outrage from across the political spectrum. Only AfD co-leader Alice Weidel rejoiced, writing on Twitter: "The CDU will not be able to avoid lifting the nonsensical ban on contact with the AfD." Her party, she indicated, is ready to work together.

While the CDU/CSU is not exactly on the verge of joining hands with the AfD, any hint of cooperation between conservatives and the far right brings back bad memories in Germany.

Hitler would not have been able to come to power without the cooperation of conservative non-Nazi parties. In the November 1932 Reichstag election, the Nazis won just 196 of the 293 seats needed for a majority. But maneuverings by politicians in center-right parties who mistakenly thought they could control Hitler led to the Nazi takeover on 30 January 1933.

So Merz's faux pas should be viewed in that context.

There may be a lesson for Friedrich Merz regarding the far right from Spain's recent general election.

After a disappointing showing in local elections a few months ago, Spain's center-left Prime Minister Perdo Sánchez called a snap election for parliament.

In the run-up to the election, polls predicted a majority for a coalition of the center-right PP and the far right homophobic Vox. Alberto Núñez Feijóo, head of the PP, was already figuratively picking out new curtains for the prime minister's office. As it turned out, the PP did gain 47 seats and thus became the largest party with a total of 136. However Vox lost 19 seats leaving it with just 33. The combined totals leave them with 169 which is 7 short of a majority (176). Voters' fears of a potential government influenced by the ghost of dictator Francisco Franco sent them shuffling a bit to the left. PP picked up some previous Vox voters. Prime Minister Sánchez's PSOE actually gained 2 seats but still ended up with only 122. The PSOE's rebranded coalition partner, Sumar, won 31 seats. Various regional parties won a total of 28. So it's now a hung parliament with those disparate regional parties possibly holding the balance of power.

The point is that the CDU/CSU should not count on the AfD being as strong as it may currently appear in the opinion polls. In a general election campaign there is greater scrutiny of parties – and voters may not like what they see in the AfD when considering it as an actual party of government.

[mariacallous]

Bulgaria is bracing for a seventh general election since 2021 after the “There’s Such a People” party on Monday returned the third and final government-forming mandate unfulfilled to President Rumen Radev. 

Following June 9 elections, the winning centre-right GERB party was unable to form a government as its partners from the Movement for Rights and Freedoms entered a sudden leadership crisis; coalition talks led by its opponents from “We Continue the Change” / Democratic Bulgaria also failed. 

“There’s Such a People”, founded by entertainer Slavi Trifonov, and known for making often unpredictable moves, also attempted negotiations to form a government in vain.

On social media, Trifonov blamed Borissov’s alleged dependency on the oligarch and Movement for Rights and Freedoms co-leader Delyan Peevski, who is currently at loggerheads with his own party’s founder.

“Borissov made Peevski’s wish for new snap elections true, so I hope he will take full responsibility for this decision,” he wrote.

Each faction in the Bulgarian parliament now seems isolated from the others. 

Since 2021, amid widespread frustration over the governance of GERB and its leader Boyko Borissov, Bulgaria has witnessed the decline of the party, the birth of new entities opposed to GERB, and increased friction between pro-EU parties and the generally pro-Russian President, Radev.

The stalemate saw two short-lived coalition governments under the mandates of reformists “We Continue the Change” led by Prime Ministers Kiril Petkov (2021-2022) and Nikolai Denkov (2023-2024). 

While emotions are running high between the parties, leaders will have a hard time motivating citizens to cast their votes yet again in such a short time. In April 2021, 50.61 per cent of those eligible to vote cast ballots, while in June 2024 the percentage had dropped to 34.41 per cent. 

In the same timespan, Bulgarians also voted in presidential elections in 2021, in local elections in 2023 and in the European elections in 2024.

In the coming days, President Radev should issue a decree on when the next election will be held. According to the constitution, polls should be organised in the next two months.

Also on Monday, the President started talks with Speaker of parliament, Raya Nazaryan of GERB, who is likely to become the next interim Prime Minister, according to Bulgarian National Radio.

[smartcompanynewsweb]

Meet RiseMzansi’s Songezo Zibi: Why media insiders (and Rebecca) love him – and rest of SA should too - Notice Global Online - #GLOBAL https://www.merchant-business.com/meet-risemzansis-songezo-zibi-why-media-insiders-and-rebecca-love-him-and-rest-of-sa-should-too/?feed_id=187238&_unique_id=66d6b403ed4d8 The one-time editor turned corporate executive and now political player has been a welcome addition to SA’s body politic. Through circumstances which were unimaginable just three months ago, Songezo Zibi chairs one of Parliament’s most important Committees – responsible for monitoring the trillions spent annually by the State. He spoke to BizNews editor Alec Hogg.Sign up for your early morning brew of the BizNews Insider to keep you up to speed with the content that matters. The newsletter will land in your inbox at 5:30am weekdays. Register here.Watch here [embed]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Oy5ydZIx89Y[/embed]Listen hereHighlights from the interviewIn this interview, Alec Hogg speaks with Songezo Zibi, the founder and leader of Rise Mzansi, about the political landscape in South Africa and the strategies of his party. Zibi discusses the shifting dynamics within South African politics, particularly the decline of the ANC’s dominance. He highlights the challenges and opportunities in Gauteng, mentioning the tough decision for their chairperson to serve as an MEC in a government with a historically problematic reputation. Zibi emphasizes the importance of political realignment at the local government level, advocating for consolidation among political parties to avoid fragmentation.He shares insights into Rise Mzansi’s strategy, noting that the party is focusing on areas where they have strong support, particularly among professionals and young families in metropolitan regions. Zibi highlights a recent by-election where Rise Mzansi secured 10% of the vote, marking a significant achievement for the new party. Looking ahead, he stresses the importance of collaboration with other parties, hinting at potential alliances to strengthen their position in future elections. The interview concludes with Hogg praising Zibi’s contributions to South African politics and expressing interest in following the party’s progress.Edited transcript of the interview ___STEADY_PAYWALL___00:00:09:00 – 00:00:38:15Alec HoggWell, for many people in the media, Songezo Zibi and Rise Mzansi have become the favourite political party. Not surprisingly, he’s a former editor of Business Day. But he has a lot more arrows in his quiver, as you will find out as we converse over the next few minutes. Songezo is the founder and leader of Rise Mzansi.00:00:38:17 – 00:00:47:18Alec HoggGood to see you, Songezo. Are you in Parliament, or is it a remote Parliament? How does that all work? Because I know being an MP is different for you.00:00:47:20 – 00:01:12:15Songezo ZibiYeah, no, thanks for having me on. So, I am actually at home in Centurion. I commute between Centurion and Cape Town every week when Parliament is in session, as it is now until the 18th of September. I typically leave on Monday and return either on Thursday night or Friday morning, if I don’t have any other business. That’s the theory.00:01:12:17 – 00:01:33:08Songezo ZibiThe reality is that because my committee is very busy and it’s a standing committee, I usually have committee business on Monday and Friday as well. So, I actually have a full working week with very little of the constituency period, which in theory is supposed to be on Mondays and Fridays. I try to mix things up.00:01:35:12 – 00:01:47:11Alec HoggExplain what a standing committee is, just assuming that many people watching or listening might not know how Parliament works.00:01:47:13 – 00:02:13:23Songezo ZibiYes. So, Parliament sits from Tuesday to Thursday. Committees meet in the morning, from 9:00 to 1:00. Then there’s lunchtime, and from 2:00 p.m. until 5:00 p.m. is the main sitting, sometimes up to 8:00 p.m., depending on the issues on the order paper, which is our agenda for the National Assembly.

Most committees meet on Tuesday.00:02:14:01 – 00:02:38:09Songezo ZibiWednesday is Cabinet Day, and Thursday is Caucus Day, where political parties discuss their own business in the morning. There are a few standing committees in Parliament: the Standing Committee on Public Accounts, which I chair and which looks after government expenditure; the Standing Committee on the Auditor-General; the Appropriations Committee, which processes the budget; and Finance. These committees don’t have the luxury of meeting only on Tuesdays.00:02:38:11 – 00:03:00:18Songezo ZibiThe reason they’re called standing committees is that on Tuesday, Wednesday, and Friday, you are expected to work. So that’s what I mean by mixing things up. In theory, Monday and Friday are supposed to be constituency days, meaning you’re not in Parliament, but if you’re on a standing committee, those days are for work.00:03:00:20 – 00:03:06:09Alec HoggOkay. Rise Mzansi—let’s start with the name and why you’re in politics.00:03:06:11 – 00:03:37:01Songezo ZibiWell, getting involved in politics had a lot to do with my career and personal history. Almost everyone in my family was and is in the ANC, right? Since I was a kid. But that’s not why I got into politics. There were experiences, both good and bad, that led me here. The most profound was when I was editor of Business Day.00:03:37:01 – 00:04:07:15Songezo ZibiDuring my career, I worked at Volkswagen at the beginning of the Motor Industry Development Program. I was in my third year of Communications at what was then Technikon, and they took me on as an intern. I eventually got a job. I saw the factory in Uitenhage, which is now in Port Elizabeth, transform significantly because of good politics and decent policy. I then left Volkswagen and went into mining, where I saw what bad policy looks like and what it does.00:04:07:17 – 00:04:40:02Songezo ZibiThen I became a journalist at Financial Mail for a year and saw the other side, being closer to politics and what really happens. My editorship at Business Day was during the state capture years, and I was left reeling. I couldn’t believe the looting and gangsterism in politics. It was then that I realized you can’t always write about what’s going wrong—some of us have to step forward and try to fix things. That’s effectively why I got involved in politics.Read more: Songezo Zibi: Don’t be a cry baby, John00:05:27:22 – 00:05:35:20Alec HoggBut why start your own political party? Why not join the ANC, given your family’s strong ties?00:05:35:22 – 00:05:56:19Songezo ZibiInterestingly, I wasn’t deeply involved in the ANC personally. My introduction to politics was through the PAC, which was politically opposed to the ANC. By the way, I was just a kid, about 14 or 15, but in the area where I lived and at my boarding school, everyone was in the PAC.00:05:56:19 – 00:06:21:19Songezo Zibi:So, you know, you go with your buddies. So I was never really fully committed to the ANC at all, like tethered to the ANC as my family was. I never had any difficulty with not being involved in politics through the ANC. As a result, I was never a member. I was never involved with any of the satellite organizations, student or otherwise.00:06:21:21 – 00:06:45:06Songezo Zibi:That was not an issue. What I did do, together with others, was to explore for years whether I should join the DA or not. We looked at the ANC and thought, that’s a lost cause. The logical thing to consider was the DA because it was a party that was rising, with lots of black leaders and so on.00:06:45:08 – 00:07:09:18Songezo Zibi:But I felt that it needed to do what Labour did in the UK during Tony Blair and Peter Mandelson’s time—occupy the South African political center. And you don’t do that without shifting. So in other words, it would need to shift to center-left. I felt that if the DA did that, it would become an attractive proposition.00:07:09:20 – 00:07:34:17Songezo Zibi:I think it was on its way to doing that, but I felt that its internal dynamics hampered that progress.

I still believe so, and I still believe that it has significant potential if it were to evolve and find voters where they are, rather than trying to convince them to come over, which takes longer and causes a lot of damage in between.00:07:34:22 – 00:07:43:14Songezo Zibi:So we ended up with a political party that we were fed up with, and since it has declined, somebody needs to occupy the space that the DA refuses to occupy.00:07:43:16 – 00:07:52:00Alec Hogg:And the funding—there’s a lot of controversy around Harry Oppenheimer’s granddaughter, or grand who’ve helped you along the way.00:07:52:01 – 00:08:20:11Songezo Zibi:Well, I’d like to comment on that. The funding thing is really interesting because I think there is a certain trajectory to new political parties that people have become familiar with. They think it must be all about money, and they must do all these things. To be honest with you, two things worked in our favor. One is my relationships that I’ve had for many years, working for corporates and being an editor.00:08:20:11 – 00:08:49:10Songezo Zibi:I had a significant black book, so I could phone people up and that sort of thing. The second thing is that I also spent a lot of time in capital raising, because of my past work, so you learn how to make your case, you learn how to convince people to believe in the same vision that you have.00:08:49:12 – 00:09:13:00Songezo Zibi:In South Africa, there is this belief that donors come to you, choose you, manipulate you, and that sort of thing. The relationship with Rebecca, and she’s not been our only donor—we’ve had quite a few—but she’s obviously given the most signal to us, was actually really significant. I mean, she’s an exceptionally smart person.00:09:13:01 – 00:09:38:17Songezo Zibi:She is exceptionally patriotic about South Africa. She’s been deeply respectful of the distance you need to keep between a political party and its donors. We have incredibly respectful conversations. The same goes for other large donors. People didn’t expect us to get support, and this was shocking to them.00:09:38:18 – 00:09:57:20Songezo Zibi:The second thing is that we were appealing to people who would have supported the ANC and the DA. And since the pie isn’t so big, there was a bit of jealousy in between. So I never took it personally. To be honest with you, I understood it in the context of competition in politics. You take the good with the bad and you keep moving.00:10:01:17 – 00:10:39:12Alec Hogg:It is very interesting. I know the family quite well, from a different route in the horse racing industry, which I was very involved in. Mary, who I suppose would be the matriarch now that Bridget’s passed, is so publicity-shy, it’s almost painful. I’m sure for the whole family, lifting their heads above the parapet and doing what they’ve done in supporting political parties—not just yours, but others across the board—must have taken a lot of reflection. They knew they would be almost a magnet for criticism.00:10:39:12 – 00:11:03:13Songezo Zibi:Yeah. And we had to think about that too, in deciding whether we accepted Rebecca’s assistance. Right. Because she’s donated significantly to us. I mean, in each of the window periods, she’s given us 15 million rand, which is a lot, right? I actually know Mary. We’ve met, and I agree with you. She’s not the kind of person who is flashy. She can walk past you, and you wouldn’t even know who she is. She’s incredibly humble. But Rebecca understands where the country is and the kind of people that need to be in politics. If people with her means do not step forward and help people like myself and my colleagues, who have less lucrative careers, to do the right thing, then the country gets nowhere. We discussed the issue of publicity and the criticisms that would be thrown at us. And she said, “Look, we all have to step up at some point, and I’m choosing to step up in this way.” I’m really grateful and proud of her for doing that.00:11:52:09 – 00:11:58:22Alec

Hogg:Why are you saying that? So, what was it about your elevator pitch that resonated?00:11:59:00 – 00:12:17:14Songezo Zibi:What I would say is that, I mean, if you knew the people who ended up not helping us with money, the one thing they said, at least as feedback, was that we were genuine. We meant what we were saying, and we really wanted to do it. We were in it for the right reasons. We were very transparent about what we stood for. Our proposals, I think, were fairly detailed, especially in the beginning, about what we stood for, how we were going to develop policy, and what sort of long-term outcomes we wanted for South Africa. The vision was, and I believe still is, completely right.00:12:17:16 – 00:13:05:03Songezo Zibi:But I also have to say, having surrogates who can vouch for your character is also important. There were lots of people who were able to do that—people who have credibility in society, either in business, politics, or civil society—who would pick up the phone and say, “Listen, you don’t know this guy, but I’ve known him for many years. Please hear him out. I think what he wants to do is worthwhile, and I hope that you can help him and his colleagues.” So there are lots of people that I’m really grateful to for doing that.00:13:05:03 – 00:13:16:01Alec Hogg:And it is a real feather in your cap, knowing the media industry as I do. People in the media industry, who tend, I wouldn’t say always, but often try to make themselves feel bigger by making others in the industry feel smaller, almost universally came out in support for you. They know you, and they’ve given you the thumbs up. And as you say, also with people in business as well. But there was one issue that certainly must have hurt your votes in many areas of society, and that was your apparent endorsement of expropriation without compensation. Just unpack that for us. Was this all about politics?00:14:02:15 – 00:14:28:15Songezo Zibi:It was. And I must say, the DA was quite smart in spotting the gap and, in my view, kind of pushing the envelope between being aggressive and engaging in disinformation. I would say—and I’ve gone into a lot of spaces like the, you know, the community meetings and so on to talk about this—that our full story is not long. When land was confiscated from black people, either in the 1700s or 1800s or even the 1900s, there were far fewer of us. South Africa was largely rural, with fewer people in the cities, and so on.00:14:28:17 – 00:15:37:12Songezo Zibi:South Africa has more people now, which means even if you were to restore land to the families that owned it at some point, you would still be left with a lot of landless people. Secondly, South Africa is urbanizing in a chaotic way, and when people move to the cities, they often occupy informal land because there’s nowhere else to put up a shack. We pretend that this is not happening, but it’s the most prevalent land occupation pattern in South Africa. So what must you do if you are a government that respects the fact that you recognize, at least, that land restitution may be in the past? Access to land and land justice is possibly the thing you should be doing.00:15:37:12 – 00:16:05:22Songezo Zibi:So in other words, you say, listen, we can’t give you the same piece of land that your ancestors had. People say it is now a county. We will devise some other mechanism, either pay you or provide some other form of compensation. Secondly, recognize that it’s not okay that every time people are landless and occupy annexed land—and so on, and they have to go to court—let’s recognize the problem, expropriate the land.00:16:05:22 – 00:16:37:09Songezo Zibi:We see what is allowed in the Constitution, do spatial development properly, put public infrastructure in place so that at the rate at which South Africa is urbanizing, you’re also able to unlock land. I worked in mining. I think the people who are most unhappy with the mining industry about land, it’s not black people; it’s farmers.

Why? Because the South African government and mining companies work together to expropriate the land.Read more: New political party, RISE Mzansi wants to rebuild a non-racial democracy in South Africa – Songezo Zibi00:16:37:11 – 00:17:10:20Songezo Zibi:The farmers become unhappy because the value received is not what they’re looking for. But the law is what it is. They get paid fair value, and the mine is built. Right? Farmers will tell you in Mpumalanga, in Limpopo, in the North West, and so on, all the mines were portions of farms before they were expropriated. If we can do that within the same Constitution to build mines and dams and roads and that sort of thing, why can’t we do it for housing?00:17:10:22 – 00:17:26:15Songezo Zibi:That’s all we’re saying. So we’re not saying expropriate without compensation. We’re saying expropriate within the law, pay fair value, and do spatial planning properly so that you don’t have the chaos that we have now.00:17:26:17 – 00:17:58:06Alec Hogg:I think things get lost in translation, especially with the complexity you’ve outlined there. What about the complexity of politics? You’ve now moved into this space, you’ve got a brand new, fresh party. I know you’re ambitious, and I know you are focused. In the next election, you’ll probably have more members of parliament or people locally. But just from your perspective, joining the government of national unity, what motivated you in that regard?00:17:58:08 – 00:18:22:11Songezo Zibi:Sure. It was a hard decision. We joined late because, to be honest with you, you have to think carefully before getting into a relationship that involves the ANC. Okay? So we decided to have a proper conversation where the conversation might have had stages, but there were some principles that had nothing to do with party politics, but with the country.00:18:22:13 – 00:18:50:14Songezo Zibi:I recognized immediately that with no one getting a majority, things we used to take for granted, such as money bills, would now be subject to contestation, and they might not go through. So we need to create a cooperative mechanism that gets the basics of governing right. And you can’t do that by saying, you know, I’m going to fight the ANC and the DA because they are our opponents and so on.00:18:50:20 – 00:19:15:22Songezo Zibi:Let’s get together for the things that matter. And that meant we need to have a president who forms a government, takes the speaker and the deputy speaker. That was part one of the conversation. Part two of the conversation was, we want to be effective. We want to show South Africans what we do when we get elected. And so we want to play a very serious role in Parliament.00:19:16:00 – 00:19:36:10Songezo Zibi:But you as the ANC, the guys who approached us, need to tell us why you want us in the GNU. Because if you don’t know why you want us there, then we shouldn’t be. And they said two things. One, your manifesto is social democratic like ours. People don’t trust ours, but I think they trust you.00:19:36:12 – 00:19:55:13Songezo Zibi:It’s to say, if we were to say the same thing, you know, they wouldn’t believe us, but they might believe you. We want the same things from a social justice perspective. And the second thing is, they said, we recognize that at a time when, again, voters are fed up with the ANC and party politics, they want us to work together.00:19:55:13 – 00:20:18:21Songezo Zibi:So, no long-term commitments. Let’s give this a chance. We will support you to play a serious role in Parliament, and we won’t interfere with your work. And that was the deal. And that’s why we’ve ended up with me as chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts. The last thing I want to say is, even though we threw a lot of punches at one another—the ANC, the DA, and so on—one of the things I learned, at least from American politics, is that when the election is over, you recognize that the voters want a government that works.00:20:18:21 – 00:20:41:23Songezo

Zibi:But, you know, the fact that we kind of delegated power to the Western Cape, I mean, that was an election type thing. I haven’t raised it because it’s not necessary to raise it. Let’s serve the South African people now and show them that democracy works. Otherwise, the crooks win in their argument that democracy doesn’t work and that you need a dictator like Zuma.00:20:54:08 – 00:21:19:20Alec Hogg:We’ve seen the rand improve from around 19.50 to around 17.50, give or take a few, since either side of the Government of National Unity has held. What’s your view—not putting back your editor of Business Day cap—if you were writing a leader about the rand into the future? What’s your prognosis for a continuation of this very welcome trend?00:21:19:22 – 00:21:41:14Songezo Zibi:I would say I’m sure there was another trend, by the way. So I have a small stock portfolio, and I watched it appreciate. Okay? And now I was actually talking to one of the journalists, and I was giving him updates, saying, “Look, I paid X amount, and now it’s this.” So there was a period where equities also improved.00:21:41:16 – 00:22:04:20Songezo Zibi:And I had a meeting with the finance minister, by the way, and I said to him, “You know, the one thing I learned from working for listed companies is that clarity of the pathway or the strategy is important. Showing that you’ve got the people to execute on that strategy is important. But more importantly, it’s momentum.”00:22:04:22 – 00:22:32:02Songezo Zibi:You need to show momentum. What this government cannot do is lose momentum. So you need to signal, present, and update—signal, present, update, signal, present, update. So you’ve got to do that. Even as the rand improves, I feel like if we were doing that, it should be at 16. Right? It should be at 16. It should be at 15.5.00:22:32:02 – 00:22:55:07Songezo Zibi:And the GNU—it’s the nature of politicians, and I know because I am one—they don’t quite understand how the market thinks. I think we can do a heck of a lot better, but we’re not. But I’m glad about the trend. I have to say I am cautiously optimistic, but I think we can do better.00:22:55:07 – 00:23:05:20Alec Hogg:And so the execution thus far—and it’s only been a few months—has been good. Are there any reasons for optimism that it will continue in this way?00:23:05:22 – 00:23:26:11Songezo Zibi:Yeah, yes. Look, I mean, the three anchors of the GNU are the IFP, the DA, and the ANC, and they appear determined to make it work. And I think that’s a good thing. There are people who think that the ideological issues supersede everything. No. We wouldn’t have had the miracle if Madiba didn’t want to work with Mr. de Klerk.00:23:26:11 – 00:23:46:15Songezo Zibi:You know, sometimes in a country’s life, you are challenged to work with people you don’t like or you don’t 100% agree with, as long as it’s good for the people. And I think the ANC, the DA, and the IFP, at this stage, are willing to make it work. And the other political parties as well.Read more: RW Johnson: Big trouble is brewing in the USA – Egotistic Trump vs Empty Harris00:23:46:17 – 00:24:10:01Songezo Zibi:I believe that if I do a really good job as chairperson of SCOPA—hold the government accountable for what it does with the public purse and so on—it will actually be good for the GNU. Voters would say, “You know what? Actually, this kind of works where nobody wins, and so we might force them to work together again.” These are the choices in a democracy that will just return. So I think I’m very optimistic. We’ve got people who are looking at it with the right attitude, but we need to push one another to do better, do more, and do it faster.00:24:24:03 – 00:24:28:13Alec Hogg:Were you surprised at being offered such an important portfolio?00:24:28:15 – 00:24:49:16Songezo Zibi:No, I wasn’t offered; I had to fight for it. Do you know that 24 hours before the election, we actually didn’t have the votes? We had to negotiate right up to the last minute.

By the way, the ANC wanted me to chair Appropriations, and I think that was partly because of the finance minister, given his job and my background and so on.00:24:49:18 – 00:25:12:10Songezo Zibi:So he kind of really pushed. And there were a few instances where they kept saying, “No, no, Appropriations.” I said, “No, I want either Finance or the Standing Committee on Public Accounts.” And so I started lobbying hard—all of us did—my colleagues and everybody else. I spoke to the IFP, the DA, and they supported me. I spoke to MK, and while MK wasn’t thrilled, they didn’t object at the vote.00:25:12:10 – 00:25:36:23Songezo Zibi:The big one was the ANC, and at around 5:00 PM the day before, Mandla eventually caved and said, “Okay, fine, I will support you.” That has to count for something at some point. So no, it wasn’t offered; I had to fight for it.00:25:39:11 – 00:26:07:05Alec Hogg:But it’s also such a positive part as a South African to see that so many of those old tales—those old legends, those old myths, perhaps—have now been shattered. And yeah, they might have been relevant when the ANC had over 50%, but not anymore. For you to be shining a light on the way government spends its money, not being an ANC person, is commendable.00:26:07:05 – 00:26:23:13Alec Hogg:But just to kind of wrap up as we come closer to the end of this conversation, Songezo, what’s your take? You don’t have a dog in the fight, but what’s your view on what’s going on in Gauteng, particularly in Tshwane?00:26:23:13 – 00:26:51:00Songezo Zibi:Right now, I live in Tshwane, Alec. So there are two things about Gauteng. The first is that I must tell you, for our chairperson to be an MEC in the Gauteng government was a hard decision because the Gauteng government historically has had some problematic characters—let me be gentle and say that—and those characters are still there.00:26:51:02 – 00:27:15:14Songezo Zibi:But the thing about voters is they give you the outcome that you get. We noticed a lot of hunger in Gauteng, and the agriculture portfolio, which impacts people’s ability to produce their own food, was something we thought we could address. But I was very clear with Panyaza that if we see any funny business, we are out of there at the drop of a hat. We’ll be out of there.00:27:15:14 – 00:27:37:21Songezo Zibi:So if we are left alone to do our work and deliver, then we can go ahead and brag about it. But if there’s an issue at the provincial level, then the ANC needs to prove themselves. It’s not just Tshwane; the city of Johannesburg is also a disgrace. I’ve been to Johannesburg, and it’s an absolute disgrace. It should be the jewel of the African continent, but it’s so messed up. I live in Tshwane, and if I told you how much I pay for water, still based on incorrect billing, your eyes would water.00:27:37:21 – 00:28:05:10Songezo Zibi:What we need is for this realignment to be completed at the local government level. In my view, it’s actually a good thing if we don’t have a majority. But you need a consolidation of political parties so that you don’t have 15 political parties being part of a council—maybe just 5 or 6. We are actively talking to other political parties ourselves about consolidating ahead of 2026 and 2029 so that South Africans have fewer choices but good people within those environments.00:28:05:10 – 00:28:30:19Alec Hogg:That’s a big statement. Who are you talking to?00:28:30:21 – 00:28:59:12Songezo Zibi:So we’ve actually started working with GOOD. One of our guys is a GOOD councilor. We’ve started a sort of joint membership conversation. We’re talking to Mmusi, we’re talking to ActionSA, and to BOSA. Let me not just say Mmusi; Mmusi and I sit next to each other in Parliament, and we’ve had this conversation where we said, “Hey, listen, let’s talk about how we cooperate in 2026 and 2029.”00:28:59:16 – 00:29:19:12Songezo Zibi:We don’t need to cannibalize one another’s supporters in certain areas. Let’s try and put our best foot forward. ActionSA is in that conversation as well.

We’re not going to rush anything, but we think consolidation is important for the future, and we are going to do it in good faith.00:29:19:14 – 00:29:31:18Alec Hogg:But the way that ActionSA is behaving in Tshwane right now, certainly the feedback that most people are getting, is that they’re being irresponsible. Is this accurate?00:29:31:19 – 00:29:59:00Songezo Zibi:I don’t know; we’re not in that council. I will say this as a general statement. I think within the former—well, I used to say Moonshot; it’s no longer Moonshot—it was the ticket. And once on the table, come to me, there is a lot of hurt, Alec, a lot of it because there were many unequivocal statements made about never working with the ANC, and so on.00:29:59:00 – 00:30:23:16Songezo Zibi:And, you know, as soon as the situation changed, the DA was like, “Cheers, we’ll talk to those guys now,” and so on. So I do think there is an element of that. I don’t want to get into their heads; that’s why I’m saying maybe we shouldn’t rush anything. All of us should just heal. And I often say it’s not a good idea to make big decisions while you are grieving.00:30:23:18 – 00:30:28:20Songezo Zibi:You need to give it time. And I think they also shouldn’t rush, and I don’t feel—00:30:28:22 – 00:30:47:10Alec Hogg:Last question. We’ve got local government elections coming up just around the corner—it feels like 2026—and then the next national and provincial elections not long after that, just a couple of years later. Where’s Rise Mzansi’s trajectory from here?00:30:47:12 – 00:31:11:22Songezo Zibi:So the one good thing about this election is that we now know the types of areas where our voters are. Contrary to what Helen might say, it’s not just white South Africans. I would say it’s professionals in both the public and private sectors, typically young families. In many areas with cluster homes, townhouses, and similar settings, we receive a lot of support, particularly in the metros and so on.00:31:12:00 – 00:31:37:00Songezo Zibi:We contested a by-election in Ward 87 in Johannesburg. We want to be a double-digit party, and we got 10%. So we’re going to be very selective about where we contest. We want to target the kind of voters that we know, especially in these early days, who will give us that sort of support. This pilot gave us 10% for a new party like ours.00:31:37:00 – 00:32:02:09Songezo Zibi:It’s a PR seat—a proportional representation seat—so it’s about where we contest. We did that, and that’s what we’ll continue to do. I think if we aim for 10% in the wards we contest, it will give us a decent showing in Johannesburg, Tshwane, and Ekurhuleni. Then we can build on that in terms of national support for 2029.00:32:02:11 – 00:32:17:06Songezo Zibi:But by then, hopefully, we’ll be part of some form of consolidation. If everything goes well, it won’t just be Rise Mzansi; it will be Rise plus, plus, plus, you know.00:32:17:08 – 00:32:39:23Alec Hogg:Fascinating insights, Songezo. There’s no question that you are a great addition to the body politic. We look forward to talking with you more in the future and watching the progress of both your party and the consolidation you’ve spoken about. Songezo Zibi is the founder and leader of Rise Mzansi. I’m Alec Hogg from BizNews.com.Read also:Source Link: https://www.biznews.com/interviews/2024/09/02/risemzansis-songezo-zibi-media-insiders-rebecca-sa http://109.70.148.72/~merchant29/6network/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/GOrdo2nXsAMPvCu.jpg BLOGGER - #GLOBAL

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South Africa's highest court has barred former President Jacob Zuma from running for parliament in next week's general election.

The Constitutional Court ruled that his 15-month prison sentence for contempt of court disqualified him.

Mr Zuma was convicted in 2021 for refusing to testify at an inquiry investigating corruption during his presidency which ended in 2018.

He has been campaigning under the banner of the newly formed uMkhonto weSizwe (MK) party after falling out with the governing African National Congress (ANC).

MK secretary general Sihle Ngubane said the party was disappointed with the ruling, but it would not affect the party's campaign for the 29 May election.

"He is still the leader of the party. It [the ruling] doesn't affect our campaign at all," he said.

South Africans vote for political parties, with the candidates at the top of their lists getting parliamentary seats depending on the number of votes the party gets.

The electoral commission said Mr Zuma's name would now be removed from MK's list of parliamentary candidates, while confirming that his image would remain on ballot papers, alongside his party's logo.

MK members sang and danced outside the court portraying Mr Zuma as a victim, while those inside - some dressed in traditional Zulu regalia - sat silently as Justice Leona Theron read out the unanimous judgement.

Mr Zuma has not yet commented on the ruling.

His supporters rioted after he was sent to jail in 2021, and some of its leaders had threatened violence if the court disqualified him from standing for parliament.

But MK officials have since changed their rhetoric, saying the party's focus was on getting a two-thirds majority so that South Africa's constitution could be changed, and Mr Zuma could be returned to power.

In court, his lawyers had argued that because he was released after three months in prison by his successor, President Cyril Ramaphosa, the rest of his sentence was cancelled.

But the court disagreed, saying the length of time he actually spent in prison was irrelevant.

South Africa's constitution barred anyone sentenced to 12 months in prison, without the option of a fine, from serving in parliament in order to protect the integrity of the "democratic regime" established after the end of the racist system of apartheid in 1994, Justice Theron said.

Mr Ramaphosa told a local radio station that he "noted" the ruling.

"The court has ruled, and as I have often said, that is the highest court in the land and we have given the judiciary the right to arbitrate disputes amongst us in terms of our constitution," he said in an interview with 702.

Political analyst Levy Ndou told the BBC that the ruling had the "potential to test his [Mr Zuma's] character - whether he joined the party for selfish reasons or whether he joined it to take South Africans forward".

The ruling could weaken MK's chances in the election if its members joined the party out of loyalty to a "single individual", but if they genuinely believed in its cause then they "would have to focus the activities of the party without him", he added.

MK has been plagued by in-fighting since last month, with Mr Zuma rising to the helm of the party after ousting its founding leader, Jabulani Khumalo. He insists he is still the leader of the party.

Mr Ramaphosa ousted Mr Zuma as president in 2018 after a vicious power struggle, and is leading the ANC's campaign to extend its 30-year rule.

Mr Zuma's removal was welcomed by many South Africans as his nine years in office were marred by widespread allegations of corruption, which he has always denied.

The former president said last December that he could never vote for a party led by Mr Ramaphosa and has spearheaded MK's campaign. This will be the first election that it will contest after it was registered as a party last September.

The party's emergence has raised the prospect that the ANC could lose its parliamentary majority for the first time in 30 years ago.

MK's support is mainly in Mr Zuma's home province of KwaZulu-Natal, and the economic heartland, Gauteng.

These two provinces have the highest number of registered voters, and have been the main battleground in the election.

South Africans will be voting for the national parliament, and nine provincial legislatures.

The president is elected by the new parliament, while each legislature elects a provincial premier.

The court's ruling bars Mr Zuma from taking up a seat in parliament or any of the provincial legislatures.

An Ipsos opinion poll released last month gave MK 8% of the vote, and the ANC 40% as it loses support to MK and other opposition parties.

But some analysts suggest that with the governing party stepping up its campaign in recent weeks, it could still cross the 50% mark.

The ANC got 57.5% in the 2019 election.

Former President Thabo Mbeki, who remains popular among many voters, recently joined the ANC's campaign in KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng, denouncing Mr Zuma as a "wolf in sheep's skin" and a "counter-revolutionary".

uMkhonto we Sizwe, which roughly translates as Spear of the Nation, is the original name of the ANC's armed wing, which fought apartheid.