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Marie de Bourgogne
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Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy (1419-1467).
#royaume de france#maison de valois#philippe le bon#duc de bourgogne#duché de bourgogne#valois bourgogne#philip the good#duke of burgundy#kingdom of france#house of valois#burgundy#bourgogne#full length portrait#toison d'or#full-length portrait#Order of the Golden Fleece#Orden vom Goldenen Vlies
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Agnes of Burgundy (1407-1476), wife of Charles I, Duke of Bourbon.
#royaume de france#maison de bourbon#house of burgundy#maison de bourgogne#masion de valois#agnes of burgundy#agnes de bourgogne
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Women’s History Meme || Family Fancasts (4/5) ↬ The House of Valois-Orléans, 14th and 15th centuries
The Orléans princes were weeping. They reminded resolutely silent. Only when the King then ordered them to pardon their father’s killer did they reply, agreeing to do so, “in accordance to your wishes ... for on no account would we wish to incur your displeasure.” Charles VI then told them to put aside all rancour and never again to allow the fate of Louis d’Orléans to come between them and the duc de Bourgogne. ... The Orléans brothers returned to Blois with their father’s councilors and retainers, resentful and humiliated. ... The charade at Chartres marked for Charles and Philippe d’Orléans the start of a public career dedicated to the destruction of the House of Valois-Bourgogne.
— The Hundred Years War, Volume 4: The Cursed Kings; Jonathan Sumption
#women's history meme#house of orleans#charles of orleans#house of valois#isabella of france#french history#european history#women's history#history#nanshe's graphics#fuck this took forever#@_@
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The French Royal Family: Titles and Customs
Petit-Fils, Petite-Fille de France
“In the 1630s, a lower rank was created, namely petit-fils, petite-fille de France, for the children of the younger sons of a sovereign. This was designed for Anne-Marie-Louise d'Orléans, duchess of Montpensier, daughter of Gaston d'Orléans, at a time when the king Louis XIII had no children and his brother Gaston (heir presumptive) had only one daughter. The petits-enfants de France ranked after the enfants de France but before all other princes of the blood.
Collectively, the enfants de France and petits-enfants de France formed the Royal family.”
Princes du Sang
“In France, aside from a few exceptions, prince was not a title, but a rank that denoted dynasts, i.e., individuals with an eventual succession right to the throne. The word, and its connotation of sovereignty, was felt to be their preserve. Collectively known as the Princes du Sang (less often princes du sang de France, princes des lys) they were, in theory, all descendents in legitimate male line of a French sovereign outside of the royal family itself. The term dates from the 14th century. The princes of the blood all had a seat at the Conseil du Roi, or Royal Council, and at the Paris Parlement.
In the 17th and 18th centuries it became customary to restrict the term of prince du sang to those dynasts who were not members of the Royal family, i.e. children or grandchildren in male line of the sovereign, since those became known as the enfants and petits-enfants de France.
Kings were somewhat selective in their choice of who was treated as prince of the blood.”
Premier Prince du Sang
“Ranking among the princes du sang was by order of succession rights. The closest to the throne (excluding any fils de France) was called Premier Prince du Sang. In practice, it was not always clear who was entitled to the rank, and it often took a specific act of the king to make the determination.
As the first two were members of the Royal Family and thus outranked other princes of the blood, it was felt that the rank would not honor them enough, and the deceased's son Louis de Bourbon-Condé took the rank, although the duc de Chartres drew the pension (the source for this is Sainctot, cited in Rousset de Missy).
On the death of Louis de Bourbon-Condé in 1709 the title would have passed to the duc d'Orléans, nephew of Louis XIV, but he did not use it (he did, however, call himself first prince of the blood on occasion.) After the duc d'Orléans's death in December 1723, his son officially received the title. It remained to the head of the Orléans family until 1830. However, at the death of the duc d'Orléans in 1785, it was decided that, once again, the duc d'Angoulême, son of the king's brother, ranked too high for the title, and it was granted to the new duc d'Orléans (letters patent of 27 Nov 1785); but Louis XVI decided that the duc d'Orléans would hold the title until the duc d'Angoulême had a son who could bear it.
The rank of "premier prince du sang" was not purely a court title or a precedence. It carried with it legal privileges, notably the right to have a household (maison), such as the king, the queen, and the enfants de France each did. A household was a collection of officers and employees, paid for out of the State's revenues, and constituted a miniature version of the royal administration, with military and civil officers, a council with a chancelor and secretaries, gentlemen-in-waiting, equerries, falconers, barbers and surgeons, a chapel, etc.”
Styles and Precedence of the Princes du Sang
Precedence
“Until the 15th century, precedence among princes of the blood, or even between them and other lords, depended on the title... [A]n edict of 1576 set that princes of the blood would have precedence over all lords, and between them by order in the line of succession rather than by their titles.
Precedence was set according to the following rules (Guyot, loc. cit., vol. 2, p. 382; he is in fact citing Rousset de Missy, who is himself citing Sainctot Sr., who was introducteur des ambassadeurs under Louis XIV).
All princes of the blood were divided into:
children of the current sovereign and children of his eldest son,
children of the previous sovereign and children of his eldest son,
all others.
The first two categories formed the royal family (Guyot says children and grandchildren, but I [original author] interpret his words strictly).
Precedence was set:
by category (i.e., anyone of category 1 outranked anyone of category 2)
within category:
between males, according to the order in the line of succession,
between males and females, according to the right of succession (that is, males before females),
between females, according to the degree of kinship with the king.
Thus the son of the Dauphin outranked the king's brother or younger son, but the daughter of a Dauphin was outranked by the king's daughter; the king's daughter in turn outranked the king's brother or sister. Wives took the rank of their husbands, so a Dauphin outranked a king's sister.
Another illustration of these rules is found in the listing of French princes and princesses in the Almanach Royal of 1789, a semi-official directory of the French state (see p. 33 and p. 34). The order is:
the king and the queen
the king's two sons (group 1, males)
the king's daughter (group 1, females)
the king's brothers and their wives (group 2, males)
the king's sisters (group 2, females)
the king's aunts (group 2, females)
the children of the king's younger brother (group 3)
the Orléans branch, males followed by females
the Bourbon-Condé branch, males followed by females
the Bourbon-Conti branch, males followed by females
Formal Styles
The following styles were highly formal and used only in the most official documents, such as treaties, contracts, tombstones, and the like, according to a règlement of 1688 cited by Guyot (Traité des droits, vol. 2, p. 371):
The heir apparent, titled Dauphin de Viennois (and not "du Viennois" as sometimes written) or more commonly Dauphin, was called très haut, très puissant et excellent Prince
The eldest brother of the King and the Premier Prince du Sang was très haut et très puissant Prince (e.g., Bossuet's Oraison funèbre de Louis de Bourbon, where the deceased is named très haut et très puissant prince Louis De Bourbon, prince De Condé, premier prince du sang; Oeuvres Oratoires, 1922, vol. 5, p. 425).
The other Princes of the Blood were très haut et puissant Prince.
Foreign princes at the Court were haut et puissant Prince.
The enfants and petits-enfants de France were entitled to the style of Royal Highness (Altesse Royale) since the 17th century (thus, the duc d'Orléans, Regent from 1715 to 1723, is styled SAR in the Almanach Royal of 1717). Other princes of the blood were only entitled to Most Serene Highness (Altesse Sérénissime) from 1651 to 1824, when they received the style of Royal Highness. Princes of the blood were the only ones in France entitled to the style of "Highness", according to an arrêt of the Parlement of Paris of 14 Dec 1754 which forbade the bishop of Metz to use that style (Guyot, Traité des droits, vol. 2, p. 371).”
Titles
“A younger son was usually given a title fairly early, although for some reason the French royal family developed the habit of baptizing royal children at a late age. The child received a private baptism at birth (ondoiement) and would be known by his title, which was announced by the king immediately after the birth. When a younger son reached maturity, he was usually given an apanage: whereas the title might not carry any actual possession of lands and fiefs with it, an apanage would. The rule on apanages was that they would return to the crown after extinction of the male line, although any other property acquired by the apanagiste could pass on to a daughter. The custom of the apanage was adopted on a systematic basis in the early 13th c. Usually, the most recently acquired domains were given out as apanages. Among the lands used as apanages are Artois, Anjou, Maine, Poitiers, Valois, Alençon, Blois, Chartres, Clermont, Bourbon, Evreux, Orléans, Touraine, Berry, Auvergne, Bourgogne, Guyenne, Angoulême, Provence.
In the 16th and 17th c., the titles of Orléans, Anjou, and Berry became customary for younger sons. The brother of Louis XIV was given Orléans as apanage and his line continued, so the title became unavailable. Every duc d'Anjou, on the other hand, seemed to die without posterity or accede to some throne: the title was thus used repeatedly. When Louis XV's eldest son had a second son, the king was set against using Anjou, apparently because of the bad luck associated with it (duc de Luynes, Mémoires, 13:49; see also Journal de Barbier, 5:416), and used Aquitaine instead, a title unused since the Middle Ages.”
Family Names and Titles of Younger Sons
“A son of France was born de France: all his descendants, however, had his main title (whether an apanage or a courtesy title) as their family or last name. Thus the son of Philippe de France (1640-1701), duke of Orléans, was born Philippe d'Orléans, even though he was also petit-fils de France (see, for example, the text of his renunciation to his rights to the crown of Spain in 1712: the renunciation begins "Philippe, petit-fils de France, duc d'Orléans" but he signs "Philippe d'Orléans"; his cousin the duc de Berry signs his renunciation "Charles").
Although the king of France had no family name, and his children were born "de France", there was a sense in which a certain house was on the throne. The legitimized children of kings took as family name the name of the house: for example, the son of Charles IX, was known as Charles de Valois, duke of Angoulême (the name of the house was officially Valois because François I had been made duc de Valois in 1498 before ascending the throne). The legitimized children of Henri IV and Louis XIV all had Bourbon as family name.”
Men
“In general, a titled person was called Monsieur le duc de Villeroy, or Monsieur le comte d'Alaincourt and addressed as Monsieur le duc, Monsieur le comte; the same went for members of the royal family, until the 16th century, when a certain number of forms of address came into use. Starting under Henri III, the eldest brother of the king was called Monsieur (frère du Roi), his wife was Madame (See Brantôme). These usages only became established with Gaston, younger brother of Louis XIII. The king's younger brother retained this style after the death of his brother, so that, from 1643 to 1660 there were two Monsieurs, the brother of the deceased Louis XIII and the brother of the reigning Louis XIV (they were called le Grand Monsieur and le petit Monsieur). The style was later used for the count of Provence, brother of Louis XVI, and later for the count of Artois when Louis XVIII reigned.
The Dauphin, son of Louis XIV, was known simply as Monseigneur, although that seemed to be peculiar to Louis XIV's son: the usage originated with Louis XIV, perhaps as a jest, and no other Dauphin was ever known as Monseigneur (they were called Monsieur le Dauphin). The grandsons of Louis XIV were also called Monseigneur: Monseigneur duc de Bourgogne, Monseigneur duc d'Anjou, Monseigneur duc de Berry (Almanach Royal, 1706), or more formally, Monseigneur Fils de France duc de *** (Almanach Royal, 1713). Similarly, in the 1789 Almanach Royal one sees "Monseigneur comte d'Artois" and his wife "Madame comtesse d'Artois".”
Women
“At the Bourbon court, all the daughters of the king and of the dauphin were called "Madame" and collectively known as "Mesdames de France", and for all but the eldest one the given name was added. Thus, the daughters of Louis XV were known as Madame [Adélaïde], Madame Victoire, Madame Sophie, Madame Louise; before their baptism, they were known as "Madame [de France] première/Aînée", "Madame [de France] seconde", etc (see the Almanach Royal, 1738). Note, however, that at their birth in 1727 the twin daughters of Louis XV were called "Madame de France" and "Madame de Navarre". The first three (surviving) daughters were baptized the same day, on Apr. 27, 1737 (Louise Elisabeth, Henriette Anne, and Marie Adélaîde).
The eldest of the "dames de France" was either known as "Madame de France" (e.g., Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Henri IV and later queen of Spain), "Madame", or, if that title was used by the wife of Monsieur, brother of the king, as "Madame Royale". Thus Louis Louise-Elisabeth (1727-59), eldest daughter of Louis XV (who had no brother), was known as Madame from her baptism in 1737 until her marriage to the Infante Felipe of Spain in 1739, when she became Madame Infante (and later Madame Infante Duchesse de Parme). Adélaïde, daughter of Louis XV, was called Madame from 1752 until 1771 when she became Madame Adélaïde. The daughter of Louis XVI (who had a married brother) was known as Madame Royale until her marriage to her cousin the duc d'Angoulême.”
Until 1700 or so, the title of "Madame Royale" seemed to be used for princesses of collateral branches. Here are some examples:
Christine (or Chrétienne), {\it second\/} daughter of Henri IV, wife of the duke of Savoie, is called (after her marriage) "Madame Royale Chrétienne de France, Duchesse Régente de Savoie" in a 1645 treaty.
Henriette-Marie, third daughter of Henri IV, is said to have invented the English style of "Princess Royal" for her eldest daughter.
Anne Marie d'Orléans (1669-1728), second daughter of Monsieur (but at the time the most senior unmarried princess) is called "Madame Royale" by Dangeau in 1684 (Journal, 1:6, 1854 ed.); that year, she married the duke of Savoy, but Dangeau still referred to her as "Madame Royale" after her marriage: "On eut nouvelles que madame royale étoit accouchée d' une fille ; M De Savoie en envoya ici porter la nouvelle"; and even decades later, he calls her "Madame Royale de Savoie" (19 May 1716), "Madame la duchesse Royale de Savoie" (17 May 1718) or "Madame la duchesse royale" (28 Aug 1719).
Elizabeth Charlotte d'Orléans (1676-1744), third and last daughter of Monsieur (again the most senior unmarried princess at the court) is called "Madame Royale" by Dangeau in 1698 (ibid.,, 7:74) just before and after her marriage to the duke of Lorraine: "M Le Duc De Chartres devoit partir mercredi pour aller en Lorraine voir Madame Royale, sa soeur".
Mme de Sévigné's Correspondance, Jul 1676 (2:352, 1974 edition), Dec 1679 (2:770) uses it for Marie-Jeanne-Baptiste de Savoie-Nemours, wife (and after 1675 widow) of the duke of Savoy: "Vous savez que Madame Royale ne souhaite rien tant au monde que l' accomplissement du mariage de son fils avec l'infante de Portugal".
The first three examples have in common that the French princess married "beneath her", and retention of the style "Madame Royale" may have been intended to to recall the royal rank that the person held by birth, a rank deemed superior to that of her husband at a time when neither Savoy nor Lorraine enjoyed the style of Royal Highness.
In the junior branches, starting with the children of the king's brother, the daughters were called "Mademoiselle" either followed by the given name, or by a name recalling the titles of the family: thus Gaston's eldest daughter was known as Mademoiselle, but his other daughters were Mademoiselle d'Orléans, Mademoiselle d'Alençon, Mademoiselle de Valois, Mademoiselle de Chartres. This is probably due to the fact that baptisms took place quite late: Louise-Diane d'Orléans (1716-36) was baptised three days before her marriage in 1732. In 1720, Louise-Élisabeth d'Orléans (1709-42), daughter of the duc d'Orléans and called Mademoiselle de Montpensier, received the title of "Mademoiselle" after the marriage of her elder sister to the duke of Modena (Jean Buvat: Journal de la Régence, Paris 1875, 2:29). She was then the eldest unmarried French princess, excepting the abbess of Challes. She became queen of Spain in 1722, but was widowed in 1724 and returned to France where she was known as "la reine douairière d'Espagne" (dowager queen of Spain). In 1726 the duc de Bourbon (then prime minister) secured by brevet the style of Mademoiselle for his sister Louise-Anne, who was the only unmarried princess.”
all from https://www.heraldica.org/topics/france/frroyal.htm
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The Court of the Duchy of Burgundy was among the most splendid and rich of 15th century Europe. By marital alliances, shrewd politics and military campaigns the dukes managed to claim new titles and dominions such as the wealthy Counties of Flanders and of Artois. The third Duke from the House of Valois-Burgundy, Philip the Good (1396-1467), added the titles of Duke of Brabant and Limburg, Duke of Luxembourg, Count of Holland, Zeeland, Friesland and Hainault and Margrave of Antwerp to his name. Philip was an extravagant patron of the arts. The cup made of rock crystal seen here, is a good example of the many luxury items he had made. The cup is decorated with pearls, diamonds, rubies, enamel and gold; in gold it bears the personal emblem of Philip, the fire steel, which also became the emblem for the chivalric Order of the Golden Fleece that he founded in 1430. @kunsthistorischesmuseumvienna #imperialtreasury #imperialtreasuryvienna #kaiserlicheschatzkammer #kunsthistorischesmuseum #goldenfleece #orderofthegoldenfleece #ordredelatoisondor #toisondor #burgundy #bourgogne #rockcrystal #luxury #gold #pearl #diamondsandpearls (bij Kaiserliche Schatzkammer) https://www.instagram.com/p/B2w4WAWodTD/?igshid=xz77u7wspjis
#imperialtreasury#imperialtreasuryvienna#kaiserlicheschatzkammer#kunsthistorischesmuseum#goldenfleece#orderofthegoldenfleece#ordredelatoisondor#toisondor#burgundy#bourgogne#rockcrystal#luxury#gold#pearl#diamondsandpearls
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The Tragedian
❛ 'Beauty is truth, truth beauty,' - that is all ye know on Earth, and all ye need to know. ❜
Full Name Clovis Barbet Alias — Age 28 (b. 1613) Alliance Hôtel de Bourgogne Position Civilian Negative Traits Withdrawn, Critical, Finicky Positive Traits Urbane, Modest, Conscientious
The son of Ming dynasty mandarin Shen Fu-Tsung, later Barbet, who had settled largely in Paris after visiting the country with a party of Jesuits, Clovis grew up in moderate luxury in the city of his birth with his mother Violette, a Frenchwoman. An only child, although the young man had loving and doting parents, his father was by necessarily distant, spending a great deal of time at court or undergoing long sea voyages in order to attend to business back in Nanjing. As such, his childhood was relatively quiet and relatively lonely, punctuated by visits to court, and education by private tutor, as would be seen fitting for a boy whose father was a well-known gentleman and scholar. As such, Clovis grew up with both a keen eye for the facile nature of court, as well as a true appreciation for the beauty of the written word.
It was at court in 1628 that he first saw the performances of the first authorized theatre troupe, Les Comédiens du Roi (The King’s Players), invited there by the then-Queen Regent Marie-Claire as education for the young Alexandre Valois. Struck by the nature of the secular drama that he had seen performed, he was inspired to learn more about the theatre – the beauty of the piece that he had seen, simple but awe-inspiring, leaving him unable to sleep. Clovis, who had always appreciated the written word – had only known it in the form of written poetry and word, he had never seen it played. He had never seen the emotions that it could inspire, the co-mingling and engagement that it wrought, and in that moment words – words were not so much empty, black and white letters or characters on paper, but vehicles to a higher and more authentic kind of consciousness. Always a measured man before, well versed in the understanding of courtly manners and graces, Clovis felt true passion for the first time in his young life. He desperately wanted to learn more.
Despite the often-prejudice leveled against those who were on the production side of French theatre, Clovis was undeterred. After speaking with one of the troupe’s actors after the performance as to the writer of the tragedy he had seen performed, the 15-year-old boy made his way to the rue Mauconseil and the newly permanent home of Les Comédiens du Roi - the Hôtel de Bourgogne. The young man was determined to catch the eye of the attached playwright of Les Comédiens du Roi, Emmanuel Brassard, one of the most prolific playwrights France had ever known. For two years, the young man visited the theatre, attempting to ingratiate himself to the brilliant, but infamously erratic playwright. During the day, Clovis learned the politics of the theatre, and all the roles that went into making a show possible. At night and often long into the night, he read voraciously and slaved with ink and quill to shape his own pieces. Unfortunately, Brassard, no matter how much Clovis seemed to try, did not seem to have the time or the interest to take on a young protégé – when the playwright was even present in the theatre at all. After such a long time had passed - even serving in the stage crew, willing to do whatever was necessary to be present at the right time and the right place, Clovis was beginning to truly despair of ever getting his chance to be a true part of the theatre in his own right. It was then and only then that providence granted him a chance in the form of appropriate – tragedy.
As prolific as Brassard was, his well known debaucheries and heavy drinking were quickly beginning to catch up to him, and Clovis was becoming more and more disillusioned with the fact that the man who had penned the miracles he had seen was visibly and obviously throwing his gifts away. It was close to the date of an important performance for a member of visiting nobility that Brassard had been nowhere to be found, and the play that was meant to be performed not even half-finished. The director of Les Comédiens du Roi, Florian Marchand, asked in desperation of the general company if anyone had any ability as a playwright. When there was resounding silence, Clovis raised his hand. At first, his volunteerism was greeted with laughter, as he was then the equivalence of a theatrical intern, forever overlooked - a nobody. However, when his piece was actually read by the company, any mocking laughter had long since died away. The room - with the players having finished their initial reading - was as silent as a crypt.
On June 26th 1630, Clovis’ first publicly-performed piece, a simple and heartrending tragedy entitled Sigoléne, debuted to a party of visiting aristocracy. There was likewise little sound in the house when the last line of the work rang out upon stage, although the young playwright was lauded afterwards with thunderous applause. The mass success of that work catapulted him directly into a position to supplant Emmanuel Brassard in the same year, where he still serves today eleven years later as Les Comédiens du Roi’s chief playwright. Lauded for his meticulous creation of his works as well as for his modest and down-to-earth nature, Clovis Barbet is much loved among the aristocracy as a playwright and also enjoys celebrity at court when he has opportunity to visit - although he has long given up any courtly ambitions. Prizing especially classical literature for his works’ inspiration, he hopes, however, to pen soon a piece that harkens back to his own half-Chinese heritage, as he is well aware that his father’s culture is still little understood or appreciated in Paris.
Connections
Luc Brazier — He has a rivalry with the relative newcomer (in 1635) playwright of the Théâtre du Marais as they are now the two main playwrights of the two dominant theatres in Paris. They both have their own specializations, with the highly social Luc preferring to pen lively tragicomedies and farces, while the more self-effacing Clovis prefers to pen lovingly crafted tragedies. Clovis grudgingly acknowledges the skill of the other writer but what he does bridle at is the hotheaded comportment of the other playwright, worrying that his antics will lend the theatre a worse reputation than it already holds and pollute what he considers to be the purity of their art form. On his part to Luc in person, Clovis is polite, but he is not particularly warm, and he uses Luc’s successes (as they are seemly without effort) to drive himself to work harder. He is not aware of the connection between Luc and Madeleine.
Claudette Valois — He has struck up a bit of a friendship with the cousin of the King. Both seem to share a love of the theatre, and he had noticed that Claudette seemed to particularly be moved by his works when Clovis has the occasion to play at court. He’s heard rumors that a young woman matching her description has been hanging around the Théâtre du Marais - and hopes that it is not true. Her patronage to the Hôtel de Bourgogne instead would be very much appreciated.
This character is portrayed by OSRIC CHAU and is OPEN
OOC Notes: Please read the information on Visiting the Theatre for more information that may be useful for your character.
To get an idea of the play style Clovis prefers to write - the expression classicism as it applies to literature implies notions of order, clarity, moral purpose and good taste. Many of these notions are directly inspired by classical Greek and Roman masterpieces.
In French neoclassical theatre, which Clovis specializes in, a play should follow the Three Unities:
Unity of place: the setting should not change. In practice, this led to the frequent "Castle, interior". Battles take place off stage.
Unity of time: ideally the entire play should take place in 24 hours.
Unity of action: there should be one central story and all secondary plots should be linked to it.
Although based on classical examples, the unities of place and time were seen as essential for the spectator's complete absorption into the dramatic action; wildly dispersed scenes in India or Africa, or over many years would—critics maintained—break the theatrical illusion. Sometimes grouped with the unity of action is the notion that no character should appear unexpectedly late in the drama.
Linked with the theatrical unities are the following concepts:
"Les bienséances": literature should respect moral codes and good taste; nothing should be presented that flouts these codes, even if they are historical events.
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Marie de Bourgogne
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Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy (1342-1404). Unknown artist.
#philippe le hardi#duc de bourgogne#duché de bourgogne#bourgogne#Philippe II le Hardi#philip the bold#duke of burgundy#royaume de france#kingdom of france#duchy of burgundy#maison de valois#house of valois#engraving#in armour#engravings#count of flanders#count of artois#count of burgundy#valois bourgogne#regent of france#régent de france#royalty
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Mary of Burgundy. Unknown artist.
#marie de bourgogne#duchesse de bourgogne#duché de bourgogne#maison de valois#valois bourgogne#mary of burgundy#duchess of burgundy#burgundy#erzherzogin#royaume de france#haus habsburg#engravings#house of habsburg#engraving#archduchess#royalty
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Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy (1433-1477).
#royaume de france#duché de bourgogne#Charles le Téméraire#duc de bourgogne#maison de valois#bourgogne#valois bourgogne#house of valois#kingdom of france#house of valois burgundy#burgundy#charles the bold#duke of burgundy#equestrian portrait#in armour
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Marie, Duchess of Burgundy (1457-1482).
#royaume de france#maison de valois#valois bourgogne#duché de bourgogne#marie de valois#duchesse de bourgogne#archduchess#erzherzogin#haus habsburg#erzherzogtum österreich#full length portrait#house of habsburg#full-length portrait#house of valois
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The first kings of the Valois dynasty.
#royaume de france#maison de valois#Philippe vi de valois#jean ii le bon#charles v le sage#charles vi#roi de france#vive le roi#jeanne de bourgogne#jeanne de boulogne#jeanne de bourbon#isabeau de baviere#reine de france#vive la reine#kingdom of france#house of valois#engraving#engravings
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Mary of Burgundy and her husband, Archduke Maximilian of Austria, hunting, 1482.
#royaume de france#duché de bourgogne#marie de bourgogne#duchesse de bourgogne#maison de valois#valois bourgogne#archduchess#maximilian von habsburg#archduke#erzherzog#haus habsburg#erzherzogtum österreich#house of habsburg#house of valois#kingdom of france
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A golden age for aristocratic bastards
[Jean de Dunois, the Bastard of Orleans]
[..] The fifteenth century was the golden age of aristocratic bastards. The very fact that the word bâtard had honourable connotations in old French should alert us to its significance among the nobility but it seems that the late Middle Ages was a particularly favourable period for the illegitimate offspring of nobles for, although they could not inherit apanages or the propres of a family, no stigma attached to the bastard in higher noble circles. A survey of the higher civil and ecclesiastical offices held by bastards between 1345 and 1523 indicates an acceleration of the conquest of such positions in the first half of the fifteenth century and a great concentration in the second half, with 39 such posts held. There are a number of quite clear reasons for all this. Bastards actually bolstered the numbers within a noble family and were used to strengthen its influence either through marriage alliances or by the acquisition of administrative functions. They could be used to protect the influence of the legitimate members of the family without actually threatening their inheritance and, indeed, could be viewed as more trustworthy by their fathers since they posed no direct threat. As love children, they were often viewed as more handsome and personable than their legitimate siblings (the bastard of Dunois is the great case). Thus, as Harsgor reasonably argues, the expansion of their influence represented 'an aggrandisement of the sphere of influence of the nobility in general'. Although Contamine has observed a restriction of bastards' access to higher military commands at the end of the fifteenth century, aristocratic bastards played a significant part in the group of dominant figures, the 'masters of the kingdom', well into the sixteenth. Charles, last count of Armagnac, liberated from prison after the death of Louis XI, left a bastard, Pierre, who had a brilliant career at court under Charles VIII and Louis XII, was invested with the barony of Caussade, and whose legitimised son Georges, cardinal d'Armagnac, in turn became one of the great ecclesiastical statesmen of the sixteenth century. Georges in turn had a bastard daughter to whom La Caussade descended, while he made his nephew his vicar-general.
As far as the royal family itself was concerned, the kings of the fifteenth century tended to recognise only female bastards, using them for careful marriage alliances designed to assemble an affinity around the throne. Other great princely houses produced many more. The family of the Valois dukes of Burgundy produced not less than 68 bastards, many of whom filled important administrative posts and came to be 'a sort of bastardocracy'. Philip the Good alone sired 26 natural children, while there are spectacular cases like Jean II de Cleves with 63 bastards. One further explanation of their rise is the vast increase in military employment offered by the Hundred Years War. Roughly 4 per cent of the commands in the royal armies of the fifteenth century were held by aristocratic bastards.
[Antoine de Bourgogne, the Great Bastard of Burgundy]
While Harsgor argued that it was mainly the higher nobility that used bastards in this way, Charbonnier's study of Auvergne indicates the same pattern existed at the level of the middle and lower lordship. Among families like the Vernines and d'Estaing they were fully accepted and frequently found military employment and wielded their swords in the private feuds of their fathers. Well into the sixteenth century, we find bastards continuing their attachment to the lignage and fighting the feuds of their legitimate brothers. They replaced the earlier phenomenon of the younger sons who served their family but renounced a family of their own; few of them founded their own lignages, contrary to the pattern found among the higher nobility. However, they were mobilised in the service of the lignage, compensating the relative diminution of legitimate offspring, with the advantage of not dismantling the patrimony. However, from the middle of the sixteenth century, although there was no decline in the number of bastards at this level, there are signs that noble bastards were beginning to draw away from simple attachment to the service of their legitimate family and found lignages of their own.
The decline in recognised bastards took place after the first quarter of the sixteenth century, one of the signs being Francis I's reluctance to recognise illegitimate offspring. The Italian wars possibly provided less employment than the internal wars of the fifteenth century, but it seems just as likely that the main reason was the demographic expansion of the legitimate nobility and the squeeze on offices available for them generally. Added to that, both the Protestant and Catholic reforms took a dim view of sexual irregularity and sought to control it, while the higher robe and wealthy commoners had long viewed bastardy as an aristocratic foible to be avoided. For its part, the crown saw the expansion in the number of families exempt from taxes by the foundation of bastard noble lines as a danger. In 1600 and 1629, noble bastards lost their right to inherit nobility (this privilege was henceforth confined to the royal family).
David Potter- A History of France, 1460-1560- The Emergence of a Nation State
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Women’s History Meme || Duchesses and Archduchesses (4/10) ↬ Marie de Bourgogne, duchesse de Bourgogne, Brabant, Gueldre, Limbourg, and Luxembourg.
Charles le Téméraire’s only child and heiress, Marie de Bourgogne, was born on 13 February 1457. She was the bait to tempt the rulers of the House of Habsburg, who might be expected to sacrifice their imperial power by ceding some or all of it to Charles in return for the eventual acquisition by Maximilian von Österreich for the entire complex of Burgundian territories.
But Marie de Bourgogne was not only significant in Burgundian relations with the Emperor; she was a diplomatic weapon of universal value, which could be, and was, used by her father on numerous occasions and with many different rulers. Indeed, at one time or another, almost everybody was offered the hand, and lands, of Marie de Bourgogne, in exchange for an alliance, or some, usually military, favor.
— Charles the Bold: The last Valois Duke of Burgundy, Richard Vaughan
#women's history meme#mary of burgundy#house of valois#house of habsburg#french history#belgian history#german history#dutch history#european history#women's history#history#nanshe's graphics
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