#ukraine 1990's

[anastasiamaru]

Ukraine 1990's

British photographer Peter Ford presents new Photobook: Ukraine of 1990's.

The artist was a diplomat of the British Foreign Ministry. The money from the sale will be directed to help Ukraine

[yodaprod]

Pripyat in the 90s

[vintage-ukraine]

St.Andrew`s Church in Kyiv, 1990s

[snovyda]

Given the fact that Ukraine and Russia were part of one empire - or subsequent empires - for so long, why did Russia choose to become authoritarian? And it CHOSE to become authoritarian - I lived in Russia from 2001 to 2010 - and the country, including the so-called liberal elites, consciously, aggressively, chose, voted for, elected, selected, with a huge amount of intention, an authoritarian and then a dictatorial future. That was a choice, a conscious desire. Putin was elected many times, was selected and constructed as a candidate who would appeal to the Russian demand for dictatorship. When Ukrainians have come from the same tradition, same chaos in the 1990's, very similar experience of a post-Soviet economic trauma, they make the conscious choice, again and again and again, for democracy. [...] Russians elected Putin several times, when there were still competitive elections. Even more importantly, there was definitely a social demand for a dictatorial leader, for a strong hand. Putin was created by political spin doctors as a response to what they saw as a desire in the society. Putin wins his first election, which is still competitive elections, on a war in Chechnya, the premise of which is, "We're going to destroy civilians and mass murder civilians". That was the point of the war. To show, "Look how strong I am! I murder civilians!" People liked that. The Russian economic liberals said that they wanted a Pinochet. "We need a dictator". It's a dictatorship now, I don't deny that, and it's been getting more and more dictatorial, but the idea that this came out of nowhere, and that this wasn't a constant choice for a long time, and a clear demand... I mean, just the facts completely... I mean, that's just a lie.

Peter Pomerantsev

[ohsalome]

Ivan and Phoebe by Oksana Lutsyshyna

Ivan and Phoebe is a novel about a revolution of consciousness triggered by very different events, both global and personal. This is a book about the choices we make, even if we decide to just go with the flow of life. It is about cruelty, guilt, love, passion – about many things, and most importantly, about Ukraine of the recent past, despite or because of which it has become what it is today.

The story told in Oksana Lutsyshyna’s novel Ivan and Phoebe is set during a critical period – the 1990s. In the three decades that have passed since gaining independence, Ukraine has experienced many socio-political, economic, and cultural changes that have yet to be fully expressed. The Revolution of Dignity in 2014 marked a pivotal moment in the country’s history, as it signaled a shift towards European integration and a strong desire to distance itself from Moscow. Prior to this, Ukrainian culture had remained overshadowed by Russian influence, struggled to compete for an audience and was consequently constrained in exploring vital issues.

77 days of February. Living and dying in Ukraine

"77 Days," is a compelling anthology by contributors to Reporters, a Ukrainian platform for longform journalism. The book, published in English as both an e-book and an audiobook by Scribe Originals.

"77 Days'' offers a tapestry of styles and experiences from over a dozen contributors, making it a complex work to define. It includes narratives about those who stayed put as the Russians advanced, and the horror they encountered, like Zoya Kramchenko’s defiant "Kherson is Ukraine," Vira Kuryko’s somber "Ten Days in Chernihiv," and Inna Adruh’s wry "I Can’t Leave – I’ve Got Twenty Cats." The collection also explores the ordeal of fleeing, as in Kateryna Babkina’s stark "Surviving Teleportation '' and "There Were Four People There. Only the Mother Survived." 

It also highlights tales of Ukrainians who created safe havens amidst the turmoil, such as Olga Omelyanchuk’s "Hippo and the Team," about zookeepers safeguarding animals in an occupied private zoo near Kyiv, and one of Paplauskaite’s three pieces, "Les Kurbas Theater Military Hostel," depicting an historic Lviv theater turned shelter for the displaced, including the writer/editor herself.

In the Eye of the Storm. Modernism in Ukraine 1900’s – 1930’s

This book was inspired by the exhibition of the same name that took place in Madrid, at the Museo Nacional Thyssen-Bornemisza, and is currently at the Museum Ludwig, located in Cologne, Germany. 

Rather than being a traditional catalogue, the publishers and authors took a more ambitious approach. Rather than merely publishing several texts and works from the exhibition, they choose to showcase the history of the Ukrainian avant-garde in its entirety – from the first avant-garde exhibition in Kyiv to the eventual destruction of works and their relegation to the "special funds" of museums, where they were hidden from public view.

These texts explain Ukrainian context to those who may have just learned about the distinction between Ukrainian and Russian art. Those "similarities" are also a product of colonization. It was achieved not only through the physical elimination of artists or Russification – artists were also often forced to emigrate abroad for political or personal reasons. Under the totalitarian regime, discussing or remembering these artists was forbidden. Archives and cultural property were also destroyed or taken to Russia.

"The Yellow Butterfly" by Oleksandr Shatokhin 

"The Yellow Butterfly" is poised to become another prominent Ukrainian book on the themes of war and hope. It has been listed among the top 100 best picture books of 2023, according to the international art platform dPICTUS.

The book was crafted amidst the ongoing invasion. Oleksandr and his family witnessed columns of occupiers, destroyed buildings, and charred civilian cars. Shatokhin describes the book’s creation as a form of therapy, a way to cope with the horrors. "During this time my vision became clearer about what I wanted to create – a silent book about hope, victory, the transition from darkness to light, something symbolic," he explains.

Although "The Yellow Butterfly" is a wordless book, today its message resonates with readers across the globe.

A Crash Course in Molotov Cocktails by Halyna Kruk

A Crash Course in Molotov Cocktails is a bilingual poetry book (Ukrainian and English) about war, written between 2013 and 2022, based on Halyna’s experience as an author, volunteer, wife of a military man and witness to conflict. 

The Ukrainian-speaking audience is well-acquainted with Halyna Kruk – a poet, prose author and literature historian. Kruk is increasingly active on the international stage, with her poetry featured in numerous anthologies across various languages, including Italian, French, Swedish, Norwegian, Portuguese, Spanish, Polish, English, German, Lithuanian, Georgian and Vietnamese. 

For an English-speaking audience, her poetry unveils a realm of intense and delicate experiences, both in the midst of disaster and in the anticipation of it. The poems are succinct, direct, and highly specific, often depicting real-life events and individuals engaged in combat, mourning, and upholding their right to freedom.

[valtionrautatiet-official]

An introduction to VR multiple units, part 5: Sm6

The Sm6 Allegro. When I started this series about our multiple units, I first thought I would cover the Sm6 in the "operated for others" -series, then thought I would leave it out altogether... but events overtook my plans and now I'm introducing them as VR's own multiple units, although they are not yet in operation as VR trains.

An Sm6 unit on the Kerava-Lahti line, currently the only bit of high-speed rail in Finland, 2011. Teemu Peltonen, Vaunut.org.

Since the 1990s, two daily return trains had been operated between Helsinki and Saint Petersburg, Russia: the Sibelius, which used VR carriages, and the Repin, which used RŽD carriages. In 2006, the two rail operators decided to replace the locomotive-hauled trains, which took five hours to make the trip, with jointly-owned high-speed trains. For this purpose, a new jointly-owned subsidiary Karelian Trains was established.

Two Sm6's during pre-service entry test runs at Vainikkala, the border station between Finland and Russia, with the locomotive-hauled St. Petersburg train Sibelius on the right. Lari Nylund, Vaunut.org.

After a round of tenders, Karelian Trains opted for the Pendolino design (already used by VR in the form of the Sm3) from Alstom in 2007, with four units to be delivered in 2010 (there was also an option for two additional units, which was never taken up). Although the exterior design of the new Sm6 units was almost identical to the Sm3, in terms of technology they feature numerous improvements compared to the older class, and were outfitted to operate both on the Russian and Finnish electric systems. Due to the small difference in gauge between the two countries (Russia uses 1520 mm but Finland 1524 mm) the trains were given near-unique gauge of 1522 mm.

Interior of the Sm6's first-class carriage as delivered. Otto Karikoski, Wikimedia Commons.

Branded Allegro, the new Sm6 units begun operations in December 2010, cutting the travel time between Helsinki and St. Petersburg to 3½ hours. In addition to services offered on Sm3 units, the Sm6 has (or perhaps more accurately had) a space for the border patrol to use, as passport control was done en-route on the train, and a kid's playroom. The original grey-dominated interiors were replaced by new, more colourful blue designs in 2018-2019.

The new interiors were not in use for long before the Covid-19 pandemic caused for passenger train services between Finland and Russia to be suspended in March 2020. The Allegro services were restored in December 2021 (the Helsinki-Moscow sleeper train Tolstoy, however, was not), and ran for less than four months until closed again in March 2022 after Russia's invasion of Ukraine. (VR subsequently stopped freight traffic to Russia too - other Finnish rail operators continue to serve freight to and from Russia, however).

Second-class carriage in the post-2019 look. VR.

After March 2022, the four Sm6 units languished at VR's Ilmala depot in Helsinki, without maintenance as RŽD refused to make any payments for their share in Karelian Trains (which, although jointly Finnish-Russian owned, was registered in Finland). In March 2023, when Finnish prime minister Sanna Marin visited Kiev, Ukrainian Railroads requested the Sm6 units be handed over to them, but nothing ever came of this. Instead, in December 2023, when Karelian Trains was on the brink of bankruptcy due to RŽD not paying their share of the company's bills, VR bought out Karelian Trains and took over the Sm6 units.

The trains will be given a thorough technical refit, which will include removal of the systems to operate with Russian electrification, and will enter services on routes within Finland in 2025. How they will be branded is unknown, though a VR representative said in an interview they will not be called Allegro. Presumably this will make the Sm6 the first VR rolling stock class to be fully painted in the new livery.

[warsofasoiaf]

Russia has demonstrated that they can inevitably attrite ukraine. defeating Russia would require a radical expansion of ukrainian offensive capabilities far above the threshold that Putin will seek nuclear escalation. unless biden is prepared to end the world (over ukraine and not Chinese Taipei or Israel as he is willing to), how do propose "beating" CSTO .

This is cute. Russian cope always has this distinct flavor of "we're a great power and we can't be beaten," despite the fact that Russia has experienced numerous failures and has largely been exposed as an incompetent military power.

Frankly speaking, CSTO doesn't really need to be beaten. Given that Kazakhstan has dismissed CSTO troops and Armenia largely sees no hope for CSTO, the world has largely seen Russian security commitments as worthless - they are incapable of fulfilling said agreements given that Russia has largely bled out its force in Ukraine. It's a zombie organization, shuffling on in a semblance of life as opposed to an actual living organization. I predict it largely collapses as Russia loses the ability to influence the near-abroad and Central Asia seeks other partners that can actually fulfill obligations to ally nations.

I don't think Russia has demonstrated the ability to attrit Ukraine. In fact, given the numerical superiority, any competent military would have succeeded their battlefield objectives relatively easily, even if they lost the peace and occupation to come after. Avdiivka was supposed to fall - Russia kept saying it was, and it hasn't. As I've mentioned before, Russia is an incapable force conventionally and has been for a long time. Economically, they're weak and coring out their economy to sustain their fool's crusade. Militarily, they're sluggish, uncreative, and reduced to begging Iran and North Korea for aid to conquer a country with a fraction of the size and manpower, had no navy to speak of and the faintest wisp of an air force. In a conventional conflict, Russia has no advantages against a NATO country other than perhaps the zeal to throw themselves on the enemy's spears - an emotion that only comes from the realization that you live in Russia.

Fact of the matter is, revitalizing the defense industrial base and actually producing HIMARS and other quality armaments would be more than enough to destroy Russia, and wouldn't even reach the Russian nuclear escalation as defined in Russian doctrine. Hell, if we actually had courage in our foreign policy establishment, Russia would have been defeated and sued for peace already as the aid shipments quadrupled. That would be better off for the whole world, including Russia. Especially for the minority populations Russia keeps sending off to die so the elites in St. Petersburg and Moscow don't have to feel the consequences of their actions.

I don't fear nuclear escalation because Russia isn't willing to end the world because the elites like having their vast wealth and the wide array of perks that it offers access to. They wouldn't do it just because they can't have Ukraine. Honestly, Russia should count its lucky stars that they have a nuclear deterrent, otherwise China would have invaded it already to seize resources from the Central Siberian Basin. Alas for the rest of us, Russia was free in the 1990's to launch damn fool wars in Central Asia and Eastern Europe to reassert its own imperialist glories, rather than being brought to heel. Alas, now it can continue to pretend it's anything other than a decrepit excuse for a country run by a wannabe tsar with a Napoleon complex crying over the fact that his country lost the Cold War and no one fears or respects the Russian bear. Boo-hoo. In the words of your fearless leader after the Beslan school siege where you simply mowed down your own people because you couldn't handle a single hostage operation: "You've shown yourselves to be weak, and the weak get beaten."

Also, as a pro-tip: the verb attrite means to wear down by use (as in to wear down a tool through using it for hours on end). You want the verb attrit, which means to use sustained offensive pressure to weaken an opponent. You might want to brush up on your English; this goes double against someone who not only takes great pleasure in laughing at Russian trolls but someone who actually studies the terminology of military science.

Cry more, Anon.

SomethingLikeALawyer, Hand of the King

[scotianostra]

Happy Birthday Brian Alexander (B.A) Robertson born 12th September, 1956, in Glasgow.

On a day that so far looks quiet on the anniversary front I am thankful I have a post I myself can really appreciate, mainly due to the musical content.

Educated at the former Allan Glen's School in the city, B.A had a number of hit singles in the late 70's/80's beforehand though he wrote a few songs for others, the most notable being two Cliff Richard songs, Carrie and Wired for Sound. I wonder how many remember the BBC Scotland show Maggie? Well Robertson wrote the theme to that as well as the theme to Multi-Coloured Swap Shop and "their" hit song as Brown Sauce the 20 hit, I Wanna Be a Winner.

B.A's first big hit single was "Bang Bang, it reached number 2 in 1979, he also had a big hit with Maggie Bell, of a cover version of Hold Me and dueted with Frida Lyngstad, of Abba, on the song Time.

As I said earlier he is better known in the business for writing songs for others, he went back to this when his own hits dried up, I am sure many of you will know Mike + The Mechanics, well Robertson penned their lyrics for hits Silent Running and The Living Years The latter was written after Robertson's father died twelve weeks before the birth of his own son, many people mistakenly believe Paul Carrack wrote the song, which topped the US Billboard charts as well as hitting the top in Canada, Australia and Japan. Mike Rutherford helped with the arrangement and music.

The Living Years won the Ivor Novello Award for Best Song Musically & Lyrically in 1989,and was nominated for four Grammy awards in 1990, including Record and Song of the Year, as well as Best Pop Performance by a Duo or Group with Vocals and Best Video.

In 1996, famed composer Burt Bacharach opined that the song was one of the finest lyrics of the last ten years, fine praise indeed.

I hope you listen to this and see B A Robertson as something other than just a novelty act, which his main hits certainly were.

I can't leave a post about B.A Robertson without mentioning, arguably the best song by A Scottish World Cup Squad, "We Have a Dream" that got to number 5 in the charts!

Robertson also had a go at presenting, and looking back on him now it is pretty painful, including a spat with Annabella Lwin of Bow Wow Wow, others he "interviewed" were Billy Mackenzie with the Associates, and Alex Harvey.

In July 2022 B A released an accoustic version of Silent Running in aid of charity, it resonates for the people of Ukraine, it really speaks of the chaos for Ukrainian victims of war. It reached number 10 on the itunes singer/songwriter charts and was the eighth biggest gainer in sales on Amazon Music within hours.

Its release came about thanks to the involvement of Robertson’s friend Steve Cullen, whose partner Lorri Hales convinced him to use it to help the people of Ukraine. Penned in 1985, this version of Silent Running was recorded at the Gilded Balloon in Edinburgh during the 2004 festival at one of BA’s rare live gigs.

Take the children and yourself

And hide out in the cellar

By now the fighting will be close at hand

Don't believe the church and state

And everything they tell you

Believe in me, I'm with the high command

Can you hear me, can you hear me running?

Can you hear me running, can you hear me calling you?

Can you hear me, can you hear me running?

Can you hear me running, can you hear me calling you?

There's a gun and ammunition Just inside the doorway

Use it only in emergency

Better you should pray to God The Father and the Spirit

Will guide you and protect from up here

Can you hear me, can you hear me running?

Can you hear me running, can you hear me calling you?

Can you hear me, can you hear me running?

Can you hear me running, can you hear me calling you?

Swear allegiance to the flag

Whatever flag they offer

Never hint at what you really feel

Teach the children quietly

For some day sons and daughters

Will rise up and fight while we stood still

Can you hear me, can you hear me running?

Can you hear me running, can you hear me calling you?

Can you hear me, can you hear me running?

Can you hear me running, can you hear me calling you?

[dailyanarchistposts]

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[workersolidarity]

Declassified files expose British role in NATO’s Gladio terror armies - The Grayzone

The British Government recently released a trove of declassified documents relating to UK involvement with the CIA on Operation Gladio, a Fascist stay-behind proxy-Army formed and organized by the CIA in Italy during US occupation in the late 1940's using Fascist Partisans.

More than just an ordinary proxy-Army, Operation Gladio connected right-wing political figures, diplomats, bureaucrats, and high-ranking military figures with Fascist Partisans and willing dupes to form a network of spies, saboteurs, assassins, terrorist cells, and armies skilled in guerilla warfare.

Some of the members and their network of spies, assassins and saboteurs went on to serve in major positions of power for decades to come, enacting Far Right-wing policy, serving and supporting the interests of the United States, EU, NATO and Wall Street.

Operation Gladio became the framework for covert operations by which the US covertly controlled political outcomes in key European and Asian Nations post-WWII.

This network could both manipulate key political outcomes, as well as form a defensive network against any potential invasion and occupation by the USSR.

And Gladio was no joke. These Fascists were responsible for dozens of acts of terrorism in Italy against Leftists as well as ordinary civilians in False Flag attacks aimed at turning the Public against the Italian Left. They would literally pose as Communists, Socialists and Anarchists before committing terrorist attacks against civilians. In this way they could shape public perceptions of the Communist Party and its leadership.

In light of Operation Gladio becoming public knowledge in the early 1990's, even the European Parliament had to condemn the actions of the US, UK and NATO for its human rights violations, political interference, terrorist and false flag attacks.

All of this raises the questions around Western countries activities in Ukraine going back to 2014 and the Euromaidan coup. We know, for instance, the CIA very much continued to support, arm and train secretly the OUN and other Banderite Nationalist and Nazi organizations after WWII.

Did that support turn into a Gadio-style operation that succeeded in overturning the democratically elected Government of Ukraine for being too pro-Russia in 2014? The evidence suggests it did.

That's according to Kit Klarenberg's exceptional reporting in The Grayzone in November of last year in which he obtained documents from a UK Private Military contractor named Prevail Partners that was recruited and tasked with organizing a Gladio-inspired Operation.

Operation Gladio clearly lives on in modern (mostly Privatized) Operations handed off to Military Contractors by the CIA.

No country with this kind of operation occurring in its borders by a foreign Imperialist power, whether organized by the CIA or a Private Military contractor, can be said to have sovereignty. And without sovereignty, everything else is meaningless. You have no control over your government or its policies, you are no more than a proxy for Imperialism.

[maximumphilosopheranchor]

"For two decades before his global fame as a wartime president, his reported bravado and need for “ammo, not a ride” accompanied by actual courage, Volodymyr Zelenskyy was widely known in Ukraine and throughout the Russian-speaking world for his artistry, humor, and moral leadership. If the Soviet period had been distinguished for some above all by its bezzhalostnost’— its ruthlessness or pitilessness—and the 1990s by mercilessness of a different sort, as a screen and stage performer Zelenskyy had consistently embodied and articulated humanistic values, telling the truth about politics and everyday life even when the stakes of doing so were high. As a satiric actor, Zelenskyy articulated a way of thinking about national belonging in Ukraine that included space for diverse political identities while promoting patriotism and unity. While to some, Ukrainians’ current unity may seem a crisis response that may not survive victory or an inadvertent product of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s choices, an examination of Zelenskyy’s work as a showman illuminates his sustained efforts to lead Ukrainians and foster societal unity well before Russia’s full-scale war.

Although some observers in the West have interpreted their own discovery of Zelenskyy’s wartime qualities as his “emergence” as a leader, Zelenskyy has long been known as such in Ukraine—albeit in the realm of artistic, rather than political, performance. Years before his formal presidential campaign or presidential leadership, Zelenskyy articulated a vision of Ukrainian political nationhood from the stage. Even as Zelenskyy’s record in governance prior to February 2022 elicited mixed responses from Ukrainians, the ideas about Ukrainian political identity that helped propel Zelenskyy to a landslide victory in 2019 have been resilient in the face of full-scale war. The following pages examine key ideas Zelenskyy communicated as a performer during the eight years prior to Russia’s full-scale invasion, analyzing the content of Zelenskyy’s stagecraft and the concepts and discursive frames he and his troupe Studio Kvartal-95 used in their show “Vechirnii (Evening) kvartal” to build a vocabulary of national unity following years of societal polarization.

Most discussions of Volodymyr Zelenskyy in the context of his wartime presidential leadership note in passing that he is a former comedian, but Zelenskyy was no minor figure in the worlds of Ukrainian and Russian show business. As players in international improvisational comedy competitions (KVN, or Club of the Merry and Resourceful) broadcast on Russian state television, drawing millions of viewers, Zelenskyy and his troupe were familiar to audiences across Ukraine, Russia, and other independent states that had been part of the Soviet Union by the late 1990s.

By 2003, after Zelenskyy’s popularity and talent yielded overtures from Moscow to work as a writer for KVN, which he refused, he and his teammates set out on their own. Zelenskyy created his own production company, Kvartal-95, which would go on to produce dozens of television shows and films viewed on Ukraine television and on Russian state television. In 2021, Kvartal-95’s show Svaty (“In-laws”) was the most popular series on Russian state television and on Ukrainian television, where the series attracted 12.8 million viewers and a 24 percent share of Ukrainian audiences that year.

Ukrainians of all ages followed their show Vechirnii kvartal, which aired at prime time on Saturday evenings. In its final year with Zelenskyy, prior to his inauguration as president, Vechirnii kvartal was watched by 18 percent of television audiences across the country. A musical revue that leaned heavily on political satire, Vechirnii kvartal addressed topics of interest to everyday people, making jokes highlighting the absurdities of contemporary post-Soviet life. Whether playing a hospitalized psychiatric patient pressured to vote for former Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych or an apartment dweller waiving a shotgun to threaten a postal worker delivering an electricity bill, Zelenskyy and his troupe invited his audiences to laugh not at the people they portrayed, but at the absurdity of the world as seen through their eyes. There were exceptions, as when they satirized politicians, skewered Russians gloating over the annexation of Crimea, or ridiculed Russians over their stereotypes about Ukrainians. After 2014 Zelenskyy and his troupe used the show to advance ideas about democracy and Ukrainian sovereignty and unity.

From the stage, Zelenskyy and his troupe told stories that follow Aristotelian conventions, leading the audience through a narrative arc that ended in catharsis. At the same time, they suffused that dramatic form with social reflection more typical of modern theater. In contrast to dramatic theater, in which the viewer closely identifies with characters on the stage, and different from modern theater’s critical distance from the action on the stage, Zelenskyy engages each member of his audience not with the characters, but as a character. This move involves the viewer as a political subject, making possible an emancipatory politics that ordinarily is rendered impossible by the structure of dramatic form. In other words, Zelenskyy tells a compelling story—but still prompts the viewer to leave the theater primed to act to improve the world.

As a showman, Zelenskyy articulated a political vision that consistently emphasized not only freedom and ambition but also responsibility and brotherhood--sisterhood later would become a theme of Zhinochyi kvartal, a show also produced by Zelenskyy’s company. Zelenskyy preached not loyalty to a leader but fidelity to the idea of Ukraine—and proceeded to offer a vision for that idea that viewers of Vechirnii kvartal absorbed and engaged with on Saturday evenings and when Zelenskyy and his troupe toured Ukraine and Ukrainians’ vacation destinations around the world. (..)

Beyond the halls of academia and government, over time many other Ukrainians also internalized the trope of “two Ukraines,” the idea that the history and geography were in some sense destiny and their single state might really be two countries, as Riabchuk had once put it. After all, there were real historical regional variations and disagreements, and evidence of contemporary division was present in everyday life. For example, in the years immediately following the massive demonstrations of Ukraine’s Orange revolution, which coalesced in response to documented electoral fraud, members of the same family often couldn’t agree about whether protest was a legitimate path to political change.

If a split approximately along the Dnipro had been the dominant framework Ukrainians and others long had used to organize Ukrainians’ ideas about their relationships with their compatriots, Zelenskyy and Studio Kvartal-95 offered a different way of seeing Ukraine and the world. Both drawing on and articulating a form of national patriotism that was emerging in Ukrainian society following Russia’s 2014 invasion, Zelenskyy and his troupe supplied their audiences a language and framework to think and talk about modern Ukrainian political nationhood that broke through dominant tropes of polarization. Like the Ukrainian professional historians who worked on the “historical front” during the same period to provide a framework for a decolonial and constructivist politics and history that emphasized change and fertile engagement among groups rather than an essentialist nation, Zelenskyy and Studio Kvartal-95 worked on an artistic and entertainment front to shift how their Ukrainian audiences saw themselves and each other.

From the stage, Zelenskyy and his troupe cultivated a way of thinking about Ukrainian identity that included a diverse range of people and articulated values that were patriotic and liberal—yet included elements of religious culture and broad humanism that appealed to a wide range of Ukrainians. Their approach provided language and a national concept that russified Ukrainians, who did not think of themselves as nationalists, could use to identify as patriots. (..)

In contrast to the binary thinking that dominated Russian official discourse and some analyses of Ukrainian politics, Zelenskyy used an approach to discussing the recent past that reflected a growing understanding in Ukraine of the country as a multicultural polity. In their songs, Zelenskyy and his team reframed Ukrainian identity to focus on recognition and validation of ways of belonging that often did not map onto the categories of analysis social scientists usually used to examine identity. Through lyrics and other elements of performance, Zelenskyy and his team disaggregated elements of the seemingly bipolar world of Ukrainian domestic politics to articulate ideas of Ukrainian identity that focused on a diversity of possible personal and group identities. (..)

As president, Zelenskyy took the approach he used on stage further, invoking identities that cohered not only around language or region, but also around individual beliefs and everyday practices that did not always seem political. In his New Year’s presidential greeting in 2020, Zelenskyy articulated a plural vision of politics that expanded the categories Ukrainians used to identify themselves and that others use to identify them. Elevating regional identities, he spoke Ukrainian but also pronounced sentences in other languages spoken in Ukraine: Russian, Crimean Tatar, and Hungarian. He then led his viewers through recognizable identity categories and experiences, alighting upon a variegated societal taxonomy. Setting aside concepts ordinarily used in political analysis, Zelenskyy recognized and elevated Ukrainian citizens as individual humans:

Who am I? An agronomist from Cherkasy, a former photographer who defends his country in the east? A former physicist who washes dishes in Italy, or a former chemist who builds skyscrapers in Novosibirsk? Someone who has lived abroad for ten years and loves Ukraine over the Internet? Someone who lost everything in Crimea and started again from nothing in Kharkiv? Someone who learned Ukrainian because it’s normal to know the state language. Someone who doesn’t want to? Someone who pays her taxes? Someone who breaks the traffic laws? Someone who has a dog? A redhead? A Muslim? Someone who is hearing-impaired? Someone who hates olives? A liberal? An excellent student? Someone who didn’t watch Game of Thrones? A sanguine temperament? A vegan? A Capricorn? Someone who doesn’t offer his seat on the subway? A blood donor? Someone who refuses to use plastic?

Zelenskyy went on to add, “This is each of us, Ukrainians, as we are. Not ideal, not saints, because we’re just people, living people, with our flaws and eccentricities.” Responses to the address brought an avalanche of appreciation within and especially beyond Ukraine, as many remarked on the contrast between Zelenskyy’s warm, human thoughtfulness, and individuality and the uniform, cardboard character of the greetings distributed by the Russian, Belarusian, and Kazakhstan presidents. (..)

Having produced performances that tried to break apart the dualities that dominated Ukraine’s polarized politics, focusing instead on a diversity of constituent identities, Zelenskyy and Studio Kvartal-95 used two key focal points to gather individual parts into a coherent whole. For Zelenskyy and Studio Kvartal-95, those focal points were interlocking foils: the actions of Ukraine’s own oligarchic political class, which treated Ukrainians as background players, not agents of change, and Putin’s political regime and its war against Ukraine. Focusing on issues about which Ukrainians of different political, linguistic, and other stripes could agree, Studio Kvartal-95 used these two themes to articulate the idea of a united popular front. (..)

Performing mainly in the Russian language for russified Ukrainians, Zelenskyy and Studio Kvartal-95 articulated for their audiences an idea of Ukrainian national identity that broke through long-standing societal polarization and interference from Russia to create a space in which Ukrainians could find an idea of multicultural patriotism and community, a mirror image of the robust civil society that had developed in Ukraine during the same period. While others have noted Zelenskyy’s ordinariness, describing him as a reflection of the society in which he lives, this article has highlighted the ways Zelenskyy and Studio Kvartal-95 intervened and led in Ukrainian mass culture, providing a vocabulary and concepts for articulating an inclusive vision of Ukrainian political nationhood.

The ideas Zelenskyy and Studio Kvartal-95 articulated from the stage did not attempt to sort out a shared national past through power-laden competition among different groups’ versions of history. Instead, setting their audience’s eyes on a shared horizon, they abandoned the analytical categories social scientists use to sort people’s identities and recognized the possibility of fostering unity by validating a great diversity of possible taxonomies that could be used for thinking about belonging. In Zelenskyy’s vision of politics, recognition of diversity also included an embrace of agonism, a radical acceptance of messiness and disagreement in democratic society, a willingness to look with humor and understanding upon human frailty, and a recognition that strength is to be found in variety: that a social fabric woven of many different visible threads can be more flexible and resilient, and more resistant to damage than an undifferentiated weft."

Jessica Pisano, "Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s Vision of Ukrainian Nationhood". Journal of Peace and War Studies, 4th Edition (October 2022).

[mariacallous]

It may sound like fun and games, but it’s no joke. After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, this decentralized group of activists came together to raise money for Ukraine and demolish Russian narratives on social media. They even have their own version of NATO’s Article 5 for mutual assistance, with the hashtag #NAFOArticle5, a cry for other fellas to pile in on social media posts. The fellas took a big step toward recognition last month by staging the NAFO summit in Vilnius. Estonian Prime Minister Kaja Kallas congratulated the group on its first summit and tweeted, “Behind every Fella is a real person who believes in #Ukraine’s victory.”

The world has changed markedly in the more than three decades since political scientist Joseph S. Nye Jr. popularized the term “soft power” in the pages of Foreign Policy. When that article was published in 1990, the dust had barely settled on the ruins of the Berlin Wall, most American homes didn’t have a personal computer, and the first internet meme of a dancing baby was still a few years in the future. The notion of government ministers attending a wartime summit and taking time to praise smack-talking cartoon dogs would have struck many political observers as far-fetched.

​​Although the modern vernacular of soft and hard power implies opposition, since the earliest civilizations it has been more of a continuum. In ancient times, Hellenization spread throughout the known world in the wake of Alexander the Great’s army. Proselytizing priests followed in the footsteps of Spain’s conquistadors. Imperial China presented a cultural wall against the steppe as powerful as any fortifications. The information age has modified the nature of soft power but not human nature. As Russia’s full-scale war in Ukraine grinds on and governments in West Africa fall to coups, it’s evident that no surfeit of wishful thinking will reduce the appeal of hard power for some.

Today, many world leaders still reach for sports, language, food, music, and movies to advance their interests. These efforts aren’t inherently more persuasive than bullets or blockades, but it’s a much more pleasant and humane way of seeking to influence world events. Occasionally, soft power seems to work like a charm. The United Kingdom is widely viewed as having benefited from the recent royal pageantry, despite it coinciding with some messy political infighting in London’s Parliament. India certainly benefits to some degree from the widespread popularity of yoga and Bollywood, but the country’s status as a rising Asian nation and counterweight to China explains much of its appeal in the West.

Increasingly, some political representatives are taking the extra, and risky, step of engaging directly with global popular culture. China’s ambassador to the United States, for example, recently tweeted, “An American friend asked me: what kind of flower will grow out of China?” A torrent of responses cast doubt on this anecdote and questioned whether the ambassador had any notion of how Americans actually speak.

Advancing soft power through pop culture may get more difficult as the internet evolves. The NAFO fellas, for example, generally organize themselves on Twitter, which has been a popular platform for social movements from the Arab Spring to Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement. But Elon Musk’s rebranding of Twitter as “X” raises the question of whether the fellas will still be able to “tweet” and if anyone will notice if they do.

In a similar vein, Hollywood, which arguably did more in the 20th century to promote a beguiling image of the United States than the Marshall Plan or the Apollo program, is struggling with challenges at home and abroad. Labor strife casts doubts on new productions, artificial intelligence is encroaching, and competition from overseas is increasing. Content from Nigeria, Mexico, Germany, Japan, South Korea, and, of course, Bollywood is clamoring for the global attention span. Filmmaking can also backfire: Sony Pictures Entertainment suffered a major hack in 2014 that included threats to terrorize cinemas showing The Interview, a comedy about a plot to assassinate North Korea’s leader.

North Korea may be a touchy Hermit Kingdom. But South Korea’s K-pop, its brand of popular music, furnishes Seoul’s leaders with a deep well of soft power to draw from. In September 2021, when the United Nations opened the first fully in-person General Assembly in New York after lifting COVID-era restrictions, South Korea’s then-president, Moon Jae-in, invited the group BTS to sing and dance (and speak) their way through the U.N. headquarters as his special presidential envoys for future generations and culture. At the time, South Korea was riding high, having recently been catapulted into the top 10 largest economies in the world. Now, it has just been elected to the U.N. Security Council.

Sports and pop culture don’t have a monopoly on soft power. A little more than a decade ago, Russia was viewed favorably by nearly half of Americans. (Russia’s favorables have since dropped to single digits in the United States.) But with the possible exception of the dissident punk-rock band Pussy Riot, Russian pop culture was almost entirely unknown, then and now. Americans are more familiar with the cannons of Tchaikovsky’s 1812 Overture and the works of Dostoevsky and Tolstoy. Rudolf Nureyev and Mikhail Baryshnikov came to define classical dance; ironically, these Soviet defectors made ballet cool for a generation of Americans enrolled in classes during the Cold War. Only much later would some balletomanes understand that Nureyev self-identified as a Tatar and Baryshnikov as a Latvian.

Some government cultural campaigns are deliberately nostalgic. In 2020, Spain’s food ministry launched a campaign with the slogan El país más rico del mundo—which translates as either the “richest” or “tastiest” country in the world—plastering the motto on billboards in train stations and at bus stops. Centuries have passed since Spain had the world’s silver at its fingertips, but Spanish food and chefs are ubiquitous.

Language, and the pleasure of wordplay, is one of the most enduring aspects of a culture. Romance languages, a Roman legacy, flourished in medieval Europe. Many of the top-ranked countries in a recent survey of soft power subsidize global language schools, including Spain’s Cervantes Institute, Germany’s Goethe-Institut, China’s Confucius Institute, Italy’s Italian Cultural Institute, and the United Kingdom’s British Council. The guidepost has been France’s Alliance Française, which was founded independently by a circle of preeminent late 19th-century Parisians that included Jules Verne, Louis Pasteur, and Ferdinand de Lesseps, a French diplomat, developer of the Suez Canal, and leader of the plan to bring the Statue of Liberty to New York. French President Emmanuel Macron feted the 140th anniversary of the organization’s founding on July 21, remarking at a celebration at the Élysée presidential palace that the hundreds of schools scattered around the world, mostly underwritten by student fees, are “absolutely key for the diffusion of French culture but also of our values.”

Soft power may be pricey, but world leaders continue to pour money into a range of cultural offerings because they can’t be certain what will resonate. Last month, Macron and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi watched the Bastille Day parade in Paris, including a flyby of three French-made jets in the Indian Air Force. Modi’s visit concluded with an announcement that India would buy 26 more Dassault Rafale jets and three additional Scorpène-class submarines. This year, during a state visit to Beijing with plenty of cultural baggage, Macron sealed commercial deals for aircraft, cosmetics, financial products, and pork. Soon thereafter, a French television station called it a “jackpot” when the news broke that China had agreed to extend the stay of a pair of giant pandas at the ZooParc de Beauval in France’s Loire Valley. The zoo’s director had been among the entourage that had recently accompanied Macron to Beijing, which has a monopoly on pandas around the world.

Sports, especially hosting global events, can be an expensive and risky way to project soft power, and in some cases, countries have been accused of “sportswashing.” None of this is new. Adolf Hitler wanted the 1936 Berlin Olympics to showcase his Nazi regime; it showcased instead the superlative skills of Jesse Owens, the African American athlete who walked away with four gold medals. More recently, pro-Tibetan protesters stormed the field during an Olympic torch-lighting ceremony ahead of the 2008 Beijing Olympics. Last year, Qatar faced widespread criticism when it banned soccer fans from wearing rainbow gear into games because visible support for LGBTQ rights is prohibited in the socially conservative kingdom.

Currently, the thorniest debates center on the participation of Russian and Belarusian athletes and how to handle it when they face Ukrainian competitors, a headache that host countries probably had not envisioned when they bid for these events years ago. Some star Ukrainian athletes are refusing to shake hands with competitors from Russia or Belarus, which Moscow has used as a staging ground for its war in Ukraine. Some tennis fans, who may have thought they were witnessing poor sportsmanship, booed at the end of matches at Wimbledon and the French Open. Ukrainian fencer Olga Kharlan was disqualified after winning a world championship match in Milan for refusing to shake hands with her Russian opponent. She later posted a video on Instagram saying that what happened “raises a lot of questions.”

One question that hasn’t been answered is whether the fellas are making a real impact. Their social media messages have been so pointed, at least in part, because they echo the agitprop communication style developed by the Soviets to agitate nonbelievers and motivate the like-minded. But the fellas didn’t get their most cherished wish at NATO’s Vilnius summit, which ended without a major advance in Ukraine’s bid to join the security alliance.

The term “soft power” evokes more than wishful thinking, although that was certainly part of its appeal after the barbarism of the 20th century. Alongside other forms of persuasion, it can help a country cut trade deals, win friends, or join new clubs. Or not.

[ukrainenews]

Daily Wrap Up March 24-27, 2023

Under the cut:

Russia plans to station tactical nuclear weapons in neighboring Belarus, President Vladimir Putin said Saturday. Moscow will complete the construction of a special storage facility for tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus by the beginning of July, Putin told state broadcaster Russia 1.

Ukrainian authorities said two civilians were killed in a Russian missile attack on Ukraine's eastern Donetsk region Saturday.

Ukrainian authorities have concluded search and rescue operations on the site of Russian missile strikes in Sloviansk [on Monday], Pavlo Kyrylenko, head of the Donetsk region military administration, told national broadcasters on Monday. At least two people were killed and 32 were injured in the strike on the eastern city in the Donetsk region.

Ukraine shut the eastern town of Avdiivka to non-military personnel on Monday, describing it as a post-apocalyptic wasteland, as Kyiv tried to break the back of Russia's flagging winter offensive before a counter-assault of its own. A Ukrainian general said Kyiv was planning its next move after Moscow appeared to shift focus from the small city of Bakhmut, which Russia has failed to capture after several months of the war's bloodiest fighting, to Avdiivka further south.

Ukraine has received its first British main battle tanks, along with other donated Western-made armored vehicles, Defense Minister Oleksii Reznikov announced Monday.

The 18 Leopard 2 battle tanks pledged by Germany to support Ukraine in its war against Russia have arrived in Ukraine, the German Defence Ministry said on Monday.

“Russia plans to station tactical nuclear weapons in neighboring Belarus, President Vladimir Putin said Saturday.

Moscow will complete the construction of a special storage facility for tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus by the beginning of July, Putin told state broadcaster Russia 1.

He said Moscow had already transferred an Iskander short-range missile system, a device which can be fitted with nuclear or conventional warheads, to Belarus.

During the interview, Putin said Russia had helped Belarus convert 10 aircraft to make them capable of carrying tactical nuclear warheads and would start training pilots to fly the re-configured planes early next month.

Belarus, which is west of Russia on Ukraine’s long northern border, is among Moscow’s closest allies. It helped Russia launch its initial invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, allowing the Kremlin’s troops to enter the country from the north.

There have been fears throughout the conflict that Belarus will again be used as a launching ground for an offensive, or that Minsk’s own troops will join the conflict.

Putin’s remarks in the interview on Saturday build on comments made in December at a joint news conference with Lukashenko in Minsk, when the Russian leader said Moscow was training Belarusian pilots to fly jets capable of carrying a “special warhead.”

During that conference, and addressing the Russia leader, Lukashenko also said, “Today we’ve put the S-400 [air defense] system that you transferred to Belarus into a state of combat-readiness, and, most importantly, the Iskander system, which you have also handed over to us, after promising it half a year ago.”

Belarus has had no nuclear weapons on its territory since the early 1990s. Shortly after gaining independence following the collapse of the Soviet Union, it agreed to transfer all Soviet-era weapons of mass destruction stationed there to Russia.

Since invading Ukraine more than a year ago, Putin has used escalating rhetoric on a number of occasions, warning of the “increasing” threat of nuclear war and suggesting Moscow may abandon its “no first use” policy.

But for Ukraine, these plans are a sign that Putin is “afraid of losing.”

“Making a statement about tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus, he admits that he is afraid of losing and all he can do is scare with tactics,” Mykhailo Podolyak, adviser to the head of the Office of the President of Ukraine, tweeted Sunday.

Calling Putin “predictable,” Podolyak added that violating the nuclear non-proliferation treaty, once again shows “his involvement in the crime.”

In his interview Saturday, Putin said Moscow would retain control over any tactical nuclear weapons it stationed in Belarus.

He likened the move to Washington’s practice of stationing nuclear weapons in Europe to keep host countries, like Germany, from breaking their commitments as non-nuclear powers.

“We are not going to hand over control of nuclear weapons. The US doesn’t hand it over to its allies. We’re basically doing the same thing (US leaders) have been doing for a decade,” Putin said.

Although there is no guarantee that Putin will follow through with his plan to station the weapons in Belarus, any nuclear signaling by him will cause concern in the West.”-via CNN

~

“Ukrainian authorities said two civilians were killed in a Russian missile attack on Ukraine's eastern Donetsk region Saturday.

A man was killed in the city of Chasiv Yar, and a woman was killed in Toretsk city, Andriy Yermak, the head of the Ukrainian president’s office, said in a Telegram post Saturday.

This comes after three people were killed in an overnight Russian missile attack on the city of Kostantynivka in Donetsk region Friday.

The city has been struck with increasing frequency by Russian missiles, especially the inaccurate S-300. Kostantynivka lies about 20 kilometers (12 miles) west of the embattled city of Bakhmut.”-via CNN

~

“Ukrainian authorities have concluded search and rescue operations on the site of Russian missile strikes in Sloviansk [on Monday], Pavlo Kyrylenko, head of the Donetsk region military administration, told national broadcasters on Monday.

“The rubble removal has finished,” Kyrylenko said. “All the injured are being provided with the medical treatment, including being taken to the hospitals of the neighbouring regions.”

At least two people were killed and 32 were injured in the strike on the eastern city in the Donetsk region.

“Those whose home was destroyed are provided with the list of possible temporary dwelling places, offered to evacuate,” he added.”-via CNN

~

“Ukraine shut the eastern town of Avdiivka to non-military personnel on Monday, describing it as a post-apocalyptic wasteland, as Kyiv tried to break the back of Russia's flagging winter offensive before a counter-assault of its own.

A Ukrainian general said Kyiv was planning its next move after Moscow appeared to shift focus from the small city of Bakhmut, which Russia has failed to capture after several months of the war's bloodiest fighting, to Avdiivka further south.

The Ukrainian Armed Forces General Staff said in a Monday evening update that Russian forces were still trying to storm Bakhmut and had shelled the city and surrounding towns.

Front lines in Ukraine have barely budged for more than four months despite a Russian winter offensive. The Ukrainian military aims to wear down Russian forces before mounting a counteroffensive.

Ukrainian ground forces commander Colonel General Oleksandr Syrskyi, who said last week the counterattack could come "very soon", visited frontline troops in the east and said his forces were still repelling Russian attacks on Bakhmut.

Defending the small city in the industrialised Donbas region was a "military necessity", Syrskyi said, praising Ukrainian resilience in "extremely difficult conditions".

Last week, the Ukrainian military warned that Avdiivka, a smaller town 90 km (55 miles) further south, could become a "second Bakhmut" as Russia turns its attention there.

Both towns have been reduced to rubble in fighting that both sides have called a "meat grinder". Russian forces say they are fighting street by street.

"I am sad to say this, but Avdiivka is becoming more and more like a place from post-apocalyptic movies," said Vitaliy Barabash, head of the city's military administration. Only around 2,000 of a pre-war population of 30,000 remain and he urged them to leave.

Ukrainian military video showed smoke billowing from ruined apartment blocks and dead soldiers on open ground and in trenches in Bakhmut.

Kyiv also said Russian forces again shelled Vuhledar, further south in the Donetsk region, where they have tried to advance for weeks with what the Ukrainian military says are heavy losses.

Two people were killed and 32 wounded on Monday after Russian forces fired two S-300 missiles at the eastern city of Sloviansk northwest of Bakhmut, according to regional governor Pavlo Kyrylenko. Moscow denies targeting civilians.

In Russia, residents of Kireyevsk, 220 km (140 miles) south of Moscow, reacted angrily to damage from what the defence ministry said was a Ukrainian drone it downed there on Sunday.

The ministry said three people were injured and apartment blocks were hit. It was among the closest such incidents to the Russian capital so far.

"We were used to seeing these things only online but now we've felt it ourselves. Now we know how it is," 62-year-old Kireyevsk resident Yuri Ovchinnikov told Reuters as Russian soldiers combed the area around the damaged buildings.

There was no official comment from Kyiv. Ukrainian officials generally do not respond to reports of attacks within Russia, though they have sometimes celebrated them without accepting culpability.”-via Reuters

~

“Ukraine has received its first British main battle tanks, along with other donated Western-made armored vehicles, Defense Minister Oleksii Reznikov announced Monday.

“Today, I had the honor to test the newest addition to our armored units together with the commander of the Airborne Forces, Major General Maksym 'Mike' Myrhorodskyi, and our paratroopers,” Reznikov said in a Facebook post.

He specified that they received Challengers (main battle tanks) from the United Kingdom, Strykers (infantry fighting vehicles) and Cougars (infantry mobility vehicles from the mine-resistant ambush-protected family) from the United States, and Marders (infantry fighting vehicles) from Germany.

Reznikov went on to thank Ukrainian allies for their continued support.

“A year ago, no one could have imagined that the support of our partners would be so strong. That the entire civilized world would reboot and eventually resist the bloody aggressor, the terrorist country of Russia,” he said. “This year, everything has changed. Ukraine has changed the world. The resilience of the Ukrainian people and the skill of our army convinced everyone that Ukraine will win.” He added that the "new equipment will keep good company with its 'brothers' on the battlefield."

Chancellor Olaf Scholz said Germany had also delivered sought-after German Leopard 2 tanks to Ukraine.

“Yes, we delivered Leopard tanks as we announced," Scholz said during a joint news conference with Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte in Rotterdam on Monday. Germany previously pledged 18 Leopard 2 tanks to Ukraine. The modern tanks are known for being fast and fuel-efficient. “Germany and the Netherlands have jointly delivered howitzers and ammunition and are just preparing, together with Denmark, to deliver Leopard 1 main battle tanks to support Ukraine,“ Scholz said, adding that Germany had “just now delivered“ also the “very modern" tanks.

Some background: The arrival of the Leopard 2 tanks comes after months of debate. German officials wavered on sending the tanks to Ukraine, saying they were waiting for the US to send its own M1 Abrams to Kyiv.

President Volodymyr Zelensky has repeatedly pleaded for countries to stop arguing about sending the tanks.

“We have talked hundreds of times about the shortage of weapons," he said during a virtual appearance at the World Economic Forum meeting in Davos in January. "We cannot go only on motivation."”-via CNN

~

“The 18 Leopard 2 battle tanks pledged by Germany to support Ukraine in its war against Russia have arrived in Ukraine, the German Defence Ministry said on Monday.

Germany agreed in January to supply the tanks, regarded as among the best in the West's arsenal, overcoming misgivings about sending heavy weaponry that Kyiv says is crucial to defeat Russia's invasion but Moscow casts as a dangerous provocation.

"I'm sure that they can make a decisive contribution on the front," German Defence Minister Boris Pistorius said in a tweet.

Besides the 18 tanks, 40 German Marder infantry fighting vehicles, and two armoured recovery vehicles had also reached Ukraine, a security source said.

The German army trained the Ukrainian tank crews as well as the troops assigned to operate the Marder vehicles for several weeks in Muenster and Bergen in northern Germany.

As well as the German vehicles, three Leopard tanks donated by Portugal also reached Ukraine, the security source said.”-via Reuters

[warsofasoiaf]

Mearsheimer Realism

Do you have a take on the realist school of though seen from people like John Mearsheimer? Was listening to an interview he did that made some interesting points about ethics vs realism in foreign policy as well as the end of the unipolar world situation following the cold war. Boiled down to we need to concede on Ukraine and get Russia more aligned with the west to contain China, its not possible to do both and China is more of a threat. I can see the value of this kind of arguments but its very much at odds with some of the more morally informed view about the US opposing tyrants and smaller nations rights etc that you have at times expressed on the blog and I wanted to know if you had a take. 

In short: it’s wrong, and despite being named “realism” is grounded in fiction.

For one, the growing Russia-China alliance was always going to happen. As Russia declined further into geopolitical irrelevance, Putin’s choice was to either fade away or attempt to force a return to the past by acting as the champion of a bloc to resurrect the old Cold War. He opted for the latter, and given Russia’s anemic GDP, its only recourse was to act as a bully on the world stage. To hope for Russian support against China is a fantasy - China and Russia’s growing closeness grows out of a desire to push other countries out of what they see as their spheres of influence. Even a Russia that was downright hostile to China would demand US withdrawal from Eastern Europe. If the point of realism is that countries govern according to their national interests, power politics, and self-preservation, then Russia is always going to seek confrontation with the United States because the US, EU, and NATO emerged as a credible and desirable alternative to the Russian sphere of influence after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

For two, Russia has used a variety of coercive measures against its neighbors for decades, attempting to export instability and maintain a stranglehold on the near-abroad. Under the Mearsheimer model, Russia started to be provoked with the 2008 increased NATO dialogues with Ukraine (and Georgia), but Russia had already been meddling in Ukraine years earlier, attempting to rig the 2004-2005 elections or enacting energy sanctions against Kyiv for not showing enough deference to Moscow throughout the 1990′s and early 2000′s. From the get-go, Russia is a perennially paranoid, hostile world actor attempting to export instability as a means to preserve its own influence as opposed to a sober, rational actor that sought to preserve its own power. So to expect them to align themselves and act as a good-faith actor is a pipe dream.

So yeah, it’s not only wrong from an idealistic perspective, but from a practical one as well. Should someone like Ramaswamy (who also argues for this) get into power, Putin will laugh, take everything they’re willing to give away, and continue turning his nation into a Chinese client-state all out of a vain desire to recreate the old Cold War where Russia mattered.

Thanks for the question, Esq.

SomethingLikeALawyer, Hand of the King

[onlyonewoman]

Sometimes I feel like we forget how fast the world has changed in 34 years and how we keep forgetting that it's not really about the time, but the vast gap between what was possible in 1989 and 2023. I was 6 years old and probably doing some autumn themed stuff in kindergarten November 9th 1989, like gluing leaves on a paper or drawing mushrooms. It was a Thursday and I was too young to know about the Berlin wall or the fact that there were two Germanys. After all, I lived way up north in Europe and the first news from outside my country I can truly remember seeing, was the horrible Romanian orphanages with pictures of children kept basically in cages. I knew nothing about world wars or any wars for that matter and since my parents weren't metal fans, I obviously didn't know about a German band called Scorpions either. In 1989, I didn't know that the big map of Europe in my sister's geography book was about to change completely. The 90's recession hit hard and getting new books to schools wasn't easy, when thinking about how suddenly, we had 19(!) "new" countries instead of Soviet Union, East and West Germany and Czechoslovakia. Think about it! We went from these 4 countries: - Soviet Union - East Germany - West Germany - Czechoslovakia to 18: - Armenia - Azerbaijan - Belorussia (now Belarus) - Czech Republic - Estonia - Georgia - Germany - Kazakhstan - Kirgiziya (now Kyrgyzstan) - Latvia - Lithuania - Moldavia (now Moldova), - Russia - Slovakia - Tajikistan - Turkmenistan - Ukraine - Uzbekistan And then, barely 3 years later, when I was in third grade, the Yugoslavian war started and the maps in our then new Geography books went obsolete again. 1994, Internet wasn't yet a thing and we got classmates from countries we'd never heard of, learning that there was no longer a place called Yugoslavia, but in fact 6 to add to the increasing list: - Slovenia - Croatia - Bosnia - Herzegovina - Kosovo - Macedonia For a long, long time, these 24 countries were 5 and what little a kid would know about them, came in the shape of already obsolete world altas books and tv news we were too young to understand. Suddenly, many of us got new classmates from these new places and the names of Bosnia, Croatia and Slovenia especially stuck. We saw pictures from Sarajevo on the news and when we turned 12/13 and started 7th grade, our new history books had a picture of a smiling East German soldier and a smiling West German woman pouring champagne from the Berlin wall. Heavy metal wasn't popular anymore but everyone and their goldfish knew Scorpion's "Wind Of Change" from 1990: "The wind of change blows straight into the face of time Like a storm wind that will ring the freedom bell for peace of mind Let your balalaika sing what my guitar wants to say (say)

Take me (take me) to the magic of the moment On a glory night (a glory night) Where the children of tomorrow share their dreams (share their dreams) With you and me (you and me)" This is not my old ass trying to tell young people here on this hellsite about the past, but time and pace - and the dangers of taking democracy, peace and stability for granted. Never in my life had I imagined another full scaled war in Europe after the horrors of Yugoslavian wars. I TRULY believed the likes of Putin and Lukasjenko would see how pointless, reckless and just... bonkers a war in Europe would be in these times. I GENUINLY didn't think I'd be listening to news of Russian soldiers demolishing a peaceful neighbor in 2022. I NEVER anticipated a Brexit and the potential risks it means for Northern Ireland, where there's been a declared, official peace only since 2007. Well, what's the fucking point of this history rambling from a 40-year-old relic? you may ask. The answer is simple. My classmates' Sarajevo in 1994, is just an older version of your collegues, neighbors etc. coming from Ukraine 2022. That my wild hope for this atrocious genocide at least will end in another Haag Tribunal, like the one the murderers like the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. I want to see Putin and his lackeys put on trial like Slobodan Milošević, Ratko Mladić, Tihomir Blaškić and other war criminals in the Yugoslavian war. Putin is just like them and there is no forgiveness and no excuses, no reasons even remotely acceptable for his war crimes. The massacres in Butja and demolition and ransacking of Kiev is no different than the bombings of Sarajevo. The images are the same and I NEED you to understand how these types of war stems from the sick grandiosity minds of despotes living in the past, dreaming of ancient "glory" because they are small, insignificant men who can't bear the thought of being slighted. You ALSO need to understand why Europe as a whole was so wholly unprepared for this. It's because we, as every other human population on Earth, really can't bear to constantly think the worst of our neighbors. We thought the times of war on this scale were behind us, not because we're better than others - HELL NO! - but because most of us thought everyone realised there were more to lose in a war than could be gained. We didn't anticipate that for the likes of Putin, "Wind Of Change" was never a song about hope for a brighter future, but more like a song of mourning.

Putin was 38, two years younger than me when the Soviet Empire began to collaps and we overlooked his crushed dreams and need for revenge - and the price he was willing to pay himself to go for it. Volodymyr Zelenskyj is 5 years my senior, one year older than my big sister. I try picturing him in 1989 as an 11-year-old, sitting in a classroom somewhere in Ukraine at the same time as my sister did, 10 years old. How both of them in their respective language had geography lessons with suddenly obsolete maps and how what was merely a piece of information for my sister, was reality for Volodymyr. Volodymyr in 1989 had no idea he'd one day lead Ukraine through a war as horrendous as the one that would break out in Yugoslavia 3 years later.

This, my youngsters on this precious hellsite, is why you can't declare people over 25 out of touch or ignorant or unable to change as soon as we don't live up to whatever standard of Internet purity setting the mood for the day. I NEED YOU TO KNOW HOW MUCH THE WORLD HAS CHANGED! I need you to understand how difficult it is for a small human being to know which leg to stand on at times, that it's okay to be wrong and that walls will be built and torn down, old contries dying and new ones rising in their ashes in what a while later will seem like a blink of an eye. I don't have to imagine Volodymyr or my sister hearing Wind Of Change on the radio in two different countries, not knowing English well enough to understand the lyrics and definitely not knowing how much the world would change before their eyes. I don't have to, because I was there too, just a few years younger and still gluing autumn leaves on paper with my classmates in kindergarten. And at the same time, somewhere in Sarajevo, a girl who'd become my friend and classmate in 4th grade, didn't know she'd see her hometown bombed to ashes and move hundreds of miles away, learning a new, difficult language and read the same obsolete geography book as I did - with a map that didn't show her country.

I want, so bad, for you people here too young to remember this, to take a moment and realise the nothing but astonishing changes that have taken place long before any you were born and how slow the news traveled before the Internet. Don't take this as a scolding because it's absolutely NOT! This is me urging you to be more gentle with yourselves, your peers and older as well as younger people because while history does repeat itself, it rarely does it in the same place or the same pattern. Milosevic or Putin, Radic or Prigozjin - different names but still coldhearted murderers and just as Milosevic didn't get to erase Bosnia-Herzegovina and Sarajevo from the maps, there is just no alternative in any fucking world, that Putin should be allowed to erase Ukraine and it's cities and people and culture. To all of you who's first present day images from a war in the West were those from Butja and Kiev: talk to people you know who are in their 40's and older. They might be able to tell you about the Berlin wall, the Soviet Empire and how a German rock group wrote a song that would be significant for what people hoped for when I was still gluing leaves and learning the names of the months, miles and miles away from the place where people older than me were starting to literally tear a wall down. Stand with Ukraine, stand on the right side of history and don't forget how close the past is, even when times truly seem to spin faster than ever.