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Anarchist Resistance In Prison: Jennifer A. Rose and Comrade Z

Anarchist Resistance In Prison: Jennifer A. Rose and Comrade Z

On this podcast minisode, we feature the voices of two incarcerated comrades: Jennifer Amelie Rose and Comrade Z. Both chats were conducted through the mail and are voiced by comrades in the Channel Zero Network.

Jennifer Rose

[04:07-12:12]

First you’ll hear Jennifer Rose. Jennifer, formerly known as Jennifer Gann, is a member of the Fire Ant Collective which just released it’s 6th issue and is due to put out another very soon. She is a trans woman who came up in the southern California punk scene, became politicized and began organizing inside of prison since the late 1990’s. Jennifer Rose has a parole hearing that she could use support letters for coming up on July 28th, 2020 and also more letters in support of her commutation application. Read the transcription below. You can learn more about Jennifer Rose’s case by visiting BabyGirlGann.noblogs.org where you can find out how to donate to her legal fund. You can read issues of Fire Ant Journal up at BloomingtonABC.noblogs.org. And you can write to Jennifer at:

Jennifer Rose E – 23852 Salinas Valley State Prison D3-1250 P.O. Box 1050 Soledad, CA 93960

You can find out how to format support letters, you can email her lawyer, Richard Rutledge at [email protected] or write to Mr Rutledge at: Richard Rutledge, Attorney At Law 7960 B Soquel Drive #354 Aptos, CA 95003

You can write letters of support to the Board of Parole Hearings on behalf of Jennifer by addressing them to the following address:

Board of Parole Hearings Post Office Box 4036 Sacramento, CA 95812-4036

And you can write to the CA governor, Gavin Newsom on Jennifer’s behalf by addressing them to:

Governor Gavin Newsom 1303 10th Street, Suite 1173 Sacramento, CA 95814

Comrade Z

[13:17-33:49]

Since this was conducted in writing, Jennifer’s words are being voiced by Margaret Killjoy, the host of the podcasts ‘Live Like The World is Dying’ and ‘We Will Remember Freedom’, both members of the Channel Zero Network.

Then, we’ll hear from Comrade Z, aka Julio Alex Zuniga, an anarchist prisoner in Texas, about the situation at the Darrington Unit. Comrade Z was mentioned by Jason Renard Walker at the end of our interview that we aired on April 19, 2020. Although all three conversations cover some hard to listen to subject matter, we want to give a special warning to Comrade Z’s portion, which talks in detail about terrible conditions at Darrington and discusses suicide and death of prisoners. You can read another interview with Comrade Z that appeared recently on ItsGoingDown.org and you can check out and/or purchase his artwork on instagram by viewing @julioazunigaart. Thanks to Matt Brodnax for helping us set this interview up and his support for Comrade Z.

You can write to Comrade Z at:

Julio A. Zuniga #1961551 Darrington Unit 59 Darrington Rd. Rosharon, TX 77583

Jason Goudlock

As a closing note, I had hoped to share recent words from Jason Goudlock, currently incarcerated at Toledo CI in Ohio, give a brief update on his situation and how the ODRC is not handling covid-19 however technical difficulties got in the way. Suffice to say, prisoners were still being transferred into Toledo CI shortly before April 15th, prisoners were not given any significant protective gear nor cleaning supplies and folks were starting to get sick. Learn about Jason’s case, watch the documentary about him and find out how to support him at FreeJasonGoudlock.org. You can reach Jason via jpay email or write him at

Jason William Goudlock, #284-561 PO Box 80033 Toledo, OH 43608

. ... . ..

Transcription of Jennifer Rose interview

TFSR: Could you please introduce yourself for the audience? Who are you and where are you?

Jennifer Rose: I’m glad to hear from you and happy to have this opportunity to participate in The Final Straw Radio.

So, to introduce myself, my name is Jennifer Rose. I’m a a trans woman incarcerated in California and currently held at Salinas Valley State Prison, a men’s facility.

TFSR: Can you tell us a bit about where you came from and how you came to be incarcerated?

Jennifer Rose:I’m from Southern California, born and raised in Riverside, and spent my teenage years living in Huntington Beach (Orange County). I was in the 1980’s punk rock scene around the L.A. area doing a lot of drinking and drugs which led to my involvement in an attempted robbery and another armed robbery for which I was jailed, convicted and sent to prison for seven years.

TFSR: How did you become politicized?

Jennifer Rose: While I was serving my time at Folsom Prison, I became involved in prison protests and abolitionist struggle, for which I was targeted, placed in solitary confinement and beaten by guards.

This is how I became politicized as a prison rebel, resisting brutality and torture, sabotaging and breaking a dozen prison cell windows in the inhumane ‘Ad-Seg’ unit. I was involved in the gladiator fights where guards encouraged racial violence and then shot at us with 9mm assault rifles using live ammo. There were additional charges brought against me for attacking a pig officer, for weapon possession, and for two assaults on a state prosecutor and associate warden. For these I was given a 25 years-to-life sentence under the ‘three strikes’ law. This was around 1995 and 1996.

TFSR: Can you talk about the struggle of being a woman in a male-assigned prison? What sort of support have you received and what sorts of hurdles?

Jennifer Rose: To answer your question about being a transwoman in a men’s facility, we have faced the most adverse circumstances imaginable. From the discriminatory harassment and brutality of the pigs, to the hatred and violence of other prisoners, and even rapes and murder! This has began to change more recently, at last in California with many legal reforms and court victories.

I have been able to find widespread support from outside groupls like Black & Pink and TGI Justice project, among others. Also, lots of support among abolitionist and anarchist collectives, and the extended family of LGBTQ prisoners. The main hurdles we face continue to be our unsafe housing conditions, exposure to homophobic and transmisogynist violence from gangs, domestic and sexual violence. We are in a very disadvantageous situation facing the various types of gender violence on a daily!

TFSR: Is there anything else you’d like to say about how you discovered anarchism and what inspires you about anarchy?

Jennifer Rose: I became politicized during the 1991 Folsom Prison Food Strike, which was a protest against proposed visiting restrictions that cut our visiting days from four times a week to twice (weekends and holidays). Just prior to this, I was given a copy of the anarchist zine Love & Rage by another prisoner and had also been influenced by Jailhouse Lawyers to educate myself about so-called legal rights and remedies for which I became a strong advocate.

Eventually I would learn the hard way that the pigs don’t give a fuck about the law, or peoples rights. It’s only used at their convenience as a tool of social control and criminalization of marginalized people and communities. The people thing that inspires me about Anarchy is the simplicity of the idea, of abolishing the State and it’s illegitimate Power. They claim their Authority from God and Natural Law… and originally as white male property owners under colonial government. That’s crap! I love the basic concept of Anarchy, which is Freedom! It’s basic principles of voluntary cooperation and mutual aid, non-hierarchy and autonomous collectives, internationalism and solidarity, etc.

TFSR: Have you been able to do much organizing within prison? If so, around what sorts of issues and how did it go?

Jennifer Rose: I’ve done a lot of organizing within prisons, including legal advocacy and ‘jailhouse lawyer’ work, as former leadership in Black & Pink and working with TGI Justice Project to change discriminatory policies and improve living conditions for trans women in the men’s prisons. We’ve had a lot of success and made progress over the past 12 years or so, including betteer access to basic trans health care (e.g. hormones, surgery, etc), access to and inclusion in prison programs and job assignments, accommodation of women’s clothing and cosmetics and more awareness of and prevention of sexual abuse among other things. I am currently awaiting an approved gender affirming surgery and transfer to a women’s facility sometime this year!

TFSR: You mentioned in a letter with me that you organized briefly with Maoists. Are you now or have you ever been a Maoist (that’s a Senator McCarthy joke)? But, really, how did that happen? What was that like?

Jennifer Rose: As for Maoists, yes, I did work with MIM-Prisons for a while which offered study group sand worked directly with prisoners on many projects. I carried on a dialogue with them via correspondence, often debating with them over my anarchist sympathies and their political line on gender and State power (their ‘Dictatorship of the Proletariat’). I did think I could work within that Maoist framework at one point, but eventually had to reject the ideological bickering sectarianism of Maoists. I’ve always been an anarchist at heart, even when I went through this stage in my personal development. Eventually I came in contact with insurrectionary anarchist writings from Greek comrades in the FAI-IRF and CCF, which I was strongly influenced by, and developed friendships with like-minded comrades.

TFSR: You’re a collective member of Fire Ant. Can you talk about the project and what part you play in it?

Jennifer Rose: I’m extremely proud of my involvement as a member of the Fire Ant collective. The project started as a concept I was discussing with several different comrades via regular correspondence, including Robcat, Michael Kimble, Sean Swain and Bloomington ABC. We all had similar ideas of trying to organize and faciliate a national or international anarchist prisoner conference where we could bring together the collective voice of imprisoned anarchist rebels, perhaps publish a paper, start a support fund to raise funds and material aid, and generally build anarchist prisoner solidarity in a way we haven’t yet seen!

We’ve always had ABC and National Jericho Movement mainly focus on leftist ‘political prisoners.’ Many imprisoned anarchists are not recognized as ‘political.’ In point of fact, we are anti-political! However, we believe that ALL prisons are political. Anyways, the part I played is pulling all these comrades’ ideas together, and putting them in direct contact about this exciting project.

Once Robcat offered to facilitate a zine, Bloomington ABC offered to provide printing and distribution free! And they also halready had a support fund set up. So we all pulled together and formed the Fire Ant collective. Robcat came up with the name and we all contributed to the zine connecting our individual and collective struggles from prisons across the U.S. and internationally! I’m proud to be an accomplice in this seditious conspiracy toward worldwide anarchist insurgency.

TFSR: There have been some victories of recent in your sentence. Can you talk about what happened?

Jennifer Rose: As far as my recent sentence reduction on October 28, 2019, this only affected one of my sentences for assault and battery on the prosecutor, a ‘non-serious’ felony, which was knocked down from 25-years-to-life to 8 years. Yay!

TFSR: Similarly, you were telling me of improvements in the conditions of your confinement as relates to gender, right? And what are next steps for you and what can listeners do to support you and try to hasten your release?

Jennifer Rose: My next steps are getting my surgery, transferring to a women’s facility, and a parole suitability hearing on July 28, 2020 with the Board of Parole Hearings (BPH). The greatest support comes in the form of letters to the Board and/or the Governor advocating for my release, and any amount of commissary funds which I can receive via jpay.com.

TFSR: I’m not sure if you’re much of a reader, but do you have any book suggestions for the audience?

Jennifer Rose: As for recommended reading, I would strongly suggest the Emma Goldman autobiography and Assata Shakur autobiography, Michelle Alexander’s ‘The New Jim Crow’, and anything by Butch Lee, Sean Swain or Greek insurrectionary anarchists of CCF!

TFSR: Any comrades you want to shout out on the show?

Jennifer Rose: Shoutouts to Robcat, Breezy, Michael Kibmle, Sean Swain, Eric King, Marius Mason, Jeremy Hammond, Sacramento Prisoner Support, Nashville ABC, Nadja in Bloomington and Chelsea Manning! And in case I missed someone, solidarity to all anarchists and antifascists! Thank you for your efforts in the struggle. To The streets!!! Thank you!

. ... . ..

Transcription of Comrade Z interview

TFSR: Would you please introduce yourself for the audience? Who you are, where you are, how you got there?

Comrade Z: Hello Everyone, Thank you for having me on The Final Straw. It's an honor. My name is Julio A. Zuniga. Alex is what everyone calls me, or Comrade Z for those who are standing with me 10 toes down in solidarity.

I am a survivor of B-Line solitary confinement at Dirty Darrington Unit and currently trying to reach out to activists and anarchists in the area who can help me organize a statewide work stoppage. Enemy of the State and of the Dirty Darrington administration, my whole heart and soul is hellbent on bringing the attention of the entire nation to the administration and it's human rights violations, cruel and unusual punishment, physical assaults by staff, mailroom policy changes, inadequate law library, commissary price gouging, infestation of roaches, mice and spiders, sewage leaks in the cells, constant power outages, the list goes on and on. The torture tactics are of primary concern because it's driving people to die by suicide. So far it's been 1 suicide per year since I've been here. How I got here was because abolitionists in East Texas rose up against Telford Unit, for Housing Administrative Segregation inmates at that facility without telling the surrounding community about it. They were against it. People of New Boston, TX and Texarkana found out about TDCJ housing G4 and G5 offenders because an Officer Davison was murdered by a solitary confinement offender who was being tortured by Telford Unit by withholding his mail and refusing him basics he needed, like food. This caused the entire town to begin the takedown of wardens and the torture of all inmates by using lockdowns for 90 days or more, then by stopping all hot meals for an entire year in 2017. So, since that officer died in 2015, it was the people who brought forth change to that unit. It is now a pre-release unit, no administrative segregation offenders and no solitary confinement. I was not blessed with any kind of support, so I intentionally got into trouble just so they could ship me off. Best move I ever made, so I thought. However, that is how I ended up here.

TFSR: What can you tell the listeners about Darrington Unit and your experience being held by the TDCJ?

CZ: The Dirty Darrington Unit is a hub unit. Thousands of inmates pass through here weekly, transferring to other units, coming off of UTMB Medical Branch at Galveston, or Psyche Unit Jester 4. Some of them are bleeding, soiled in feces and urine. All mentally ill persons coming off Jester 4 have had no kind of hygiene for over 3 days. All these lay over cells are so unsanitary it takes a healthy person 24 hours to get sick by sleeping in one of these cells. There is nothing humane about that. They usually house people with wrong custody levels, endangering lives at will, resulting in physical and sexual assaults. It's Dirty Darrington's specialty.

I encourage you to ask administration how many lives Dirty Darrington has claimed because they refused to help suicidal inmates. Also, how administration uses offenders to snitch on others with a false hope of beating a disciplinary case, then throw them back into population, leaving them to kill themselves behind the dishonor. On the 2nd week of November 2019, a guy killed himself after spilling the beans on others. When he asked them to help him because he felt suicidal, they ignored him. This is the suicide I witnessed that really proved verbatim the words Sean Swain voices in Last Act of the Circus Animals. When Rico killed himself, the show was like Cirque de Soleil. You had every basic need availed to you – blankets, mattresses, toilet paper, toothbrushes, toothpaste, cleaning materials, officers serving trays like they do in population with full portions. They even gave us light bulbs. It was disgusting to see it. You saw paint crews, utility crews, the works. For a week the unit experienced humanity, but once the coast was clear and the administration got away with murder, it was back to torture tactics, a pattern I have seen one too many times on Dirty Darrington.

Overall my experience has been depressing, lonely, stressful, painful. I've seen this administration use psychological torture for 23 months straight, for this is how long I've been held in solitary confinement. Only recently was I magically released and placed in E-Line (G5) administrative segregation - the filthy administrative segregation area that is notorious for roach infestations, no lighting in showers, no restrooms on the rec yard so if you have to urinate or have a bowel movement you are going to on the same area men play basketball. Fecal matter is all over the floor and people wonder how they got sick. Easy – as soon as you come in from outside rec, they serve chow. If you have been playing basketball then munch on your baked chicken, then suck the grease off your fingers. You just sucked on chicken flavored fecal matter and urine. Dirty Darrington knows exactly what it's doing. Environmental disaster, B-Line, E-Line, G-Line, A-Line, C-Line, D-Line are all torture areas. In the winter it's cold showers. In the summer they heat your water for you. No coincidence. There is so much more. There are over 200 men in administrative segregation and solitary confinement on Dirty Darrington. Some men are going through it worse because they believe this is normal prison policy. It's not. I'm here to expose this unit and it's human rights violations. I appreciate you hearing me out.

TFSR: It's hard to imagine that the staff and administration aren't aware of the conditions there. Are they showing any signs of working to fix the situation?

CZ: I knew something was terribly wrong with this unit when it runs through 4 wardens in less than 2 years. They are aware of every single atrocity. They personally handle all grievances and it's rare an inmate ever wins on Step 1. They have to go all the way to Huntsville with their grievance to get fair treatment. By that time it's been 60 days solid since the claim was made.

It's designed this way to ensure we never win any kind of grievance claim. Another way, as it is now, that they refuse us grievances all together on Dirty Darrington because they also are aware that if they hand them out they will be reading grievances for years. They know this place is crumbling to pieces. If it rains outside it rains inside too. The guards look like underwater welders when it rains. They wear rain coats indoors to stay dry. Nothing is being done except punishment and enslavement. I am on a mission to learn from outside sources how to organize, to create a psychological warfare on this administration in the name of all the dead that could not deal with their torture chambers and for the mentally ill who cannot speak out against them who are, as we speak, living in horrible conditions on Major Pharr's solitary confinement. It's only a matter of time before another death by suicide. We can thank Dirty Darrington's Administrative Segregation ringmasters for imposing torture on the already weak men by starving them, by withholding their mail, by refusing mailroom to give them pictures of loved ones or birthday cards, or by sending their shakedown team to physically abuse them and confiscate their property. It's all designed to break you. It's happening every day.

TFSR: How do the conditions you've described above affect the health of prisoners? What's the condition of physical and mental healthcare available at Darrington Unit?

CZ: Personally I don't get sick easy, but since being on Dirty Darrington I've had a serious sinus infection, primarily from the mold in the showers and the dust that carries all kinds of germs. As far as psyche at Dirty Darrington goes, it's got potential. As far as physical, you've got the infamous Nazi doctor Speer, extorting everyone, but not giving adequate care to anyone. If you get sick they still allow this idiot to practice. Nothing gets done about his childish outbursts. He once tried to do a rectal exam on me, He said it was my yearly check-up. This was the first time I met him. As he stood up and slapped on a latex glove my spidey-sense told me to ask a simple question, “What's the name on the computer, sir?” He said “You're Contreras #... blah blah blah” I was like “I'm out!” I've had problems with this doctor ever since, namely because retaliation is a trend on Dirty Darrington when you file a grievance. I tried to explain to everyone what this man tried to do. No one tried to help. He's still here. All my medical treatment was taken away by this man for no reason other than I am or was chronic care hypoglycemic. If you have heat restrictions, work restrictions, anything that will make your ailment easier to handle Dr. Speer will terminate it and then send you into a Twilight Zone of sick calls, just so he can charge the co-pay. Others – he refuses to treat simply because it's not life or death.

TFR: Can you talk about the suicides that you've been aware of during your time and are there any in particular you'd like to reflect on? Are there any strings that tie the circumstances together?

CZ: Well, I've been on Dirty Darrington for two years, going on three. I got screwed out of my legal work, got all my medical restrictions taken away, basically because I am indigent and I have no one on the outside to call here and raise a fuss, which is the only time you see inmates get what they need.

So, B-Line 3rd row, 15th cell, 2018 – A young man hung himself. The image of a nurse chest compressing this man never left me. It really caused me a lot of anger. It was senseless. It taught me just how they break men's minds. It would disgust you. I remember this older man who would wake up screaming and just slowly, losing all reality, these torturers left him in that cell with a stack of trays, full of food with dead mice and roaches that he would just stack up toward the end of his sanity. Inmates could smell death. They tried to talk to him but couldn't stand the stench of death. So, they brought Captain Lance the kitchen boss to remove the trays, stacked 20 high. But, you cannot talk to a broken man. He was a vessel, nothing more. After 2 canisters of pepper spray, still nothing until finally Captain Lance had the courage to tell administrators that he was no longer right. It was his voice that forced them to send him off that night, never to be seen again. For months they left that man in this condition. It's happening now. This is normal? I'm not trying to hear that.

For these men, I ask to be armed with support, to feed the torturers a taste of their own medicine. I opened my eyes all the way at this past suicide in November 2019. I'm done talking. We need a bombardment of activism, protest, support. We need an uprising so this administration will be forced to take responsibility for all their fuckery.

One thing I know is we have nothing to gain for staying in good standing. “Good time credit” is not counting toward parole. “Work time credit” is another tool they have to control prisoners. Only the prisoners that still believe in the tooth fairy are too scared to accept this fact. People have tried for years to have these laws passed. Republicans are not interested in helping us. With a statewide work stoppage we will bring all these men's dreams to fruition. We need to spread these facts to the entire state and shut it down. Stop slaving for your ringmasters. You want a real change, stop doing your slave jobs. Stop putting money in politicians pockets and ask them to put it your account to pay for the work you do. Slave days ended over 150 years ago – Why do you volunteer to work for the oppressor? Those of you who have no one, wouldn't you like to support yourself in prison instead of risking solitary confinement for stealing food to sell in your living areas for hygiene. I can go on and on.

TFSR: What are working conditions like the prisoners incarcerated by the TDCJ as you've experienced? What sort of privileges come along with work, what sort of pay (if any), and sort of work is it?

CZ: They work these guys to exhaustion. They do not pay. The work is back breaking. No one will receive as much as an extra portion of food. These units are still slave plantations, only the name has changed. Texas Department of Criminal Justice. Research “The Sugarland 95” – You'll see what I'm talking about. It's time to bring this slavery to a screeching halt.

TFSR: How have you experienced support while you've been on the inside? What would you like from folks on the outside?

CZ: I had to go to extremes again to have the support I have today. I never conformed to prison culture. I love tattoos, motorcycles, art, hunting, fishing, boats and the only way I was ever going to see or hear about that is by reaching out. As a result of picking up a contraband cell phone I met “Mongoose Matt” by calling a random tattoo shop. Haha! It was awesome. Fineline Tattoo NYC is Matt's workplace and it took all but 60 seconds to make one of the best friends I've ever had. It makes me so proud to say that. Shortly after getting pinched for contraband Matt has been there through all my solitary confinement, sending in anarchist literature, commissary bread for hygiene and art supplies, and in 7 years now on a 15 year sentence for a so called “murder” it's his solidarity and support that saved my life and sanity.

Dirty Darrington had officers from the McConnell unit come hit us for shakedown and those creeps took all my property and left me with nothing. This was my breaking point. I just felt like giving up, but Mongoose comes flying in with letters and powerful words of encouragement and because of him I am fighting today. They tried to break me intentionally. I know this for a fact. Only problem is I survived. TDCJs “Cease to speak or cease to breathe” motto doesn't scare me. I have nothing to lose. Now, I'm asking for you to stand with me until we punch a hole in this darkness and make it bleed light. Sean Swain is the other reason I fight. How you doin Sean?

Here's the deal – folks out there, my only weapon at the moment is this here pen. I want surrounding activists to contact me so we can get started. This is still far from over and I believe that it's only through the voice of the people that we can bring this down on a statewide level. I could use all the support available in my fight against the state. Things are slowly changing for me, so I will be allowed more visitors on Dirty Darrington Unit. Soon I will be allowed to call out. In the meantime, anyone can write me. There is so much to learn and prepare. No doubt that without your direct support places like Dirty Darrington and surrounding plantations will continue to thrive, rubbing it in the community's face.

The Texecution state is also a slavery state. Shut em down. Nobody is gaining a thing. It's a slap in the face when the officials of the state come here to lie to everyone that they are doing everything they can to change these laws so that we actually become productive. The only laws passed are laws to make it harder on us to get home to our families. For the oppressed indigent offenders who cannot afford hygiene products, organizing a hygiene run to bring forth relief, peace of mind, and a sense of compassionate care. I've seen exactly how good this place could be, but as long as we have ringmasters like these hypocrite wardens, coward-ass majors and captains, vindictive supervisors who love to use cowardly acts and body slam people while in restraints such as Sergeant Akinsonu, Sergeant Williams, Sergeant Estrada, Sergeant Baker, who writes her own rules when it comes to keeping people down. All these cowards and a few more on my shit list need to be burned at the stake for their inhumane treatment of human beings. We need to give them a little perspective. We need to all come at them via phone calls, media, advocacy centers, anyone that can hit them where it hurts, to show them that we are not alone. We are not going to accept this kind of abuse and pretend it's normal. It's policy. Policy is made up as they walk to the pisser. It's a shame the population is in love with their ringmaster.

As a survivor of these gulags, food is still the #1 tool used to break solitary confinement offenders. Many months I went hungry and many months I eat the unwanted veggies inmates discarded just to survive. Sometimes portions were almost a smear of meat on tray. We need to end this today.

TFSR: What inspires you these days? What brings you joy?

CZ: Oh that's easy – Defiance from Detritus Books is my inspiration. I've gotten very close to Comrade Mongoose and against the peace and dignity of the Texecution State I'm in constant contact with Comrade King and Comrade Swain. I wish them the best in the struggle and hope to see them soon, for I am coming up for parole soon. It's a crap shoot, but optimism is helpful in situations such as this. I get my jollies by sending Matt handcrafted portraits of all kinds of cool, weird characters. Y'all are actually owners of one of my pieces. Thank you.

TFSR: Is there anything I failed to ask you about that you want to talk about?

CZ: You all can check out my Instagram @julioazunigaart or contact Matt to place an order for a handmade portrait. I only have No.2 pencils to work with because this unit will not allow my supporters to send me art supplies. Anything that makes people happy like greeting cards and pictures are slowly being taken from us as well. Go figure. This is Bible seminary college too. This is the unit that pumps out “field ministers”. Unbelievable, huh? Bass-akwards, I tell ya! I gotta let ya go for now. It's been an amazing and liberating experience. You all are amazing. Please allow me to send hugs to Sean Swain, Eric King and to all the comrades who are in the trenches fighting their ringmaster. Thank you for setting the example. I hope to be in that position soon. Thanks y'all. Hope to hear from you soon. I would like to close with a quote from Benjamin Tucker:

“Power feeds on its spoils and dies when its victims refuse to be despoiled. They can't persuade it to death; they can't vote it to death; they can't shoot it to death; but they can always starve it to death.”

. ... . ..

Tracks heard in this podast:

Smokey Robinson and the Miracles - You've Really Got A Hold On Me (instrumental)

RZA - The North Sea (instrumental)

Check out this episode!

#anarchist #podcast #interview #feminist #antifa #anticapitalist

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jamesbondlexicon · 5 years

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Not feeling anything at #51 on the #007GVApoll is the enigmatic Renard - Anarchist, terrorist and kidnapper, and stealer of submarines.

#james bond #movies #the world is not enough #007gvapoll

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lievbios · 5 years

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007 || James Bond

Name: James Bond

Age: 37

Relationship: married (verse depending)

Sexuality:

Job: Spy

Faceclaims: Sean Connery, David Niven, George Lazenby, Roger Moore, Timothy Dalton, Pierce Brosnan, Daniel Craig, Idris Elba

In the novels, James Bond is the son of a Scottish father, Andrew Bond of Glencoe, and a Swiss mother, Monique Delacroix, from the Canton de Vaud. He acquired a first-class command of the French and German languages during his early education, which he received entirely abroad. Both parents were tragically killed during a climbing accident in the French Alps when he was eleven.

After the death of his parents, Bond goes to live with his aunt, Miss Charmain Bond, where he completes his early education. Later, he briefly attends Eton College at “12 or thereabouts”, but is removed after two halves because of girl trouble with a maid. After being sent down from Eton, Bond was sent to Fettes College in Scotland, his father’s school.

Bond conducted his year of Sea Service with high recommendations from his Chief Petty Officers and Warrant Officers. He applied for and was uniformly recommended for work in Naval Intelligence. Bond served as an intelligence officer on HMS Exeter both before and during Operation Granby, and later was able to transfer to submarine service, touring on the HMS Turbulent. His natural abilities, mental quickness and confidence impressed his commanding officers. Within the year of being assigned to HMS Turbulent, it became apparent that Bond was not being sufficiently challenged with his duties, so Bond volunteered for the Special Boat Service. Bond excelled at SC3 and Underwater and Aquatic Warfare training. He constantly equaled or bested his superior officers and instructors in all areas after nominal experience.

Shortly before his next assignment, M, Bond’s superior in MI6, gave him the choice of either selecting a new weapon on a mission to investigate the recent disappearance of British Secret Service operative John Strangways or to return to standard intelligence duties. He was then given a choice of using a Walther PPK or a Smith & Wesson .38 Special 5-round hammerless revolver. Bond reluctantly decided to take the weapons on the mission and the Walther proved valuable in Jamaica, where Strangways had gone missing.

Bond later returned to London but, six months after he had left the city, he was sent on a mission to Istanbul in an attempt to obtain a lektor decoder device from a stunning Russian cipher clerk named Tatiana Romanova, who had supposedly fallen in love with a photograph of him. Yet Tatiana had unknowingly been set up by the No. 3 of the criminal organization SPECTRE, Rosa Klebb who sought to avenge the murder of their operative, Dr. Julius No. Bond was aided by Kerim Bey, who helped the British agent bring both the device and Romanova from Istanbul to Venice.

In Miami, Bond was instructed to observe bullion dealer Auric Goldfinger, who was staying at the same hotel. However, Bond became romantically involved with Goldfinger’s girlfriend, Jill Masterson, who later died of skin suffocation as a result of being entirely covered in gold. Bond returned to London, where he was ordered to investigate Goldfinger’s involvement in the possibly illegal transportation of gold, but he was warned that, if he treated the assignment as a personal vendetta, he would be replaced on the mission by 008.

In France, James Bond fought and killed SPECTRE operative Colonel Jacques Bouvar, avenging the murder of two of Bond’s former colleagues. After encountering several SPECTRE agents at a health spa in the south of England, Bond investigates the hijacking of an Avro Vulcan loaded with two atomic bombs, which had been taken by SPECTRE. The organisation demands a ransom against Britain and the United States for the return of the bombs. Bond follows a lead to the Bahamas, where he meets up with his CIA counterpart and friend Felix Leiter.

Bond trains with Tanaka in ninjitsu who changes his appearance to be Japanese as cover and weds him to Kissy Suzuki. Bond and Kissy find Blofeld’s lair in a Volcano. Tanaka’s ninja troops attack the island, while Bond manages to distract Blofeld and create a diversion which allows him to open the hatch, letting in the ninjas. During the battle, Mr. Osato is killed by Blofeld, who activates the base’s self-destruct system and escapes. Bond, Kissy, Tanaka, and the surviving ninjas escape through the cave tunnel before it explodes, and are rescued by submarine.

Looking to avenge his wife, Tracy, Bond raced around the globe looking for Blofeld until he found him during a plastic surgery operation. After a fight, Bond apparently killed the SPECTRE head by melting him in hot mud.

James Bond is sent to investigate the murder of three British MI6 agents, Dawes, Hamilton and Baines (who in fact shared the same bootmaker with Bond), all of whom have been killed within 24 hours. He discovers the victims were all separately investigating the operations of Dr. Kananga, the dictator of a small Caribbean island, San Monique. He also establishes that Kananga also acts as “Mr. Big”, a ruthless and cunning gangster in the United States.

After receiving a golden bullet with James Bond’s code “007” etched into its surface M relieves Bond of a mission locating a British scientist, Gibson, who has invented the “Solex agitator”, a device to harness solar power, thereby solving the global energy crisis. The bullet signifies Bond is a target of hired assassin Francisco Scaramanga and Bond sets out unofficially to find him. From a spent golden bullet, Bond tracks Scaramanga to Macau, where he sees Scaramanga’s mistress, Andrea Anders, collecting golden bullets at a casino. Bond follows her to Hong Kong, where he witnesses Scaramanga murder Gibson, the theft of the Solex agitator and kidnapping of Mary Goodnight.

Bond is tasked with investigating the disappearance of British and Soviet ballistic missile submarines and the subsequent offer to sell a submarine tracking system. Bond works alongside Major Anya Amasova of the KGB. The pair track the plans across Egypt and identify the person responsible for the thefts as shipping tycoon, scientist and anarchist Karl Stromberg.

Bond travels to Brazil looking for Drax’s research facility, where he is captured. He and Goodhead escape and pose as pilots on one of six space shuttles being sent by Drax to a hidden orbital space station. There Bond finds out that Drax plans to destroy all human life by launching fifty globes containing the toxin into the Earth’s atmosphere. Bond and Goodhead disable the radar jammer hiding the station from Earth and the U.S. sends a platoon of Marines in a military space shuttle. During the battle, Bond kills Drax and his station is destroyed.

After a British spy boat sinks, a marine archaeologist, Sir Timothy Havelock, is tasked to retrieve its Automatic Targeting Attack Communicator (ATAC) communication system before the Russians do. After Havelock is murdered by Hector Gonzales, a Cuban hit-man, Bond is ordered to find out who hired Gonzales. While investigating, Bond is captured, but Gonzales is subsequently killed by Havelock’s vengeful daughter, Melina and she and Bond escape. Bond identifies one of those present with Gonzales as Emile Leopold Locque and so follows a lead to Italy and meets his contact, Luigi Ferrara, and a well-connected Greek businessman and intelligence informant, Aris Kristatos. Kristatos tells Bond that Locque is employed by Milos Columbo, Kristatos’ former partner in the Greek resistance during World War II.

Bond infiltrates the circus, and finds that Orlov replaced the Soviet treasures with a nuclear warhead, primed to explode at a U.S. Air Force base in West Germany. The explosion would trigger Europe into seeking disarmament, in the belief that the bomb was an American one that was detonated by accident, leaving the West’s borders open to Soviet invasion. Orlov is revealed as a traitor and is shot by Soviet troops under General Gogol. Bond deactivates the warhead and then he returns to India, leading an assault on Kamal’s palace. He chases after Kamal who has kidnapped Octopussy in his plane, where he saves Octopussy and causes Kamal to crash.

Bond investigates into the operations of millionaire industrialist Max Zorin, who is trying to monopolize the world market in microchips. He establishes that Zorin was previously trained and financed by the KGB, but has now gone rogue. Zorin unveils to a group of investors his plan to destroy Silicon Valley which will give him a monopoly in the manufacturing of microchips.

Bond investigates into the sinking of a British warship in Chinese waters, the theft of one of the ship’s cruise missiles—and the shooting down of a Chinese fighter plane. He uncovers a link to media mogul Elliot Carver which suggests that Carver had purchased a GPS encoder on the black market, finding it in his headquarters in Hamburg.

Bond visits Valentin Zukovsky and is informed that Elektra’s head of security, Davidov, is in league with Renard: Bond kills Davidov and follows the trail to a Russian ICBM base in Kazakhstan. Posing as a Russian nuclear scientist, Bond meets American nuclear physicist Christmas Jones. The two witness Renard stealing the GPS locator card and a half quantity of weapons-grade plutonium from a bomb and set off an explosion, from which Bond and Jones escape. Elektra kidnaps M after she thinks Bond had been killed and Bond establishes that Elektra intends to create a nuclear explosion in a submarine in Istanbul in order to increase the value of her own oil pipeline. Bond frees M, kills Elektra and then disarms the bomb on the submarine and kills Renard.

Bond investigates North Korean Colonel Tan-Sun Moon, who is illegally trading African conflict diamonds for weaponry. Moon is apparently killed and Bond is captured and tortured for 14 months, after which he is exchanged for Zao, Moon’s assistant. Despite being suspended on his return, he decides to complete his mission and tracks down Zao to a gene therapy clinic, where patients can have their appearances altered through DNA restructuring. Zao escapes, but the trail leads to British billionaire Gustav Graves.

After shooting Mr. White in the leg, Bond has captured Mr. White and manages to evade pursuit by his various minions in a chaotic car chase in his Aston Martin DBS V12 painted in black. After interrogating him with M at a closed off location, Bond and M are both betrayed by a disguised minion (Mitchell) who, after a toss and tumble, is later dispatched and killed by James. Mr. White takes this time to vanish and is never seen or heard from again (except for being briefly spotted at the opera among other Quantum members.)

Bond and M return to London and search Mitchell’s flat, discovering through tagged banknotes that Mitchell had a contact in Haiti. Bond tracks the contact, Edmund Slate, and learns that Slate is a hitman sent to kill Camille Montes at the behest of her lover, environmentalist Dominic Greene. While observing her subsequent meeting with Greene, Bond learns that Greene is helping an exiled Bolivian General Medrano—who murdered Camille’s family—to overthrow his government and become the new president in exchange for a seemingly barren piece of desert.

VERSES

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islandsofthemind · 5 years

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‘Postcards from the Desert Island’ - Adelita Husni-Bey

vimeo

‘Postcards from a desert island’ documents a three-week workshop with children from the École Vitruve in Paris, an experimental public primary school run by the parents. Inspired by William Golding's novel ‘Lord of the flies’, the children were invited to jointly build and organize a society on a fictional uninhabited island in the auditorium of the school. They soon clash with political issues such as decision-making structures or the role and rules of law enforcement. The film shows "a world in a nutshell", where the children's self-governmental discussions and experiments mirror the impasses of Western democracies and the struggle for power within such systems.

‘Postcards from the Desert Island’ is a project in which the artist Adelita Husni-Bey pursues with her inquiry on pedagogic models and education systems, combining them with her ongoing interest in collective and collaborative activities. Adelita Husni-Bey’s practice is strongly grounded in research and collaboration gestures, and encompasses drawing, painting, collage, video, and participatory workshops. Her work often looks at social relations under different political contexts, from late capitalism to communitarianism. Following her documentation activities on the comparison of different educational models and norms, with a particular focus on self-run projects, the artist uses live action to observe early pedagogical theories of the early 20th century, and the anarchist education experiments on the United States. The figure of Catalan free-thinker and anarchist Francisco Ferrer y Guardia (1859-1909) – who in 1901 opened The Modern School (la Escuela Moderna) in Barcelona, to teach middle-class children radical social values, and whose ideas were essential for the formation of the US Modern Schools (also called Ferrer Schools, modelled after Escuela Moderna) – has been central to H’usni-Bey's investigation.

After the projects developed throughout 2011 in two French schools, the LAP (Lycée Autogéré de Paris) and the Saint Merri Renard elementary school - which the artist processed in a series of material that combined artworks and documentation, namely videos, drawings and paintings - Husni-Bey collaboated with yet another school located in Paris, the École Vitruve. This institution is a self-run public primary school that took its name from its original location in rue Vitruve, and which was originally founded in 1962 by the French pedagogue Robert Gloton, a militant of the experimental pedagogical movement Éducation Nouvelle.

In the video Postcards from the Desert Island (2010–11) Husni-Bey activates a three-week workshop with the pupils of the school, aged 7-10, which allows her to observe how the model and functioning of self-run education permeate the children’s organization models and social-political imaginaries.

Borrowing scenarios of Peter Brook's film Lord of Flies (1963) – an adaptation of William Golding’s eponymous novel - Adelita Husni-Bey invited the children of the École Vitruve to turn their school hall into a desert island. The children were therefore invited to start building a life from scratch in the imagined island, which is a trope of isolation, a place that offers the opposite possibilities to the cultural and political contexts in which these children actually live and will grow up. Promoting a mode of deflection as a form of reaction to the way Western society is structured, the video documents how the group of young kids embraces a social life in a no-man’s land, showing how they relate to some of the key principles and unresolved problems of self-governance, such as imagining a life without institutions; questions of punishment and the struggle for power; how to deal with immigration and civil disobedience, and where to draw the distinction between public and private realms.

Postcards also touches some fundamental aspects and problematics of classical ethnography, and the closeness of the camera to the pupil’s bodies and activities, often circulating among them, never allows the viewer to ignore the presence of the observing subject, whose presence might have conditioned and affected the youngsters attitudes and behaviour.

In a moment in which there is an ongoing critical evaluation of conventional pedagogic institutions and formats, and a clear interest from artists and theoreticians alike towards alternative educational models, Postcards uses the format of the documentary, grounded in the praxis of anthropology, to offer a compelling and complex analysis of the role of schooling in determining social models.

Source: http://www.vdrome.org/adelita-husni-bey-postcards-from-the-desert-island

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ace-cf-cups · 1 month

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Forgot to mention this in the previous post, but yeah, Renard's French is very nice on the ears and Belle loves it when he speaks French (and his endearments more often than not make her blush the most endearing shade of red)

#anyelle #renbelle #renard the anarchist #victor zokas #belle french #renbelle headcanons #my renbelle headcanons #my headcanons

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trash-gobby · 3 years

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I love that all comfort characters go like:

Norman Osborn/Green Goblin (murderer who is big goblin man energy)

Lost Boys (vamps & murderers)

Renard (anarchist & murderer)

Darkness (evil devil man & murderer)

Nuada (genocidal murderer)

Yelena Belova (hottest assassin in the world & a murderer)

Bishop (innocent boi who has never hurt a living thing in his life 🥺)

Victor Creed (murderer)

Ginger Fitzgerald (werewolf & murderer)

Severen (another vamp & murderer)

Raven Shaddock (probably has murdered someone, but is mostly a creep)

Nelson Wright (dickhead lol & also killed a child)

Doc Ock (BIG TIDDIE DILF & also murderer)

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workingclasshistory · 3 years

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On this day, 21 December 1907, possibly the worst massacre of striking workers in history took place as the Chilean army killed over 2,000 people, saltpetre miners and their families, in Iquique. Due to poor living conditions, 40,000 employees of 30 saltpetre offices, under the leadership of anarchists José Briggs and Luis Olea, organised a large March to Iquique, where management resided. Their demands included a wage increase and payment in cash rather than scrip redeemable at company-owned stores. Workers in several industries in Iquique joined the strike, completely shutting down of both mining and port activity. Although the government offered to pay half of the raises, the employers – many of whom answered to British capital – refused to negotiate as long as the workers did not return to work. Within days, the state finally deployed the army to break the strike. Thousands of workers and their families were occupying the Santa María school and, when ordered to abandon the building and the city, most of them refused. Upon refusal, the officer in charge, Roberto Silva Renard, ordered troops to open fire on the crowd. Thousands of corpses – including children – were left lying in Plaza Montt to be later buried in mass graves. The number of fatalities is uncertain, since the official version speaks of less than 200, while other sources document between 2,200 and 3,600. No authority took responsibility for the crime and there was complete impunity for the perpetrators. However, in 1914, the anarchist Antonio Ramón Ramón, whose brother was one of the victims, tried to assassinate Silva Renard by stabbing him seven times. The general survived the attack, but died years later as a result of his wounds. For the centenary of the tragedy, the remains of the people murdered were moved to a dedicated monument at the site of the crime. Pictured are strikers before the massacre Written by @historiact https://www.facebook.com/workingclasshistory/photos/a.1819457841572691/1881080645410410/?type=3

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guillaume-davranche · 8 years

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Révolutionnaires et ouvriers contre la Première Guerre mondiale

La revue de critique sociale Ballast n°3 (automne 2015) publie un entretien-fleuve autour du livre Trop jeunes pour mourir.

Guillaume Davranche, né en 1977, est journaliste et chercheur indépendant en histoire sociale. Avec Trop jeunes pour mourir. Ouvriers et révolutionnaires face à la guerre (1909-1914), une somme de 500 pages éditée par Libertalia et L’insomniaque, il donne à lire la mobilisation qui s’enclencha dans les rangs radicaux contre la Première Guerre mondiale. Son étude est également l’occasion de mettre en lumière la Fédération communiste anarchiste : elle n’exista que quatre années mais jura l’insoumission et la désertion aux autorités qui s’apprêtaient à envoyer les peuples de France et d’Allemagne s’entretuer au front.

Après avoir participé, avec d’autres, à l’ambitieux Maitron des anarchistes, voilà que vous publiez Trop jeunes pour mourir. Qu’est-ce qui vous incite à vous lancer dans d’aussi colossaux chantiers ?

Honnêtement, c’est surtout le fait qu’on ne mesure pas du tout, au départ, qu’ils le sont autant ! Plus sérieusement, mon intérêt pour l’histoire du mouvement libertaire et révolutionnaire est, c’est évident, lié à mon engagement politique. Pendant longtemps, je me suis contenté des grands épisodes les plus connus du mouvement libertaire : la Commune de Paris, la Révolution russe, la Révolution espagnole… Sorti de là, généralement, pour le militant moyen, c’est souvent terra incognita ! Certes, il y a la somme de Jean Maitron en deux tomes, Le Mouvement anarchiste en France. C’est une mine d’informations mais, plus de soixante ans après sa première parution, il faut reconnaître qu’on en sent les limites.

À partir de 2000, j’ai eu envie d’en savoir davantage sur l’histoire du courant communiste libertaire, et j’ai commencé par la période récente (avant tout parce qu’il y avait une certaine urgence à recueillir les témoignages d’actrices et d’acteurs déjà âgés). C’est ainsi que j’ai fait la connaissance d’un certain nombre d’anciennes et d’anciens de la Fédération communiste libertaire, de Noir et Rouge, de l’Organisation révolutionnaire anarchiste (ORA)… et que j’ai réalisé des entretiens qui ont été publiés ici ou là : avec Georges Fontenis, bien sûr, que j’ai côtoyé dans le groupe tourangeau d’Alternative libertaire en 1997-1998 ; avec Gil Devillard, un ancien de l’Organisation Pensée Bataille et du groupe Makhno de Renault-Billancourt1 ; avec Guy Malouvier et Rolf Dupuy, de l’ORA2 ; avec Patrice Spadoni et Thierry Renard, de l’ORA et de l’Union des travailleurs communistes libertaires3 ; avec des anciens de Noir et Rouge, comme Jean-Max Claris4 ; et encore, récemment, avec Daniel Guerrier5…

Tout cela m’a, disons, mis en appétit. Et m’a donné le goût d’une histoire écrite « �� hauteur d’homme », d’une histoire qui s’approche autant que possible d’une compréhension des acteurs du passé.

Pour Trop jeunes pour mourir, tout a commencé par une visite aux archives de la Préfecture de police de Paris, en 2006. J’avais lu quelque part (sans doute dans la partie bibliographique du site de Fabrice Magnone consacré au Libertaire) qu’il existait là-bas un carton concernant la Fédération communiste anarchiste — la FCA. Je faisais alors des recherches sur l’origine du courant communiste libertaire qu’on faisait, à l’époque, communément remonter à la Plate-forme de Makhno et Archinov, datant de 1926. Avant cette date, le grand flou. Et dans ce grand flou : la FCA ! Intrigué par cette mystérieuse organisation fugacement évoquée par Maitron, je me suis donc rendu au musée de la Préfecture de police, dans le Ve arrondissement. Derrière ses vitrines, on peut admirer, entre autres, un pittoresque arsenal de poignards et de pistolets saisis sur des « apaches » des années 1900. Les brassards hérissés de Liabeuf, le « tueur de flics »6, y sont également exposés. Les archives de la Préfecture de police étaient consultables dans des locaux attenants7.

C’est là que j’ai découvert l’existence non pas d’un, mais de deux cartons libellés « FCA », particulièrement volumineux, et contenant des centaines de rapports de mouchards : au moins un par semaine pendant trois ans ! Un gisement d’informations totalement inexploité, complété par des cartons annexes — sur la Fédération révolutionnaire et sur le Comité de défense sociale. Sans trop savoir où j’allais, j’ai commencé à dépouiller cette masse désordonnée. J’ai noirci des feuilles de notes, plusieurs jours de suite, ignorant l’étendue de ce qu’il restait à découvrir.

Et plus j’en apprenais, plus je peinais à comprendre ce qu’il se passait au sein de cette FCA : les rapports faisaient référence à des personnages, des luttes et des débats, qui m’étaient largement étrangers. Je me suis rapidement rendu compte qu’il était impossible de comprendre le mouvement anarchiste de ces années-là sans comprendre, en même temps, l’influence de l’hervéisme, la trajectoire de la CGT, et, plus généralement, le climat militariste de l’époque. Ça a été le point de départ. J’ai commencé à rédiger, tout en défrichant en parallèle, de plus en plus passionné par ce que je découvrais.

C’est ainsi que j’ai commencé à travailler les week-ends, la nuit, ou très tôt le matin, pendant mes périodes de chômage, tout en menant, en parallèle, le chantier du Maitron des anarchistes dans lequel je m’étais laissé entraîner, et l’activité au sein d’Alternative libertaire, puisque, par principe, je ne fais jamais passer la politique au second plan — le passé ne doit pas dévorer le présent, ni l’avenir. Malgré tout, j’étais loin d’imaginer que je n’achèverais ce travail que huit ans plus tard !

Pourriez-vous, déjà, résumer pour nos lecteurs le paysage politique de l’époque, les tensions et les enjeux ?

En 1899, la clôture de l’affaire Dreyfus avait ouvert une période nouvelle : la droite conservatrice, nationaliste et cléricale, s’était vue durablement affaiblie, et l’Assemblée nationale était dominée par la bourgeoisie de gauche (républicains, radicaux, radicaux-socialistes…). Las, dix ans plus tard, le clivage droite/gauche s’estompait déjà : sur le plan économique, bien sûr, mais aussi sur celui des valeurs, notamment à partir d’octobre 1909 et de la politique centriste dite de l’« apaisement ». Cet « apaisement », voulu par le président du conseil, Aristide Briand, consistait à amadouer la droite en reprenant une partie de ses thèmes. La gauche au pouvoir mit donc en œuvre une politique de plus en plus réactionnaire, parfois à la stupéfaction et sous les applaudissements de la droite. Cette dérive réactionnaire s’accéléra après le coup d’Agadir qui, à l’été 1911, avait vu la France et l’Allemagne à deux doigts d’entrer en guerre. À partir de février 1912, le nouveau président du conseil, Raymond Poincaré, lança la politique de « fermeté nationale », qui visait au réarmement matériel et moral du pays face à l’Allemagne. Son ministre de la Guerre, Alexandre Millerand, aurait alors déclaré vouloir remettre l’armée française « dans l’état où elle était avant l’Affaire Dreyfus » 8. Pas mal, pour un ex-socialiste et ex-dreyfusard ! Il s’attira rapidement les hommages de Maurras qui, dans un édito de L’Action française, assura que « pour un patriote qui se respecte, la question politique cesse de se poser devant un ministre de la Guerre qui fait son devoir » 9. On voit le niveau de confusion politique de l’époque !

Face à cela, seul le mouvement ouvrier démontrait de la cohérence et de la rigueur. À l’époque, on admettait communément qu’il se composait de trois grandes tendances : le socialisme, l’anarchisme et le syndicalisme (considéré comme un courant politique à part entière). Malgré ses divisions et ses querelles, ce mouvement ouvrier se retrouvait uni sur la question de la guerre : contre l’aventure coloniale au Maroc, contre la militarisation de la société et pour la dénonciation des rivalités impérialistes qui faisaient de l’Europe une véritable poudrière…

La période méconnue que vous avez mise en lumière (1909-1914) correspond à une phase de déclin de la CGT avec, en parallèle, l’émergence de ladite Fédération communiste anarchiste. Comment et pourquoi cette organisation est-elle née ? Quelle fut son influence réelle ?

Fondamentalement, la FCA est née de la conjonction de deux crises : primo, celle du syndicalisme, débutée en 1909, qui donnait à penser que la formule « le syndicalisme se suffit à lui-même » n’était pas si opérante ; secundo, celle de l’anarchisme. Faisant ce constat, une poignée d’anarchistes parisiens étaient convaincus que si l’anarchisme ne se dotait pas d’une organisation de référence, qui serve de point de repère, il était condamné à n’être qu’un supplétif.

Au printemps 1910, les élections législatives avaient été l’occasion de mener une grande campagne abstentionniste, qui avait mobilisé l’ensemble des fractions du mouvement libertaire — excepté les individualistes —, et même au-delà, puisque certains révolutionnaires du PS s’y étaient associés. C’était en fait la première fois que le mouvement anarchiste français parvenait à mener une campagne nationale concertée. Après ce relatif succès, il est apparu que la situation était mûre pour mettre sur pied une véritable organisation révolutionnaire, qui pourrait associer les anarchistes, l’extrême gauche du PS, et un certain nombre de syndicalistes.

Cependant, les débats concernant l’orientation qu’on pourrait donner à cette organisation furent vifs. Une question stratégique était celle de son rapport au PS : d’un côté, l’équipe de La Guerre sociale aurait voulu un parti révolutionnaire qui ne soit pas strictement « anti-votard » et qui n’aurait pas gêné l’action parlementaire du PS ; de l’autre, l’équipe du Libertaire refusait cette idée d’une complémentarité des tâches entre réformistes et révolutionnaires, et militait pour une organisation strictement anarchiste-communiste. Au terme de plusieurs mois de controverses, c’est finalement la seconde orientation qui l’emporta.

En décembre 1910 fut fondée la Fédération révolutionnaire communiste, dont Le Libertaire allait devenir l’organe officieux. Peu à peu, elle rallia à son drapeau noir la majorité des groupes libertaires qui comptaient, tandis que La Guerre sociale amorçait un virage droitier. On peut considérer qu’à l’été 1912, La Guerre sociale avait perdu l’essentiel du crédit dont elle jouissait dans la gauche de la CGT, et que la FRC, rebaptisée Fédération communiste anarchiste (FCA), constituait le nouveau pôle révolutionnaire de référence.

Je pense qu’elle atteignit son apogée à l’été 1913, lorsqu’un congrès national lui permit d’unifier autour d’elle la plupart des groupes anarchistes du pays (dont ceux de la mouvance des Temps nouveaux et un certain nombre de groupes locaux). Elle compta alors peut-être les 1 000 adhérent.e.s. Quelle fut son influence réelle ? Comme elle ne se présentait pas aux élections, son audience dans « les masses » ne peut se mesurer qu’au tirage de ses journaux : 10 000 exemplaires pour Le Libertaire en 1913, 5 000 pour Les Temps nouveaux, auxquels il faut ajouter les journaux régionaux (principalement dans le quart nord-est du pays) : les hebdomadaires Germinal (Somme et Oise), La Vrille (Vosges), La Cravache (Marne), Le Combat (Nord), L’Avant-garde (Pas-de-Calais)… Ça peut sembler considérable aujourd’hui, mais ce n’est pas tant que ça en ces années 1910 où la presse écrite était reine.

Les meetings de la FCA en région parisienne rassemblaient communément 200 à 400 personnes, 1 200 quand elle y mettait de grands moyens. Là aussi, ça peut sembler impressionnant au regard des critères actuels. Mais c’était dans la norme des meetings d’une époque où la télévision n’existait pas, et où les gens assistaient aux conférences pour s’instruire ou se distraire.

Cette audience restreinte dans les masses, la FCA la compensait en exerçant une influence stratégique au sein du mouvement ouvrier. Dans plusieurs départements industriels (Somme, Rhône, Loire, Maine-et-Loire, Finistère…), les anarchistes pesaient fortement dans la CGT. Dans la Seine10, il y avait une véritable connivence entre la FCA et certains syndicats du Bâtiment, des Métaux. Avec les Jeunesses syndicalistes, aussi. Plusieurs de ses militantes s’activaient dans le syndicat des couturières. Certains militants de la FCA (comme Benoît Broutchoux ou Jules Lepetit) étaient de populaires orateurs syndicalistes.

Enfin, des liens directs et privilégiés existaient entre, disons, le « premier cercle » de la FCA et plusieurs dirigeants confédéraux de la CGT (notamment Léon Jouhaux, Georges Yvetot, Pierre Monatte, Georges Dumoulin, Pierre Dumas et François Marie). Hormis avec Yvetot, ces liens se rompirent cependant à partir de l’été 1913 lorsqu’une violente crise d’orientation opposa la gauche de la CGT à la direction confédérale. La FCA, dans sa majorité, prit le parti de la gauche de la CGT.

À l’intérieur du mouvement syndical, vous discernez deux sensibilités libertaires. D’une part, ceux que vous qualifiez d’« anarchistes syndicalistes », comme Broutchoux ; d’autre part, ceux que vous nommez les « syndicalistes libertaires », comme Émile Pouget ou Pierre Monatte…

… Mais il me faut commencer par souligner que cette distinction n’a jamais été formulée à l’époque. C’est moi qui l’opère, et qui la soumets au débat historiographique. Elle s’inspire en partie de Jacques Julliard — un des meilleurs historiens du syndicalisme révolutionnaire, dans une autre vie — qui, dans son Autonomie ouvrière11, évoquait deux types de syndicalistes révolutionnaires : les « ultras » et les « politiques ». Comme Julliard ne proposait pas de définition de ces catégories, je me suis permis de le faire.

Pour moi, la sensibilité « politique » regroupait ces militants issus des vieilles écoles socialistes — blanquiste, allemaniste et anarchiste — dont la coalition avait engendré, entre 1903 et 1906, le syndicalisme révolutionnaire. Mais on y trouvait aussi des militants sans étiquette, purs produits de la CGT. Les « ultras », eux, étaient presque exclusivement des anarchistes ou des jusqu’au-boutistes qualifiés d’« anarchisants » par les modérés. Mais dissipons tout de suite une équivoque : les « politiques » n’étaient pas nécessairement d’habiles stratèges préparant minutieusement des grèves victorieuses, et les « ultras » n’étaient pas nécessairement de brouillons braillards appelant à la grève générale à tout bout de champ. On trouvait, dans chaque sensibilité, de tenaces bâtisseurs de l’organisation ouvrière.

On peut néanmoins noter, chez les « politiques », une prudence que n’avaient pas les « ultras », plus habités par la théorie des minorités agissantes. En appliquant cette catégorisation politiques/ultras aux anarchistes actifs à la CGT, je distingue donc les syndicalistes libertaires et les anarchistes syndicalistes.

Pour schématiser, le syndicaliste libertaire aura tendance — il faut se garder de toute systématisation — à faire prévaloir l’unité ouvrière sur ses propres préférences partisanes et même idéologiques. C’est en cela qu’il est « politique ». Par souci d’unité, il se dit simplement « syndicaliste révolutionnaire », même s’il ne fait pas mystère de ses convictions anarchistes. L’anarchiste syndicaliste, lui, aura tendance à faire prévaloir ses préférences idéologiques et partisanes, parfois au risque d’affaiblir l’unité ouvrière. Et en cela, c’est un « ultra ». Il appartient également au courant syndicaliste révolutionnaire de la CGT, mais n’hésite pas à s’enorgueillir de l’épithète d’anarchiste. Il s’autocensure moins. Il laisse volontiers libre cours à son aversion pour le PS, quitte à provoquer des conflits, voire des scissions, dans la structure syndicale. L’un n’est pas moins libertaire que l’autre. Il est important de le préciser, car si le premier choisit tactiquement de ne pas mettre en avant son étiquette anarchiste, cela ne veut aucunement dire qu’il a renoncé à ses idées. Cela signifie simplement qu’il juge plus conforme à la politique anarchiste de préserver l’unité ouvrière.

Peut-on y voir les prémices de la différenciation entre anarcho-syndicalistes et syndicalistes révolutionnaires ?

Bien qu’appartenant à la même majorité syndicaliste révolutionnaire, ces deux sensibilités anarchistes n’avaient pas tout à fait les mêmes priorités, et pouvaient donc avoir des divergences. Ce fut le cas au congrès d’Amiens, en 1906, sur la question de l’antipatriotisme, et, de façon très violente, dans la polémique sur l’orientation qui déchira la CGT à partir de l’été 1913.

La sensibilité anarchiste syndicaliste portait des positions bien à elles : pour un syndicalisme ouvertement anti-étatiste, pour la rotation du permanentat, pour la limitation du rôle des fédérations au bénéfice des unions régionales… En cela, elle fut bien la matrice du courant anarcho-syndicaliste qui devait voir le jour dans les années 192012, et préférera façonner sa propre centrale syndicale — la CGT-SR en 1926, la CNT-F en 1946 — quitte à ce qu’elle soit squelettique. Un autre courant libertaire fit le choix inverse et, au fil des décennies, militera là où il lui semblera qu’il est le plus utile à la lutte de classes : à la CGT dans les années 1930, à la CGT-FO dans les années 1950, à la CFDT dans les années 1970, à SUD dans les années 1990…

Mais, avant 1914, la question se posait dans un contexte radicalement différent puisqu’il n’y avait qu’une unique confédération syndicale en France, et que tout le monde s’y retrouvait, dont les deux sensibilités libertaires évoquées.

L’époque, c’était aussi La Guerre sociale, ce journal qui mêlait anarchistes, socialistes insurrectionnels et syndicalistes « ultras », sous la houlette de Gustave Hervé. Ce dernier allait virer nationaliste et sera même, en 1919, un des fondateurs du fascisme français, avec son Parti socialiste national. Peut-on y voir le début de ce logiciel « confusionniste », alliant « national » et « social », qui remporte aujourd’hui un succès certain à l’extrême droite ?

En réalité, ce logiciel « socialiste national » existait bien avant Hervé. Il avait marqué un profond mouvement populaire : le boulangisme, entre 1887 et 1889. On le retrouva ensuite dans La Libre Parole d’Edouard Drumont et dans le syndicalisme jaune de Pierre Biétry. L’historien Zeev Sternhell a dit l’essentiel sur cette question13, même s’il en a profité pour écrire de grosses bêtises sur le syndicalisme révolutionnaire14. À partir de 1911, on voit ce logiciel « socialiste national » ressurgir dans Terre libre, le journal d’Emile Janvion. L’antisémitisme était, à l’époque, un élément indissociable de ce logiciel. À ce sujet, il faut noter que Gustave Hervé aura toujours eu l’antisémitisme en horreur (ce qui sera une vraie singularité dans l’extrême droite de l’entre-deux-guerres).

Le problème que l’on a communément avec Hervé, c’est qu’on est tenté de lire ses positions de 1910-1912 à la lumière de sa trajectoire ultérieure : le socialisme réformiste, l’union sacrée, le nationalisme, le proto-fascisme, le pétainisme. Or, il ne faut pas commettre d’erreur de perspective : on ne peut pas prendre l’Histoire à rebours. Le Hervé de 1912 s’explique par celui de 1901, de 1905 et de 1910… pas par celui de 1914, 1919 ou 1940 !

Dans mon livre, je me suis efforcé d’être honnête avec Gustave Hervé. J’ai vraiment cherché à comprendre son évolution. Le directeur de La Guerre sociale n’a en effet nullement attendu 1914 pour réviser ses idées et se faire huer par l’extrême gauche.

C’est dès la fin de 1910 que, par glissements successifs, s’est amorcé un recentrage qui le conduisit, en un peu plus de deux ans, de la gauche antiparlementaire du PS à sa droite « blocarde » — c’est-à-dire partisane du « bloc » électoral avec le Parti radical. Comment l’expliquer ? Jusqu’à preuve du contraire, Hervé n’a jamais été un « vendu ». Toute sa vie, il aura défendu ses propres convictions dans son journal, en toute indépendance. L’ambition personnelle ne l’aura guidé que dans la mesure où il avait un besoin viscéral de provoquer, de parler haut et de n’en faire qu’à sa tête.

Mais il y a un point de départ à son recentrage : sa désillusion vis-à-vis du syndicalisme révolutionnaire. Printemps 1909, première déception : crise de direction à la CGT, puis échec lamentable d’une tentative de grève générale. Automne 1910, seconde déception, très douloureuse : l’échec de la grève des cheminots, qui avait soulevé un immense espoir. Dans les semaines suivantes, Hervé commença à réviser ses idées. C’est la clef de tout. Personnellement, je pense qu’à mesure qu’il a perdu confiance dans l’action autonome du prolétariat, Gustave Hervé a adopté les codes de la politique bourgeoise, de façon de plus en plus assumée et arrogante.

Au printemps 1914, la CGT s’est inquiétée d’une vague d’immigration massive, alors qu’elle peinait déjà à organiser les travailleurs étrangers. Les syndicalistes craignirent des réactions xénophobes dans certaines corporations exposées à la concurrence de la « main d’œuvre étrangère ». Pouvez-vous revenir là-dessus ?

Avant 1914, la CGT avait une activité non négligeable en direction du prolétariat immigré (essentiellement italien, espagnol ou belge). Les fédérations les plus confrontées à la question étaient les mineurs, les métaux et le bâtiment — notamment la corporation des terrassiers, car leur travail, non qualifié, attirait beaucoup les migrants.

Rappelons qu’à l’époque, il n’existait pas de salaire minimum garanti, et que le patronat sous-payait systématiquement les étrangers : parlant mal la langue, privés de droits, vivant avec l’épée de Damoclès d’une expulsion du territoire, ils se défendaient peu. L’enjeu, pour la CGT, était donc de les aider à arracher de meilleures conditions de travail, pour empêcher la baisse générale des salaires.

Les syndicats déployaient tout un répertoire d’actions pour s’adresser aux migrants. Ils pouvaient éditer des publications en langue étrangère, faire venir de l’étranger un orateur syndicaliste pour les aider… Ils pouvaient salarier un militant, pendant une ou plusieurs années, pour aider les migrants à organiser leurs propres syndicats. C’est ce qu’ont fait Boudoux, Alphonse Merrheim et Marius Blanchard, en Lorraine (entre 1905 et 1907), ou Frago et Roueste, sur le littoral méditerranéen (en 1913). Ils allaient de mine en usine, d’usine en chantier, à pied, pour implanter des syndicats. Ils s’adressaient aux milliers d’Italiens et d’Espagnols exploités dans des conditions misérables. Il leur fallait d’abord trouver un interlocuteur parlant français, puis former un premier noyau d’ouvriers désireux d’agir, monter un petit syndicat, enfin lancer une grève, soutenir la répression, le harcèlement des jaunes, tenter de maintenir le syndicat en vie…

Cela ressemble beaucoup à la pratique des organizers développée aux États-Unis depuis les années 1930 (et que Ken Loach a mis en scène dans son film Bread and Roses). En France, la presse bourgeoise les avait surnommés les « gréviculteurs ».

Il y avait également des pratiques, aujourd’hui oubliées, comme la « tournée hivernale », que la Fédération du bâtiment expérimenta en 1912-1913 (en s’inspirant de son homologue allemande) : deux hivers de suite, un propagandiste italophone fut envoyé dans les zones d’émigration de la péninsule, pour sensibiliser les travailleurs à la question sociale avant leur migration printanière. La tâche était ardue : dans certains villages analphabètes et pétris d’obscurantisme, l’émissaire de la CGT était accueilli avec des cailloux ! Il lui fallait payer des tournées au café pour faire passer son discours sur la nécessaire solidarité de classe.

Loin de tout protectionnisme, la CGT avait donc inventé des pratiques internationalistes très concrètes pour lutter avec les travailleurs migrants.

La situation se compliqua à partir du 2e semestre 1913, en raison de l’allongement du service militaire à trois ans, qui mobilisa une classe d’âge supplémentaire à la caserne. Pour compenser cette perte de main d’œuvre, le patronat importa massivement des ouvriers étrangers, encadrés par ce qu’on appelait des mercantis (ou « marchands d’hommes »), chargés de recruter dans les régions pauvres. On n’a évidemment pas de chiffres fiables, mais La Bataille syndicaliste évoqua à l’époque 300 000 immigrés liés à la loi de trois ans (dont 200 000 rien qu’en région parisienne). La nouveauté, c’est que le patronat recruta bien au-delà des traditionnels pays limitrophes : Russes, Arabes, et même Chinois, firent leur apparition.

Pour les cégétistes, c’était un véritable défi : ils avaient déjà du mal à organiser les Espagnols, les Italiens ou les Belges. Avec des immigrés venus de pays non industrialisés, où le syndicalisme était inconnu, de même que la pratique du français, ils se sentirent dépassés. En mars 1914, la CGT désigna une commission d’étude pour plancher sur la question. Ce fut un des débats importants du congrès fédéral du bâtiment, en avril 1914, et il était également inscrit à l’ordre du jour du congrès confédéral de septembre 1914, prévu à Grenoble. L’irruption de la guerre et le retour de centaines de milliers de travailleurs immigrés dans leurs foyers rendit cette question provisoirement obsolète.

En août 1914, quand la guerre éclata avec l’Allemagne, ce fut la « trêve des partis » (bientôt rebaptisée « union sacrée » contre l’ennemi commun). L’idéologie de la défense nationale devait faire des dégâts jusque dans les rangs libertaires. Quelle fut alors l’attitude de la FCA ?

Raconter l’attitude militante de la FCA pendant la Grande Guerre, ce serait amorcer un nouveau livre qui raconterait la désespérance, les reniements, mais aussi la résistance à la guerre et à l’union sacrée, en suivant les personnages de Trop jeunes pour mourir sur la période 1914-1919. Je le ferai peut-être un jour, d’autant qu’il y aurait bien des épisodes épiques à raconter. Je pense par exemple aux réunions secrètes des Amis du Libertaire ; au groupe des terrassiers révolutionnaires de Longjumeau qui constitua un des premiers foyers de contestation de ligne majoritaire de la CGT ; à la controverse qui déchira l’ancienne rédaction des Temps nouveaux ; à l’aventure de l’hebdomadaire pacifiste CQFD, avec un Sébastien Faure louvoyant en permanence pour éviter la censure ; à la conférence de Zimmerwald, à laquelle le militant de la FCA Henri Bécirard fut empêché d’assister par la police ; à l’action avant-gardiste et presque désespérée d’un noyau de militants de la FCA autour de Louis Lecoin ; à la création du Comité de défense syndicaliste (avec Jules Lepetit), pour regrouper les syndicats minoritaires ; au congrès irrégulier de Saint-Étienne qu’ils ont tenu ; à la tentative de grève générale pour la paix en mai 1918 ; à la grève de la métallurgie parisienne en juin 1919…

Il y a là tout un pan de l’histoire du mouvement ouvrier révolutionnaire qui n’a jamais été raconté, même pas par Alfred Rosmer. Un peu parce qu’il n’en a pas eu le temps — il est mort avant de rédiger le tome III de son livre15 —, un peu parce que les anarchistes communistes n’étaient pas vraiment ses amis.

Vous racontez la peur qui s’abattit sur la CGT en juillet 1914 : la crainte du Carnet B, du fossé d’exécution. Raymond Péricat relatera, plus tard, l’ambiance qui régnait au comité confédéral du 28 juillet : « Beaucoup de délégués suent la peur. […] Certaines faces blêmes sont déjà marquées du stigmate du reniement. » Cette peur d’une répression impitoyable explique-t-elle l’inaction de la CGT durant la crise européenne ?

La peur est un élément explicatif, mais il ne faut pas l’isoler de son contexte si on veut comprendre l’attitude des militants de la CGT. Je pense que, fondamentalement, c’est surtout l’idée de faire en vain le sacrifice de sa vie qui les a paralysés. Appeler à la grève générale, si personne ne suivait, à quoi cela servirait-il… hormis à se faire coller au poteau pour trahison nationale ? Entrer dans les livres d’histoire comme martyr de la cause ? Avec un minimum d’empathie, on peut comprendre l’hésitation des militants de la CGT, et éviter de les juger avec une condescendance mal placée.

Comme je le montre dans le livre, les responsables de la CGT étaient d’authentiques révolutionnaires, qui assumaient leurs actes et leurs paroles, jusqu’en prison s’il le fallait. Quand ils prônaient la grève générale en cas de guerre, cela n’avait rien d’une posture rhétorique. Cependant, leur persévérance en la matière n’avait guère été récompensée. Pendant quinze ans, ils avaient fait la propagande de cette idée dans les masses (et ils l’avaient fait avec une ardeur renouvelée à partir de l’été 1911). Cependant, ils ne se racontaient pas d’histoires : ils savaient que seule une avant-garde, au sein de la classe ouvrière, adhérait à cette idée. Cela leur fut confirmé en décembre 1912, pendant le conflit balkanique, avec la grève générale d’avertissement qu’ils organisèrent contre la guerre. Son bilan mitigé ramena à sa juste mesure l’influence réelle de la CGT.

Autre problème, et de taille : l’attitude de la social-démocratie, qui tenait le syndicalisme allemand entre ses mains. Pendant dix ans, les cégétistes avaient demandé que les questions de l’antimilitarisme, de la guerre et de la grève générale soient inscrites à l’ordre du jour des congrès syndicaux internationaux — une demande systématiquement rejetée par leurs homologues allemands.

En juillet 1914, la situation n’était donc pas brillante : la CGT était affaiblie — elle avait sans doute perdu un tiers de ses effectifs depuis trois ans —, elle traversait une crise morale, et sortait à peine d’un an de violentes polémiques internes. Ses dirigeants pensaient qu’elle était, moins qu’en 1912, capable de mobiliser. Et ils avaient la conviction qu’outre-Rhin, les syndicats allemands ne tenteraient nullement de lancer une grève générale dont ils n’avaient jamais voulu discuter.

Simultanément, le gouvernement proférait des menaces de mort explicites : application du Carnet B (cette liste noire des militants à arrêter en cas de guerre), guillotine pour les plus dangereux, camp de concentration ou envoi en première ligne pour les autres…

Tout cela pesa sur les épaules des responsables de la CGT pendant la très brève semaine de crise européenne qui précéda la guerre — un laps de temps trop court pour leur laisser le temps de faire grand-chose. Pas étonnant, dans ces circonstances, qu’ils se soient retranchés derrière une interprétation stricte de la motion du congrès de Marseille (1908) : la grève générale contre la guerre devait partir de la base, la responsabilité ne leur en incombait pas.

Après-guerre, notamment au congrès confédéral de 1919, la question de l’attitude de la CGT en 1914 sera longuement débattue. La minorité révolutionnaire, par la voix de Pierre Monatte et de Jules Lepetit, reconnaîtra elle-même qu’appeler à la grève générale en juillet 1914 n’aurait pas eu de sens. Que l’échec aurait été sanglant. Ce qu’ils reprocheront, en revanche, à Léon Jouhaux et à la majorité de la CGT, c’est d’avoir par la suite versé dans l’union sacrée, la collaboration de classe, et le patriotisme. Ils auraient pu, au pire, s’abstenir de parler, se contenter de faire profil bas en attendant des jours meilleurs. Mais non, au lieu de cela, ils avaient placé la CGT sous la tutelle du gouvernement, participé à l’effort de guerre et au bourrage de crâne, et même refusé d’approuver les timides initiatives pacifistes menées dans les pays neutres. Là était leur vraie faillite, leur véritable trahison, et c’est ce sur quoi la minorité révolutionnaire de la CGT devait refuser de passer l’éponge, après guerre.

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Notes :

Gil Devillard : « Chez Renault, militer dans le groupe Makhno, ce n’était pas de tout repos ! », Gavroche, octobre-décembre 2006. Disponible en ligne sur Alternativelibertaire.org.

Rolf Dupuy et Guy Malouvier : « Chacun de ces mots comptait : organisation ; révolutionnaire ; anarchiste », Alternative libertaire, mai 2008. Disponible en ligne ici.

Patrice Spadoni et Thierry Renard : « Il y avait toute une mythologie qui entourait l’ORA », entretien de 2005, paru dans Théo Rival, Syndicalistes et libertaires. Une histoire de l’Union des travailleurs communistes libertaires (1974-1991), Alternative libertaire, 2013.

Entretien de 2006, qui nourrit la notice biographique parue dans le Maitron des anarchistes, en 2014.

Entretien de 2014, qui a nourri une notice à paraître dans le Maitron-en-ligne.

Au sujet de l’affaire Liabeuf, lire Trop jeunes pour mourir, page 91.

Elles ont depuis été déplacées au 25, rue Baudin, au Pré-Saint-Gervais.

Témoignage anonyme d’« officiers républicains et socialistes » paru dans L’Humanité du 8 juin 1912.

Charles Maurras, « L’armée sans l’État », L’Action française du 11 mars 1912.

La Seine était le département qui, avant 1966, regroupait Paris, les Hauts-de-Seine, le Val-de-Marne et la Seine-Saint-Denis.

Jacques Julliard, Autonomie ouvrière. Études sur le syndicalisme d’action directe, Gallimard-Le Seuil, 1988.

Parler d’anarcho-syndicalisme avant 1922 est un anachronisme.

Zeev Sternhell, La Droite révolutionnaire, 1885-1914. Les origines françaises du fascisme, Le Seuil, 1978.

Sternhell a décelé, dans l’antiparlementarisme du syndicalisme révolutionnaire, un germe de fascisme (!). Or, celui-ci opposait au parlementarisme la démocratie ouvrière directe, nullement un État dictatorial et militarisé… Sternhell ne l’a pas compris, ou a fait semblant de ne pas le comprendre.

Alfred Rosmer, Le Mouvement ouvrier pendant la guerre, tome I, Librairie du travail, 1936 ; tome II, Mouton & Co, 1959.

#guerre #1914 #anarchisme #syndicalisme #antimilitarisme #révolution

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