#real state in Delhi

[newpostad]

Why Delhi is a Hotspot for Real Estate Investors in 2025

Introduction

Delhi, the capital of India, has long been a prime location for real estate investments. With its robust infrastructure, excellent connectivity, and growing commercial hubs, the city offers lucrative opportunities for investors. As we move into 2025, Delhi’s real estate market continues to attract both domestic and international buyers. Among the many promising locations in Delhi, Dwarka stands out as a highly sought-after area, particularly for 4BHK flats for rent and sale in Dwarka. In this article, we will explore why Delhi remains a hotspot for real estate investors and why Dwarka is emerging as a prime location for spacious and luxurious living.

1. Strong Infrastructure and Connectivity

One of the primary reasons why Delhi remains an attractive real estate market is its well-developed infrastructure and connectivity. The city is home to some of India’s best roads, metro networks, and highways, ensuring seamless travel within and outside the city.

Delhi Metro Expansion: The Delhi Metro, which connects almost every part of the city, has made commuting easier and more efficient.

Dwarka Expressway: This expressway has significantly boosted the real estate demand in Dwarka, making 4BHK flats for rent and sale in Dwarka a great investment.

Indira Gandhi International Airport: Proximity to the airport makes Delhi a preferred choice for business travelers and professionals.

2. Growth in Commercial and IT Hubs

Delhi has seen a rapid rise in commercial hubs, IT parks, and business centers. Many multinational companies, start-ups, and established enterprises have their headquarters in the city, increasing the demand for both commercial and residential properties.

Business Hubs in Connaught Place and Aerocity: These areas continue to attract top corporations, ensuring steady demand for housing in nearby regions.

Emerging Corporate Spaces in Dwarka: With a rise in commercial activity, Dwarka has seen an increasing demand for 4BHK flats for rent and sale in Dwarka, especially among professionals and business owners.

3. Booming Rental Market

Investors looking for passive income through rental properties will find Delhi an ideal location. The rental market in Delhi has remained strong, with increasing demand for premium and luxury apartments.

High Rental Yields in Dwarka: The presence of educational institutions, hospitals, and corporate offices has driven rental demand in Dwarka.

Demand for Spacious Apartments: With the trend of remote working and larger family setups, the demand for 4BHK flats for rent and sale in Dwarka is on the rise.

4. Increasing Demand for Luxury and Spacious Living

As homebuyers seek larger spaces post-pandemic, the demand for 4BHK and larger apartments has increased significantly. Dwarka is one of the few locations in Delhi that offers spacious homes at competitive prices.

Modern Amenities and Gated Communities: Most 4BHK flats in Dwarka come with modern amenities like clubhouses, swimming pools, and security features.

Affordable Luxury: Compared to central Delhi, Dwarka offers premium properties at more affordable rates, making it a preferred choice for families and investors.

5. Government Initiatives and Smart City Development

Government policies and initiatives play a crucial role in real estate growth. The Delhi government has introduced several initiatives to promote real estate development in 2025.

Land Pooling Policy: This initiative aims to develop urban infrastructure, making areas like Dwarka more attractive for real estate investments.

Smart City Projects: Dwarka has been selected for smart city development, enhancing its appeal among investors looking for 4BHK flats for rent and sale in Dwarka.

6. High Return on Investment (ROI)

Investing in real estate is all about long-term value appreciation, and Delhi continues to offer promising returns on investment.

Price Appreciation in Dwarka: With upcoming infrastructure projects, property values in Dwarka are expected to rise steadily.

Growing Demand for Luxury Homes: The preference for larger apartments ensures sustained demand for 4BHK flats for rent and sale in Dwarka, making it a lucrative investment.

7. Proximity to NCR and Key Locations

Delhi’s strategic location makes it an attractive hub for real estate investments, with easy access to the National Capital Region (NCR) and key cities like Gurugram and Noida.

Seamless Connectivity to Gurugram & Noida: Business professionals working in these cities often prefer to reside in Delhi.

Upcoming Infrastructure Projects: New expressways, metro expansions, and urban developments continue to improve connectivity, boosting property value.

Conclusion

Delhi remains a prime real estate hotspot in 2025 due to its strong infrastructure, thriving commercial hubs, and high demand for residential properties. Among all locations, Dwarka stands out as one of the best areas for investment, particularly in 4BHK flats for rent and sale in Dwarka. With affordable luxury, excellent connectivity, and promising future developments, investing in Dwarka’s real estate market can offer high returns and a quality lifestyle. If you are looking for a secure and profitable real estate investment, now is the perfect time to explore opportunities in Delhi, especially in Dwarka.

[jitendrasahu]

WHAT IS THE REAL STORY BEHIND SHIVLING PUJA?

For complete information must read Book,

"Hindu Saheban! Nhi samjhe Gita , Ved, Puran."

[dharmdass]

🔅सत भक्ति करने से मनुष्यों को दैविक शक्तियां पूर्ण लाभ देती हैं और साधक परमेश्वर पर आश्रित रहने से बगैर किसी चिंता के जीवन जीता है।

[omaxedwarkaprojectd]

Unmatched Investment Opportunities for investors, the Omaxe Dwarka Project presents a lucrative opportunity with flexible pricing options that cater to different budgets. With a 50:50 payment plan, the pricing starts from: ₹37.5 lakhs* for unlockable spaces, which are ideal for minimum budget and flexible investments option who looking to establish a foothold in a premium location.

[bhavishyanirman]

How to Register Flat Buyers Association in Noida Extension?

 From a buyer's point of view, buying a 3 BHK Flat In South Delhi is beneficial. What could be a better offer than purchasing a condo for less than the going rate? Additionally, you save money by buying a resale flat instead of paying rent. If you want to purchase a resale unit instead, you can use the money to pay the EMIs on your house loan. Also, you won't have to wait months or years to move into the flat after making the purchase.

However, because a resale property has previously changed ownership, buying it entails a number of intricate legal steps as well as technological considerations. In order to make sure the flat has all the necessary government approvals and the seller has the right to sell it, you should, therefore, check and verify all the property papers and legal documents involved in the purchase before making the final decision to buy a resale flat in Delhi Noida or any other city in India. Also, you will need to know a few benefits of registering when you finally register your flat. 

How to Register Flat buyers Association in Noida Extension?  Before That, Know Why Registering is Essential 

In Delhi, registering a flat seems like a chore, but it's worth the effort if you own a house. You have one more task to complete before you can formally take ownership of this land. It is necessary to register your property in order to provide you with ownership rights over it.

The state government is in charge of establishing laws and regulations for the flat registration process for a South Delhi flat. As per a state effort by the revenue department, property buyers can conveniently register the sale deed online and compute and pay stamp duty and registration fees through net banking.

Step 1 Know the Amount of Stamp Duty 

The payment of stamp duty, a governmental fee, is one of the most critical procedures in the flat registration procedure in Delhi. The stamp duty rate varies from state to state because state governments set it. It is calculated as a percentage of the house's total property value or as the current circle rate as established by state authorities, depending on which of the two is higher.

Step 2, Prep-up The Sales Deed

If you are wondering how to register flat buyers association in Noida extension? A sales deed is one of the most critical documents in the registration process and when purchasing a luxury flat in Kolkata. The legal validity of a sales deed requires that it be typed on stamp paper, which can be bought from a vendor or downloaded from the internet. You will need to hire a competent attorney to create it on your behalf since it is a legal document for your 3 BHK flat in South Delhi. 

Step 3. You Will Need to Obtain Necessary Document 

Before purchasing an apartment in Delhi and registering it with your sub-registrar, a few documents must be verified.

A government-approved ID card and proof of address.

No objection certificate (NOC) for the asset

passport-sized pictures of the owner of the property and two observers

The latest bank account statement if you are still paying mortgage payments on the home.

Building blueprints that the appropriate authorities have approved.

Title deeds belonging to the landowner.

You can use cash or a demand draft to pay the stamp duty.

Produce the Title Report 

To obtain the chain of documents that represent the history of the flat, you should perform a Title Search at the Registrar's office. After it is finished, you will receive a written analysis of the flat in the form of the Title Report, which will include facts about the property tax, liens and mortgages attached to it, as well as the description of the flat and other information about its tax rate, the identity of the title holder, and any joint encumbrances.

Step 5. Paying the Registration Fees 

Following the sub-registrar's verification of the document's legitimacy for your South Delhi property and the payment of stamp duty, you will be required to pay the registration fees. If you make a reservation within four months of the sales deed being signed, the registration fee is 1.5% of the total property value.

Conclusion: How to Register Flat buyers Association in Noida Extension?

Each of these documents is an essential link in the chain of documentation you need to purchase a resale flat. When applying for a resale house loan, the bank also needs these submitted. Therefore, it is advised against buying the flat if any of these documents are missing or the seller is unable to produce them. Also, you can visit the official site of Bhavishya Nirman Builder or call them at 9711626242 to book your slot for sightseeing. 

#bhavishya_nirman

#real_state

[residential-projects-delhi-ncr]

https://www.madhyam.com/noida-properties.php

[the-aspec-country]

I exist now!

hi Tumblr! I am the Aspec Country! I don't know how else to introduce myself so I'll just tag some people

(sorry if I double tag you)

@aro-sp-ace-force @big-fucking-sagittarius-astar @bisexual-navy @canadian-hellbird @france-unofficial

@gimmickverse-weekly @god-of-death-official @gimmick-swag @genderfluid-marine-corp @i-say-bean

@i-am-the-milky-way-galaxy @its-target-official @libra-the-scales-offical @literally-leo @literally-luxembourg

@might-be-capricorn @moongate-keepers-official @non-tyrannical-usa @official-god-of-order @officially-new-zealand

@official-draco-constellation @officially-capricorn @the-missiles-guy @totally-neptune-official @totally-oregon

@totally-ikea @ursa-minor-probably @ursa-major-actually @walmart-the-official

@youraveragemagicalthief@yahooo-official @duothelingo @i-say-bean @corvus-the-constellation

@and-cassiopeia @officially-taurus @the-official-god-of-chaos @the-real-illinois @the-principality-of-sealand

@the-red-planet-mars @its-target-official @guatemala-official @the-gimmick-authority @thestateoflouisiana

@amul-unofficial @official-the-united-states @official-denmark @denmark-forreal @denmark-official

@denmarklandia-official @actually-danish-denmark @official-hongkong @official-ireland @definitelytherepublicofireland

@actually-literally-ireland @forever-scotland @totally-france @france-unofficial @russia-totallyofficial

@germany-official @totally-germany @genuinely-germany @definitely-britain

@definitely-canada @official-new-zealand @india-official @yugoslavia-official @wales-official

@the-offical-roman-empire @the-official-italy @guatemala-official @totally-italy @the-principality-of-sealand

@definitely-brasil @holy-roman-empire-revived @spain-unofficial @very-real-australia @antiquitian-empire

@literally-luxembourg @100-percent-real-official-malta @totally-japan @therealrepublicofkorea @pakistan-official

@i-am-poland @kingdom-of-asgardia-real @very-much-mexico @republic-of-molossia @the-kingdom-of-norway

@sweden-official @non-tyrannical-usa @the-entire-country-of-sweden @greenland-offical @the-state-of-michigan

@state-of-0hio-official @cape-breton-island-itself @state-of-florida-official @state-of-connecticut-official @the-us-navy-offical

@the-us-navy @the-real-illinois @the-state-of-georgia-official @mhm-wisconsin @rejasthanofficial

@stateofuttarpradeshindiaofficial @the-only-ontario @actually-alberta @newjersey-official @new-york-for-real

@definitely-indiana @the-province-of-nova-scotia-real @femboy-state-of-florida-official @the-republic-of-texas

@new-hampshire-real @unofficial-illinois @newhampshireofficial @saskatchewan-real @quebec-official

@texas-real @rhode-island-real @we-are-not-the-feds @totally-texas @telangana-official

@sovereign-state-of-alaska @tamil-nadu-official @west-bengal-official @this-is-goa @totally-oregon

@buffalony-official @maharashtra-official @kolkatabbg @gujarat-official @axom-miss

@karnatakaofficial @canadian-tire-real @tamilnadu-official @bihar-official @mumbai-official

@communist-usa-real @officially-gay-va @definitely-north-america @antarcitica-official @official-the-pacific-ocean

@the-real-atlantic-ocean @bangladesh-official @hyderabad-unofficial @delhi-the-capital @the-lovely-planet-earth

@totally-italy @france-unofficial @totally-france @the-official-italy @the-wonderful-jupiter

@speckled-callisto @deimos-moon-of-terror @moon-of-fear-phobos @decafcatfeen @the-real-eris

@the-real-illinois @the-official-goose-god @india-official @pakistan-official @asteroid-belt-resident-ceres

@genuinely-germany @antiquitian-empire @actually-mtn-dew @spain-unofficial @definitely-brasil

@definitely-britain @definitely-canada @very-real-australia @zoozve-official @the-province-of-nova-scotia-real

@the-problemo @unusuallyy @concrete-the-cat @official-denmark @official-hongkong

@official-planet-pluto @truly-pluto @truly-the-sun @its-target-official @i-am-poland

@ruhrpott-i-guess @non-tyrannical-usa @the-gimmick-authority @realsafari @official-new-zealand

@google-news-official @guatemala-official @forever-scotland @definitely-waste-management

[buffalony-official]

i think we should all listen to this song :3

@official-denmark @denmark-forreal @denmark-official @denmarklandia-official

@actually-danish-denmark @official-hongkong @official-ireland @definitelytherepublicofireland @actually-literally-ireland

@forever-scotland @totally-france @france-unofficial @russia-totallyofficial

@germany-official @totally-germany @genuinely-germany @definitely-britain @definitely-canada

@official-new-zealand @nihonkokuu @india-official @yugoslavia-official @wales-official

@the-offical-roman-empire @the-official-italy @guatemala-official @totally-italy @the-principality-of-sealand

@definitely-brasil @holy-roman-empire-revived @spain-unofficial @very-real-australia

@antiquitian-empire @literally-luxembourg @100-percent-real-official-malta @definitely-totally-croatia @republic-of-philippines

@totally-japan @therealrepublicofkorea @pakistan-official @i-am-poland @kingdom-of-asgardia-real

@very-much-mexico @republic-of-molossia @the-kingdom-of-norway @sweden-official @non-tyrannical-usa

@the-entire-country-of-sweden @greenland-offical @michigan-is-cool-trust-me @the-state-of-michigan

@state-0f-0hio-official @cape-breton-island-itself @state-of-florida-official @state-of-connecticut-official @the-us-navy-offical

@the-us-navy @the-real-illinois @the-state-of-georgia-official @the-official-goose-god @utah-offical

@mhm-wisconsin @rejasthanofficial @stateofuttarpradeshindiaofficial @the-only-ontario

@actually-alberta @newjersey-official @new-york-for-real @definitely-indiana @the-province-of-nova-scotia-real

@femboy-state-of-florida-official @the-republic-of-texas @new-hampshire-real @unofficial-illinois

@newhampshireofficial @saskatchewan-real @quebec-official @texas-real @rhode-island-real

@we-are-not-the-feds @totally-texas @telangana-official @sovereign-state-of-alaska @tamil-nadu-official

@west-bengal-official @this-is-goa @totally-oregon @buffalony-official @maharashtra-official

@gujarat-official @axom-miss @karnatakaofficial @canadian-tire-real

@tamilnadu-official @bihar-official @mumbai-official @communist-usa-real @officially-gay-va

@definitely-north-america @antarcitica-official @official-the-pacific-ocean @the-real-atlantic-ocean @nigerianaspecforces

@bangladesh-official @hyderabad-unofficial @delhi-the-capital @thestateoflouisiana @amul-unofficial

@ohio-thestate @maryland-officially @definitely-the-real-belgium @the-united-state @literally-the-first-state

[the-writer]

hi! I'm the writer! I'm a gimmick blog! but I also like to write. So um, I guess I'll tag some blogs now (got this list from a friend, don't know if it'll work or not)

@aro-sp-ace-force @big-fucking-sagittarius-astar @bisexual-navy @canadian-hellbird @france-unofficial

@gimmickverse-weekly @god-of-death-official @gimmick-swag @genderfluid-marine-corp @i-say-bean

@i-am-the-milky-way-galaxy @its-target-official @libra-the-scales-offical @literally-leo @literally-luxembourg

@might-be-capricorn @moongate-keepers-official @non-tyrannical-usa @official-god-of-order @officially-new-zealand

@official-draco-constellation @officially-capricorn @the-missiles-guy @totally-neptune-official @totally-oregon

@totally-ikea @ursa-minor-probably @ursa-major-actually @walmart-the-official @youraveragemagicalthief

@yahooo-official @duothelingo @i-say-bean @corvus-the-constellation @and-cassiopeia

@officially-taurus @the-official-god-of-chaos @the-real-illinois @the-principality-of-sealand @the-red-planet-mars

@its-target-official @guatemala-official @the-gimmick-authority @thestateoflouisiana @amul-unofficial

@official-the-united-states @official-denmark @denmark-forreal @denmark-official @denmarklandia-official

@actually-danish-denmark @official-hongkong @official-ireland @definitelytherepublicofireland @actually-literally-ireland

@forever-scotland @totally-france @france-unofficial @russia-totallyofficial

@germany-official

@totally-germany @genuinely-germany @definitely-britain @definitely-canada

@official-new-zealand 

@india-official @yugoslavia-official @wales-official

@the-offical-roman-empire @the-official-italy

@guatemala-official @totally-italy @the-principality-of-sealand

@definitely-brasil @holy-roman-empire-revived

@spain-unofficial @very-real-australia

@antiquitian-empire @literally-luxembourg @100-percent-real-official-malta

@totally-japan @therealrepublicofkorea @pakistan-official @i-am-poland @kingdom-of-asgardia-real

@very-much-mexico @republic-of-molossia @the-kingdom-of-norway @sweden-official @non-tyrannical-usa

@the-entire-country-of-sweden @greenland-offical @the-state-of-michigan

@state-of-0hio-official @cape-breton-island-itself

@state-of-florida-official @state-of-connecticut-official @the-us-navy-offical

@the-us-navy @the-real-illinois

 @the-state-of-georgia-official

@mhm-wisconsin @rejasthanofficial @stateofuttarpradeshindiaofficial @the-only-ontario

@actually-alberta @newjersey-official @new-york-for-real @definitely-indiana @the-province-of-nova-scotia-real

@femboy-state-of-florida-official @the-republic-of-texas @new-hampshire-real @unofficial-illinois

@newhampshireofficial 

@saskatchewan-real @quebec-official @texas-real @rhode-island-real

@we-are-not-the-feds 

@totally-texas @telangana-official @sovereign-state-of-alaska @tamil-nadu-official

@west-bengal-official 

@this-is-goa @totally-oregon @buffalony-official @maharashtra-official

@kolkatabbg @gujarat-official 

@axom-miss @karnatakaofficial @canadian-tire-real

@tamilnadu-official @bihar-official

 @mumbai-official @communist-usa-real @officially-gay-va

@definitely-north-america @antarcitica-official

 @official-the-pacific-ocean @the-real-atlantic-ocean

@bangladesh-official @hyderabad-unofficial @delhi-the-capital 

@the-lovely-planet-earth @totally-italy @france-unofficial @totally-france @the-official-italy

@the-wonderful-jupiter @speckled-callisto @deimos-moon-of-terror @moon-of-fear-phobos @decafcatfeen

@the-real-eris @the-real-illinois @the-official-goose-god @india-official @pakistan-official

@asteroid-belt-resident-ceres @genuinely-germany @antiquitian-empire @actually-mtn-dew @spain-unofficial

@definitely-brasil @definitely-britain @definitely-canada @very-real-australia @zoozve-official

@the-province-of-nova-scotia-real @the-problemo @unusuallyy @concrete-the-cat @official-denmark

@official-hongkong @official-planet-pluto @truly-pluto @truly-the-sun @its-target-official

@i-am-poland @ruhrpott-i-guess @non-tyrannical-usa @the-gimmick-authority @realsafari

@official-new-zealand @google-news-official @guatemala-official @forever-scotland @actual-aspec-military

[jeetechacademyrohini]

Jeetech Academy, a leading Graphic Design Institute in Rohini, Delhi, offers comprehensive training programs tailored to meet the creative aspirations of students. With experienced instructors and state-of-the-art facilities, Jeetech Academy ensures students gain both theoretical knowledge and practical skills to excel in the competitive design industry. 

[misalpav]

I think in light of recent events, it should come to attention for a lot more people that the western education system needs MASSIVE upheaval especially in the social sciences. "World history", as taught in the United States (because that's where I live and is the system I know best, but from what I've seen, most of the west is like this) is just a ruse at best to focus on Eurocentric history for 7 months and spend the 8th and 9th touching on literally everywhere else. Before anyone says it, no it's not because European history is more relevant to America because the parts of European history that are relevant to the USA are touched on extensively through the almost 3-4 years of US specific history classes I had. Meanwhile, real conflict that actually does affect our daily life because of internet and social media like Israel/Palestine, Russia/Ukraine, China/Taiwan, etc. were never mentioned and we were left shocked as those events transpired and rushed to learn about those histories.

I'm an Indian and a Hindu, so on that front I will also go ahead and say to America: what the absolute fuck? You had absolutely no qualms while teaching the practice of jauhar but couldn't mention that it was an act of desperation by women to salvage their dignity from the Muslim terrorists that wouldn't have wasted a second to r*pe or capture them. You went ahead and taught how Shah Jahan built the Taj Mahal because he was upset his wife died but failed to mention the countless native people he killed and temples he desecrated. But you could never mention the native Hindu temples in India that stump modern architects? You could mention Aurangzeb and the Delhi Sultanate but not Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj or Rani Rudramadevi because, according to you, the only important things that happened in India were the Muslim and British imperialists right? Then you wonder why, as a society, we struggle with hinduphobia and terrorist groups like the D*tbusters were given the confidence to exist but I don't actually think it's that surprising considering the narrative taught to children as early as middle and high school. Obviously, this narrative also expands to the countless other minorities that have their histories skewed like this, enabling continued bigotry. I think it's absolutely horrendous how the president of Harvard was able to say "it depends on the context" when it came to punishing antisemitism and still stay as faculty at the university with her high 6 figure salary. That kind of bullshit so high up in our educational structures is exactly what keeps fucking us over.

No, I'm not saying you need to go into the details for everything in the world either because that would be impossible, but what I am saying is history can and should be more equitable. In the United States, you can and should teach American history in detail and I have no issues with that (except for how "American history" itself is being watered down by politics and censorship but that's a whole other conversation), but I think 3 centuries after America got independence from the British, the fact that Henry VIII created a church j so he could divorce his first wife is just so unnecessary when people can't even distinguish the fact that Jesus was a Jew and Judaism is one of the oldest surviving religions and then use false information to hurl insults at the Jew community.

Obviously, a lot of what I said was addressed to America, but that definitely does not give the rest of the West a free pass.

[whencyclopedia]

Delhi Durbar

The Delhi Durbar was a spectacular public event held in India to commemorate the accession of a new British monarch to the title Empress or Emperor of India. Three Delhi Durbars were held: 1877, 1903, and 1911. The event involved military processions, elephants, and magnificent carriages, as well as a host of rulers of the Indian princely states paying homage to the British Crown in recognition of its sovereignty over large parts of the subcontinent.

Queen Victoria (r. 1837-1901) did not attend the 1877 Delhi Durbar in person but was represented by the viceroy. Similarly, in the 1903 durbar, another viceroy represented King Edward VII (r. 1900-1910). The 1911 durbar was the most spectacular of all as King George V (r. 1910-1936) attended the event in person.

The Durbar Tradition

Spectacular gatherings of semi-independent or vassal rulers in order to pay homage to an emperor were a regular feature of the Mughal Empire (1526-1857) in India. These ceremonies were held at the royal court or durbar, and so that name became associated with the public act of homage performed by vassal rulers. In the royal palace in Delhi (today known as the Red Fort), the multitude of subordinate rulers gathered in a great open courtyard festooned with coloured awnings and wall hangings while, in the centre, the Mughal emperor awaited their homage of loyalty. The emperor sat majestically on the Peacock Throne, "a stunning construction of gold and jewels surmounted by a golden arch and topped by two gilded peacocks, birds of allegedly incorruptible flesh which may have symbolised not only the splendour of the Mughals but also their durability" (James, 4). The Mughal durbars not only displayed the emperor's power and his subject's obedience but were also an occasion to hear opinions from experienced rulers, to catch up on events in the far corners of the empire, and to settle any disputes or matters of justice between vassal rulers.

The British took on this double idea of power display and receiving homage from allied rulers. Delhi, the capital of the Mughal Empire in India, seemed a suitable location as it would involve a strong propaganda message "of complete British assumption of the symbolic and real power once held by the Mughal emperors" (Barrow, 126). Calcutta (Kolkata) was the other choice since this had long been the main centre of the East India Company, whose territories the British Crown and government took over in 1858. Calcutta was also made the capital of the British Raj (rule) in India. In 1911, however, Delhi replaced Calcutta in this role. For the durbars, though, Delhi was the choice for all three events. To demonstrate to the Indian rulers just why they were paying homage to the British Crown, the British version of the durbar involved a huge display of the empire's military might.

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[omaxedwarkaprojectd]

Omaxe Dwarka Project: Commercial Space and Sports Complex

The Omaxe Dwarka Project is a landmark development situated in the bustling region of Dwarka, Delhi. It promises to redefine urban living and business opportunities with its state-of-the-art commercial spaces and world-class sports complex. This project aims to cater to the dynamic needs of businesses, sports enthusiasts, and the general public by providing top-notch facilities and an environment conducive to growth and recreation.

[mariacallous]

India is in the middle of a 44-day exercise to elect its next government, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi tipped to return his Bharatiya Janata Party to power for a third consecutive term. Modi, who aims to win nearly three-quarters of the country’s 543 parliamentary seats, has surprised many observers by using dehumanizing anti-Muslim language on the campaign trail—rhetoric that is more direct than that of his past speeches.

So far, the BJP campaign has focused on creating an irrational fear among India’s Hindu majority that if Modi doesn’t return as prime minister, a share of their private wealth and affirmative action job quotas will be given to Indian Muslims. Modi and his party have doubled down on this narrative at a moment when reports suggest that their quest for a supermajority is unlikely to succeed. The brazen continuation of such anti-Muslim rhetoric differentiates this campaign from the two others that have put Modi in the prime minister’s office.

Hate speech is a criminal offense in India, and it is specifically barred during an election campaign. However, Modi chose the three leaders of India’s Election Commission, the agency charged with conducting free and fair polls, and it has ignored his flagrant violations of the election code. As a result, as the campaign continues through the end of May, so too will Modi’s anti-Muslim tirades. India is expected to announce its election results on June 4.

If the BJP wins and Modi is once again crowned prime minister, his Islamophobic rhetoric will not simply disappear. Many political leaders campaign in poetry and govern in prose, but hateful rhetoric has real-life consequences. Modi’s campaign speeches have put a target on Indian Muslims’ backs, redirecting the anger of poor and marginalized Hindu communities away from crony capitalists and the privileged upper castes. It underscores an attempt to make members of the Muslim minority second-class citizens in a de facto Hindu Rashtra, or state.

These social schisms need only a small spark to burst into communal violence, which would damage India’s global status and growth. Furthermore, Modi’s campaign rhetoric is matched by the BJP’s choice to not put up candidates in Muslim-majority Kashmir, reducing its stake in ensuring robust democracy in a region that New Delhi has ruled directly since 2019. His language will also have a direct bearing on India’s fraught ties with its neighbor Pakistan. Finally, the state-backed ill treatment will likely not be limited to Indian Muslims—meaning that other religious minorities, such as Christians and Sikhs, will also be affected.

Around 200 million Muslims live in India—the second-largest Muslim population in the world, after that of Indonesia. Few mainstream Indian political leaders have plummeted to such depths in castigating these citizens. Modi’s campaign rhetoric makes clear that if he is elected to a third consecutive term, the nation’s Muslims will stand politically disempowered, economically marginalized, and deprived of their constitutional rights.

Modi’s political rise came in the wake of significant violence against Muslims in Gujarat in 2002, when he was the state’s chief minister. Due to his role in the violence, the European Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States all temporarily barred his entry. Leading the party’s campaign to victory in the state assembly in the same year, his campaign speeches were full of crude language against Muslims. But the BJP’s electoral success in Gujarat—winning the next two assembly elections before the launch of Modi’s national campaign—ultimately gave Modi political credibility within an extreme fringe of the party.

By 2011, Modi had started reinventing himself as a business-friendly leader with an eye on a national role. By the time he became prime minister three years later, the narrative of a so-called Gujarat model of economic development concealed his anti-Muslim ideological moorings. Modi’s mask slipped occasionally, but he often spoke with a dog whistle. Mostly, the prime minister reiterated an imagination of India as a Hindu nation. In a post-9/11 world, Modi presented an alternative model of battling Islamic terrorism and consolidated a Hindu majoritarian voter base—delivering a stunning election victory in 2019 after an attempted airstrike against an alleged terrorist training camp inside Pakistan.

This year, Modi has not campaigned on his track record of the past decade or on the party manifesto for the next five years as often as he has attempted to further polarize Hindus and Muslims. In a speech given on April 21, Modi suggested that the opposition Indian National Congress party, if elected, would redistribute property to Muslims. The party would “calculate the gold with [Hindu] mothers and sisters” and transfer it “among those who are infiltrators and have more children,” he said—using terms by which his supporters regularly describe Muslims.

Elsewhere, Modi alleged that Congress was helping Muslims in a plot to take over India: “The opposition is asking Muslims to launch vote jihad,” he said in March. Speaking at a rally in Madhya Pradesh in early May, Modi said that voters would have to choose between “vote jihad” and “Ram Rajya,” the latter being a term referring to a mythical, idealized society that purportedly existed during the rule of Lord Rama, the hero of the famous Hindu epic Ramayana.

The prime minister’s economic advisory council soon released a paper that sought to stoke anxieties about a decline in the proportion of Hindus in India; during the period it covered—1950 to 2015—India’s population actually increased by five Hindus for every one Muslim citizen, but BJP leaders soon deployed the report to further demonize Indian Muslims.

The party’s official messaging has echoed Modi’s rhetoric. A now-deleted video posted on the Instagram account for the BJP’s Karnataka branch this month said, “If you are a non-Muslim, Congress will snatch your wealth and distribute it to Muslims. Narendra Modi knows of this evil plan. Only he has the strength to stop it.” It was followed by an animated clip depicting Congress leader Rahul Gandhi hatching a plan to benefit Muslims at the expense of Hindu groups.

Other Indian democratic institutions have done no better. Despite formal complaints from opposition parties and civil society groups, the election commission has neither punished nor restrained Modi. A petition in the Delhi High Court seeking immediate action against Modi for his “communally divisive speeches” was dismissed, with the judges arguing that it was “without merit” because the commission was already looking into the matter. “We can’t presume that they won’t do anything,” one judge said. But as the elections near the finish line, that is precisely what has happened.

Some observers are likely to dismiss Modi’s recent language as par for the course during an election campaign, when tempers run high. However, most surveys and polls have predicted an easy victory for the prime minister and the BJP; he has no need to resort to pandering to base emotions with toxic rhetoric. In an interview, Modi denied that he had uttered a word against Indian Muslims; he was proved wrong by fact-checkers and video evidence. India’s top political scientist said that through his denials in interviews, Modi is trying to influence the naive chroniclers while he continues with his anti-Muslim speeches for the masses and his supporters. Modi’s No. 2, Amit Shah, insists that the party will continue with this anti-Muslim campaign. By persisting with hateful speech, the BJP leadership is fueling a narrative that is likely to intensify discrimination against Indian Muslims during Modi’s rule.

As prime minister, Modi has spearheaded a project for the political disempowerment of Indian Muslims. For the first time in the history of independent India, the ruling party does not have a single Muslim member of parliament. In the current election, the party has put up just one Muslim candidate—on a list of 440—who is running for an unwinnable seat in Kerala. More broadly, religious polarization has made it difficult for Muslim candidates to win seats in areas without an overwhelming Muslim majority. During recent elections, there have been complaints of authorities barring voters in Muslim-majority localities in BJP-ruled states. Modi’s message to Indian Muslims is unequivocal: You do not matter politically.

India’s Muslims are economically disadvantaged, too. A 2006 committee under Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s Congress government found that the Muslim community faced high levels of poverty and poor outcomes on almost all socioeconomic indicators. India’s opposition parties have promised a new socioeconomic survey that could inform future policy without a focus on religion. Modi’s government, by contrast, opted to not conduct even the regular census in 2021—the first such instance in 140 years—due to COVID-19; it has not been conducted since.

Rather than relying on data, Modi and his supporters prefer an emotional response that pitches poor and marginalized Hindus against Muslims. India is a highly unequal country: About 90 percent of the population earns less than the average income of $2,800 per year. This gap has widened under Modi, with the richest 1 percent now owning 40 percent of India’s wealth. By othering Muslims, Modi puts them at risk of becoming the object of other deprived groups’ ire, which could lead to further communal violence. A Muslim man was allegedly lynched in Gujarat during the current election campaign, without making national  headlines.

Islamophobia is at the core of the project to make India a Hindu state. Modi and the BJP frequently weaponize terrorism discourse to delegitimize critics and political opposition. In Kashmir, where the BJP is not running candidates this election, this tactic has fueled anger and hostility. The high turnout in the region seems to be an expression of rage against Modi’s 2019 decision to revoke its semi-autonomous status. When the ruling party leaders conflate Islam with terrorism, there is little chance of extending any hand of peace toward Pakistan, either. Modi and his ministers have vowed to take back Pakistan-administered Kashmir by force if necessary—no matter the grave risk of conflict between two nuclear-armed countries.

Finally, Modi’s rhetoric does not bode well for other religious minorities in India. In the border state of Manipur, the largely Christian Kuki community has suffered state-backed majoritarian violence for more than a year. In Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populated state, Christian priests and worshippers are being jailed, beaten, and threatened by both Hindu majoritarian groups and state police. Meanwhile, the BJP has demonized the Sikh farmers who led protests against agricultural laws in 2020 and 2021, labeling them as separatist Khalistani terrorists. (Last year, Modi’s government was accused of involvement in the killing of a Sikh separatist leader in Canada as well as in an attempted assassination in New York.)

Muslims, Sikhs, and Christians are India’s biggest religious minorities; they make up nearly one-fifth of the country’s population. To disempower these groups would spell the end of the historical bond between India and ideas of universal justice, human rights, and democracy. A majoritarian Indian state—a Hindu Rashtra—would instead make a covenant with bigotry, discrimination, and violence. The bipartisan U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom has repeatedly asked Washington to blacklist Modi’s government for its suppression of religious freedom, but the Biden administration has refused to act so far.

However, the evidence is there for all to see—and Modi has further substantiated the charge of bigotry with his campaign speeches targeting Indian Muslims. No matter if the BJP achieves its supermajority, this rhetoric will have significant consequences for India. Modi is serving a warning. The world should take note before it is too late.

[fatehbaz]

Sheetal Chhabria sets her finger on the core of a shared problem that her book Making the Modern Slum: The Power of Capital in Colonial Bombay, Yahia Shawkat’s Egypt’s Housing Crisis: Shaping the Urban Space and my own Possessing the City: Property and Politics in Delhi 1911-1947 are outlining. The settings and periods are diverse and the particular histories diverge. But, in each of our work, we point to both the commodification of shelter and the paradoxical histories of efforts to oppose or mitigate that commodification. The Housing Question – how to provide decent and dignified shelter to every human – seems to be hummed to a drearily repetitive tune (with a few varying notes) in the Global South. Indeed, many of the same problems are reproduced in the Global North as well.

The stubbornness with which mass housing initiatives are reinserted into commodity circuits is a key lesson in all three works. This despite a related phenomenon that Chhabria points to the sheer variety of ways in which housing has been used by the state to ‘manage populations’. Chhabria and Shawkat both refer, for instance, to moments in which housing has been utilized as a tool to ensure the immobilization of working populations. Much like in a prison, to use housing as a way to prevent or restrict the mobility of working people.

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Part of the reason for this is that Chhabria’s work on Bombay culminates at a point of unique labor mobility: the migration away from the city of much of Bombay’s mill labor force in the wake of the late nineteenth century plague epidemic. [...] But it was also a project of housing in which luring workers back to the city and holding them there was an essential component. The Bombay Improvement Trust (BIT), whose trajectory from inception to failure Chhabria meticulously chronicles, bears the marks of exactly such an origin point. The BIT was in the final reckoning a mix of welfarism, state-subsidy for financial speculation, attempts to signal a more sanitary city and immobilising labour. [...] However, this limited decommodification of shelter was a mere sub-theme among the other agenda of the BIT.

Crucially, Chhabria points out, Indian elites and the colonial state joined in their appreciation of the opportunities for profit-making and governing on the cheap, while solving labor supply problems through the BIT’s housing initiatives.

In Shawkat’s Egypt too, both in the late nineteenth century and in the present, the ‘izba recurs as a form of housing designed to immobilize labor – converting peasants more fully into workers. [...]

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The slum must also [...] be an active source of a reserve army of labor. [...] Here the establishment of a Delhi Improvement Trust (in 1937, nearly 40 years after the BIT) was initiated by a piece of bad press. [...] The DIT’s major success was in [...] (something that Chhabria points out happened in Bombay too) participating in a round of speculative development in the Delhi countryside. [...] These and myriad other pathways have tended to return housing – even housing built at subsidized rates for the city’s working poor – to circuits of accumulation and profit.

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Shawkat [...] is clear-sighted about the terminal point – decommodified housing. Any intermediate position, he argues, would prove unstable and return housing to the circuits of capital circulation. [...] As I have been pointing out, each of our three works provides templates by which waves of partial decommodification are clawed back into circuits of profit and loss.

How, then, could a more permanent extrication of shelter from commodification be achieved? The unsuccessful efforts to decommodify housing in colonial Delhi illustrate some potential pitfalls. [...] The weakness of struggles to decommodify housing in Delhi meant that even housing for Partition refugees would become the launchpad for what is today India’s largest private real estate firm -- Delhi Land and Finance. [...]

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The Housing Question, cannot be separated from the much broader question of power. Mobilizations from below which are committed to a vision of broad human emancipation are the only viable way forward. Neither a brilliant urban plan nor the temporarily persuaded ear of a state official can achieve the decommodification of shelter that Shawkat calls for. [...] Stubbornly enough, [...] at the heart of it tends to lie a nexus between industrialists, richer traders, real estate speculators, and the state. Yes, temporary relief might be won [...]. But, as the history of the return of housing to circuits of commodity demonstrates, [...] the battle to provide shelter as a right is first about building [...] [movements] that can fight and win a broad decommodification of everyday life.

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Text by: Anish Vanaik. “Shelter as Capital: Housing and Commodification: Lessons from the Global South.” Borderlines [open-access site mentored by editors of Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East]. Published online: 18 February 2021. [Bold emphasis and some paragraph breaks/contractions added by me.]