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Sanctus Health Care is the best old age home in Pune.
Selecting the ideal care facility for a loved one or yourself is an important choice. Pune, a city full of life, also provides a range of care options. Sanctus Healthcare stands out among them all by offering patient care services that are especially catered to the requirements of the residents.
More Than Just an Elderly Residence: A Safe Haven for Healing and Rehabilitation
Sanctus Care offers more than just housing for seniors looking for a best old age home in Pune. Offering physical, occupational, and speech therapy services to promote healing and mobility, they specialize in rehabilitation. They are therefore the ideal option for anyone looking for rehabilitation centers in Pune.
Exposing the Expenses: Openness and Adaptability
It's crucial to comprehend the financial aspects. Depending on the care level selected, Sanctus Care has different monthly costs. But openness is essential, and upon request, they provide thorough cost breakdowns. Furthermore, adaptability is critical. Sanctus Care takes a number of payment methods, including private pay, insurance, and even government assistance plans.
Kindness Above and Beyond Expectations: Your Cherished Ones, Secure and Encouraged
Beyond providing basic amenities, Sanctus Care places a high value on the social and emotional health of its residents. Their committed staff provides round-the-clock care, attending to medical requirements and promoting warmth and camaraderie. Everyday burdens are eliminated with the provision of delicious meals, laundry, and housekeeping. The lives of residents are further enhanced by social and recreational activities.
Sanctus Healthcare is one of the best old age home in Pune: Get in touch with Sanctus Healthcare.
Sanctus Healthcare merits your consideration if you're looking for an old age home or rehabilitation center in Pune. To find out more about their offerings and facilities, go to https://sanctushealthcare.com/. Contact them by phone at +91-8380087093 or via email at [email protected] to arrange a visit and witness their kindness and expertise in person. Recall that selecting the ideal care facility is an extremely private choice. Explore their sanctuary, ask questions, and see if Sanctus Healthcare is the right place for your loved one's path to better health and happiness.
#rehabilitation center in pune#old age home monthly cost#best old age home in pune#vrudhashram in pune#paid old age home in pune
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Paid Old Age Homes In Singhgad Road & Pune
Welcome to Sahvedna, we delight ourselves in supplying pleasant care offerings for our residents. The main objective of Paid Old Age Homes In Singhgad Road & Pune is to provide senior citizens with a safe and comfortable environment and convenience. The homes offer quality medical care, nutrition, and recreational and educational activities for the elderly. Senior care providers offer several services to ensure seniors can live healthy and fulfilling lives. Here’s what sets our paid old-age houses apart:
Key Features 1. Comfortable Accommodation:
We offer you well-furnished and comfortable rooms with a homely atmosphere.
2. Qualified Staff:
Our professional staff meets your specific needs and compassionate caregivers are trained to meet the unique needs of elderly residents.
3. Comprehensive medical care:
Regular health checkups, medication management, and access to emergency medical services.
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Lost in the highway
My throat felt dehydrated and woke up every time I tried to take a nap.
Sheetal and Sonu were also getting affected by it, even after all these efforts.
Sheetal is my wife and Sonu, my 8-year-old princess. I could see that tightness on Sheetal’s face which led Sonu to estimate that Maa and Baba were going through a tough period.
Sonu was different you know. She somehow just knew things; every time I hugged her it gave me a sort of energy. Sometimes I would just touch her feet while going out with my tempo; her grandfather had once said that she will change our fortune like she was an avatar of the Goddess of fortune.
It was 15th day of covid induced lockdown. Sheetal woke up.
Sheetal was from Pune where I saw her for the very first time on one of my trips to Pune where I was loaded with Mangoes which came from Ratnagiri and had to drop in these world-famous Mangoes in Bandra, Mumbai. She had a small tea-stall nearby this famous North Indian hotel where I would have my lunch in the Mumbai – Pune highway. Post that moment of wonderstruck, whenever I had an order to pick something up from Pune my eyes popped out with excitement. I never felt this warmness in my solar plexus before. It was as if I was exposed to some new form of malady, mind-blindness.
And this continued over the next one year. Thenceforth my hours of darkness were meant for her and night after night I was dipped into this puddle of fondness. She was like that sudden rain in the barren land of Arica.
Sheetal begged me to sleep for an awhile anyway; she knew what I was going through this unforeseen pandemic.
If not a virus, we may die out of starvation. I replied.
Making way for complete silence and rattling sound that hopped around our ceiling fan.
25-08-10,
She wore a red kurta with tiny red dots in it, how can I forget that day I finally approached this lady from Himachal.
Sheetal and her baba after her mother`s sudden demise, migrated to Pune from a tribal village of Bada Bhangal situated in the lap of beautiful Himalayas in Kangra district of Himachal Pradesh, selling everything which they had and leaving behind all the memories in search of a better life.
So how did you educate yourself for this art?
I asked (back in my mind I knew it was quite an off start for a conversation with someone you crush upon)
Then came her reply, a clumsy look at my lame inquiry.
I paid her for the cup of tea and left with a gawky feeling.
That return journey from Pune to Mumbai was all about hoodooing myself for my stupidity. All of that which I thought of last night nothing came to be true or maybe it was me who is an amateurish in this differing field of devotion and this led to the formation of a desire that ‘I can’.
In my next trip I will be much more error-free, I told this to inner me and slept.
That night after Sheetal urged me to sleep for some time I saw this dream, where a cannibalistic monster broke through our window, opening up its hungry jaw to gulp down Sonu. She stood feeble and small to this huge monster, wailing out for help. At once I came to her rescue and realized that this monster was not new to me. I was assaulted too just when I was about her age. He is Preta, also known as the Hungry Monster which comes out of extreme hunger and thirst, just after it spotted me. He left. I woke up again and started fondling Sonu while she was asleep like a newborn baby.
I was being more apprehensive, every time I gazed over Sonu. It was getting difficult for us. It seemed this lockdown was hooking us up for something worse.
09-09-10
Some things cannot wait. You have to rush and run to get a few things that you want from the core of your heart, said Sagar. Sheetal is one of them.
I knew this was not just a lecture indeed an advice given by my very own Parthasarathy.
I told him every minute detail about Sheetal from where I saw her for the first time to all these thoughts which are rolling over my mind. Sagar was one of my closest ones since I had shifted here in Mumbai from Mathura. From helping me rent this small Kholi in Mahim to lending funds for my Tempo, he had constantly stood by my side.
He was the manager in this North Indian hotel where I worked for a short period, suggested by my uncle who also lived in Mumbai. My journey in this city of dreams started from this small hotel in Colaba and gave me Sagar. He too belonged from Uttar Pradesh.
A day after Sagar’s advice, I took with me whatever money I had in my Kholi and left for Pune with my tempo. This 148km trip was about to be the dawn for a new beginning. With this intoxication in my head, mind, and soul I wanted to reach Pune as soon as possible, tell her about these thoughts which were constantly rolling over my head. I wanted to tell her how much I loved her, that it is difficult to keep it a secret any longer. I wanted to make her mine.
Finally, at around 12 in the noon I reached, my heartbeat rose like I was suffering from Tachycardia. Right after I seized my key and got off my Tempo my heart crashed. She was missing. No stall. Luckily one of the guys working in the hotel told me her whereabouts. She lived in a village, next to this stop. Trailing by her intoxication I finally reached this small draggled Kholi where Ramesh Juyal and his daughter lived. Yes, Ramesh Juyal was Sheetal’s father. And then I saw her, she came out of the Kholi as chotu called her ‘Sheetu Di koi Apse Milne Aya Hain’.
I was never this nervous before, not even when I arrived at the CST for the very first time.
It’s almost 11 am and I have been standing here in this queue for about 6 hours by now, that too for a plate of Khichdi. We stepped in the 19th day of this lockdown, nearly out of our rations.
From the last few days, we are dependent for our lunch to the free food distributed by a local NGO.
10-09-10,
She was shocked. I could see that in her eyes. She was angry too but she recognized me and that directed some amount of optimism towards my self-confidence.
Her father welcomed me into their little Kholi. It would be better if Sheetal had asked that first but you know I was not in any position to decide if anything was better.
It is Sheetal that has to decide not me and not you, Rameshji said.
I was in a state of shock.
Sheetal has already told me about you, that you have been stalking her from the last one year and also about your lame inquiry. And that was her mother who educated her with that art. Rameshji added.
I immediately took a glance towards Sheetal and caught her smiling. I realized that she knew it from the very first day itself.
I told them everything about my family.
A few months later we were getting married.
13-03-11 was the day
Sitting by the holy fire she hissed these words into my ears ‘I knew you would come searching for me’.
Today was our 9th Marriage Anniversary, midst such vulnerability.
Most of our neighbors were abandoning which I never witnessed before.
Altaf and his family are the ones of who we were closest to,
For Sheetal, Altaf’s spouse was like her own sister. It was Rubina who prearranged everything from Griha Pravesh Ceremony to Mooh Dikhai Ceremony following all the required norms at our marriage. It was Rubina who asked Sheetal to push the Kalash full of rice with her right toe marking her entry to this Nuclear Desai Family.
From that day onwards Sheetal and Rubina formed an indivisible bond with each other.
Roza came running in weeping and embraced Sheetal. She didn’t want to leave her dearly loved Bua.
Roza was Altaf and Rubina’s daughter. It is also worthy of note that Roza’s very lovable name was not given by her parents but her Bua.
Rubina, Sheetal, Sonu and Roza assembled when I and Altaf were away from home, spending most of the time looking for each other, not even a single day passed by that Sonu and Roza never fought with each other. Yet when they had to leave each other in the dusk, it was like they were profoundly affectionate of each other.
After our dinner, I and Altaf walked around talking about life over a Gold Flake.
This was the routine.
Without them, we were about to feel abandoned in this Concrete Jungle of Mumbai.
Sheetal brought these small cakes from a shop to celebrate this day.
In the morning I got a call from my Landlord.
The Government of India called for all the Landlords of this Country to consider some sort of relief and play their part by dropping in this month's rent, very few played their part considering this to be government's responsibility, not theirs.
3 missed calls from Ramdas Bhau. He was desperate. I knew this because whenever there was a little bit of delay in the payment of the rent, he would resort to this method to jog you up that water was about to run over his head.
I smiled each time it had happened earlier than but today I was bothered.
I didn’t have it. I was almost out of my savings.
You know that made me feel so helpless and that’s not easy when in the back of your mind you know that it was going to cause something to my Sonu and Sheetal.
You are edgier for the facts that they are all that you hold in this world, which you can call yours which is more important than any of the material things which you have earned to date. You could survive without a roof but not looking at them without it.
Sheetal lost her father a few years ago. So I was her shield in this pitiless world, ever ready to hunt you down once it espies you out in a state of feebleness.
And when I see Sonu, I feel the most terrible. Dreams crashing down.
I have some money in my account which was transferred in my account after Baba’s death. Sheetal murmured.
Hearing these tears rolled down my eyes.
Ladies will just rescue you while you are about to fall. Respect them. Sagar once said.
20 lakh crore relief package was announced by Modi Sahab
It bewildered most of my neighbors who were now on their way home by foot but deep inside I knew this was never going to reach to us. It would be foolish on our part that someone would be knocking at our door and give away food items. This is India nothing comes so easy in this country except these promises.
This small kholi of ours seemed to be engulfing us, with electricity also being cut off by our landlord. He was letting us live in this kholi since if he throws us out; it was to cost him his status in the society. I have realized a few things these days like, for example, this city has big buildings but living here are the ones with a very undersized heart. Some would just come to help us to post pictures in the social media as it was the trend with little sympathy about our lives. And some to perk back up their political career. I recently saw an interview where Mr. Rahul Gandhi the scion of Gandhi Parivar asking the government to give money in the hands of the poor. I smiled after hearing it for the reason that of the condition of this city with 49% of its population living in the slums. And this was not something that happened because of the unjust policies of the present government. This was because of prolonged exploitation of all the government which had ruled over us, most of it was by his party.
You must be thinking how come a tempo driver knew so much about politics. I am, sorry I was a Graduate with honors in political science which never came to my rescue though.
My father was dhobi who washed clothes in our village in Mathura district of Uttar Pradesh. My grandfather did the same and my great grandfather too. This was in our bloods, washing clothes. Yet this tempo driver broke this tradition by believing in something just beyond washing clothes. I was inspired by our Masterji of our town, who was respected the most in the village, with very little awareness of the cost of reaching there.
I completed my graduation and started searching for jobs, amidst this process I realized that it was a paradox, when some said that earn a degree and get a job that they didn’t tell me, was along with the degree you need some connections with the upper Mahal.
But my fate was written down with lots of bombshells. I did get an appointment letter but it never came-up-to-me because one of my buddies who worked at the Post office didn’t even update me about the letter. It was a payback of how come the son a dhobi could get more percentage than the son of a Daroga in HSLC examination.
Despite such setbacks, I continued with my struggle which was taking me nowhere and after a few years, even that stopped when I lost my only hope, my father, Sonaram Desai, while Maa left both of us when I was 13years old.
And left for Mumbai. In search of a better life.
I woke up this morning with a very bad dream and immediately hugged Sheetal. They were my only wealth which I had earned to date and decided to return to Mathura. We still had the house and a little bit of land left back there, which would be enough for us to survive for a few days and come back to Mumbai when everything was normal again. I told you with me it’s always like chalk and cheese, my plans are as poorer as my life, very little idea what the future had in its store for us.
I told Sheetal to start packing and get the essential items which we would need in our 5days journey. We decided to leave on our Tempo. Sonu was very excited.
This was going to be her first trip outside this city of dreams, she told me that she would go get Pari dressed; Pari was her favorite doll.
We were ready to leave this morning. We also paid the rent of which our landlord was so much anxious about; this was general because many of the laborers left for their villages without paying rents.
I was driving and sitting next to me was my daughter and my wife.
We reached Dhule when something big hit us from the back.
I had come to Mumbai in search of life which was better than the place I was born. But to my surprise this city was the worst, you live, you die; none of them cares. Here in this city people are living in big buildings with a cold blooded heart.
Modern Varna system in an urban suburb.
Where is Ram asked Sheetal
She was surrounded by a doctor and nurses.
Where is Sonu again asked Sheetal
The Doctor urged her to calm down.
She screamed. Where are they
They are no more. They both died on the spot.
Replied, doctor of the Dhule Civil Hospital.
Ram told us, we know very little of what the future has in its store for us.
And for Sonu, it turned out to be the first and the last trip at the same time.
She was asked to press charges against the man who had hit their tempo from the back to which she declined. We are all familiar with how it ends and the process.
12 years has passed by now, Sheetal has mastered the art of living with the memories of her late family.
She lives in Mathura. She floats, with the survival instinct of a cockroach.
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FROM RAGS TO RECOGNITION : SWaCH LEADS THE TRANSFORMATION
Garbage. A word that’s more abhorred than adored for quite obvious reasons. While all of us, in one way or the other, contribute in creating garbage on a daily basis, we are averse of its presence around us – whether at home, neighbourhood or streets. We want to get rid of the filth every day so that we don’t have to bear the stench from the piled up waste.
While every city administration employs staff and officials who collect garbage on daily basis and take it to the landfills, the role and efforts of the rag pickers are always ignored and overlooked. They are perhaps one of the most marginalised sections of the society and therefore never talked about. Forget dignity, they find themselves being treated like ‘garbage’, even when they willingly dirty their hands by scouring through the filth that’s not even generated by them. If not for livelihood, would anyone spend a better part of his / her day, every day, amidst nightmarish working conditions?
A new era dawns in Pune (India)
Circa 1993. The waste pickers of Pune in Maharashtra, one of the largest states in India, scripted their exit out of the rubbish heaps and landfills to transform their lives forever. They unionized themselves to define legitimate workspace for themselves in municipal solid waste management that improved their working conditions. Thus was formed the Kagad Kach Patra Kashtkari Panchayat (KKPKP), a movement that spearheaded the battle of waste pickers, waste buyers and waste collectors to be recognised as workers.
What KKPKP said was very simple. Waste pickers need to be treated with dignity and given their due status in the society because they recovered materials for recycling, reduced municipal solid waste handling costs, generated employment downstream, and contributed to public health and environment. They occupy an important place in the waste management and recycling value chain and contribute substantially to the manufacturing economy.
Surprised!! Take a breather, rethink over what’s aforesaid, and you can’t help but agree that rag pickers indeed need to be taken much more seriously than they have been since time immemorial.
Well, this argument was well understood by Pune Municipal Corporation (PMC), which in the year 2008, entered into an MOU with an offshoot of KKPKP christened Solid Waste Collection Handling - SWaCH.
SWaCH. A Higher Level of Self-Reliance.
A wholly worker-owned cooperative of waste pickers, waste buyers and waste collectors, SWaCH is conceived as an autonomous social enterprise. SWaCH Seva Sahakari Sanstha Maryadit, as it is formally known, provides front-end waste management services to Pune city with support from PMC.
Throwing light on the birth of SWaCH, Aparna Sasurla, Director of SWaCH says, “The organisation works on a well-defined model which was tested for two years (2005-2007) before being presented to PMC for support, approval and recognition. It was only after the success of this pilot project which established the workability and the potential of SWaCH beyond doubt, that PMC gave its nod to be integrated into the mainstream solid waste management system (SWM) of the city of Pune.”
Acceptance by PMC was like winning a long battle for SWaCH. In the crucial early years, the Corporation played a positive and enabling role in promoting SWaCH. It acknowledged that SWaCH model was indeed a cost-saving, sustainable and environmentally beneficial system which added value to the already existing but faltering solid waste management system of the Corporation. With passage of time, it became clear that the model of SWaCH had the required ability and the dynamism to bring about a fundamental change in the SWM system of Pune.
A Unique Model
SWaCH is an inclusive model that recognises the contribution of ‘invisible’ workers who play crucial role in keeping the Pune city clean. Different from the PMC model, SWaCH follows a green model of waste collection that is not heavily dependent on fossil fuel or electricity.
Talking about the significance of SWaCH in the SWM system of Pune City, Aparna says, “The importance of SWaCH is multidimensional and affects various people at different levels. To the residents, SWaCH is important because they get reliable service at reasonable cost and with accountability. To the waste pickers it is important because it gives their work a dignity while integrating them into the formal sector along with upgrading their livelihoods as well as standard of living. To the municipality it is important because the waste is collected in a more systematic manner and segregated at such nominal cost.”
Women constitute over 78% of SWaCH membership. While this holds for most age groups, the presence of men is higher in the youngest age group and among the aging. Most SWaCH members used to work as waste pickers or itinerant waste buyers. Housekeeping and cleaning workers constitute another significant group.
The SWaCH model is very unique in itself. Two workers collect source-segregated waste from 200-300 households, offices, shops and other establishments using manual pushcarts or motorized vehicles if the terrain is difficult. The waste pickers have the right over recyclables and retain income from the sale of scrap. This ensures maximum recycling and retrieval. Waste pickers separate the waste into wet and dry. Wet, organic and non-recyclable waste is handed over to the PMC. In some cases it is composted on site. Dry waste is sorted into categories like plastic, paper, metal, glass, leather etc. and then further fine sorted. Whatever has the market is sold.
The earnings of SWaCH members are derived from user fees and sale of recyclables. SWaCH members have relatively more stable income than other waste pickers in India. Their working hours vary from four to six hours including collection and sorting. Most also enjoy weekly holiday too.
Trials and Tribulations
As with every innovative idea, SWaCH too faces challenges from various quarters. From being slammed for being too transparent a model to being criticised as something that unnecessarily creates a parallel system, SWaCH has to deal with multitude of problems while still performing at its best.
“Other challenges notwithstanding,, the model being a user-fee based one is often met with resistance from the residents,” says Aparna. “Usually, we charge Rs. 10 to 30 per household per month in non-slum areas and in slum areas we charge Rs. 15 per household per month. We insist on user fees because SWaCH waste collectors are not paid by PMC for door to door collection. The service therefore needs to be supported by user fees paid by citizens. The fees facilitate a direct accountable relationship between the service user and the service provider.”
SWaCH+
As the primary collection system got established and began running in auto-pilot mode, the management of SWaCH decided to foray into allied activities to add more value and dimensions to their core endeavour. Calling it SWaCH+, the organisation began to offer services such as collection of unwanted household goods, collection of e-waste, garden waste, housekeeping and trading in recyclables. Under SWaCH+ the members are trained to handle mechanical composters and do manual composting. Members also work in bio-methanation plants established by PMC on Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT) basis.
Innovations by SWaCH
Necessity is the mother of invention, they say. SWaCH too found it necessary to go in for innovation, both to sustain its operations and also create newer sustainable livelihood options for more waste pickers. The out-of-the-box thinking of SWaCH has not only helped the organisation to explore its hidden strengths but also upgrade its image in the eyes of its partners, stakeholders and everyone associated with the mission. A range of financial, social, environmental and other benefits for PMC, waste pickers, citizens, and Pune city as a whole are being achieved by the innovative steps taken by SWaCH.
V-Collect Programme
SWaCH collects old electronic, electrical items, furniture, bicycles, kitchen utensils, repair and re-use what can be, while dismantle and recycle the rest. By organizing V-Collect events, SWaCH channelizes most of these items towards recycling and re-use, away from dumps.
SWaCH collects old newspapers from households and use them to produce ST Dispo bags and carry bags. Members are trained in making ST Dispo bags with recycled paper, glue, and thread. As it looks distinct, it goes into a separate waste stream. The waste pickers are saved the indignity of handling soiled sanitary napkins directly. The bags are made available at local stores in different areas of Pune.
SWaCH collects clean, useable clothes, sort them out according to size, gender age and style and sell those at nominal prices to waste pickers and other urban poor. Torn fabrics are recycled into cloth products like bags, coasters and dusters.
Green School Programme
SWaCH in association with Parisar and CEE, has launched the Green School Programme which aims to widen the horizon of the school going children. The programme entails enhancing the children’s perspective on environment, sustainability and related issues. It helps students and teachers to carry out action-based projects to leading to environment conservation. It guides the school in setting up and implement best practices of solid waste and e-waste management. Throught he medium of hands-on activities the GSP covers topics like water, waste, energy, biodiversity, heritage, culture, traffic and transportation.
Nirmalya Project : Over the past 7 years, by diverting huge amounts of waste – both organic and biodegradable – from Pune’s rivers, SWaCH members has significantly reduced the pollution of rivers and dumping of nirmalaya on ghats. Last year itself, SWaCH diverted 177 tonnes of Nirmalaya. This has encouraged responsible citizens of Pune to be more eco-conscious. After receiving the Nirmalaya, SWaCH members segregate it into various categories such as fruit, flowers, clothes etc., send the flowers to composting units for conversion into natural manure, distribute good fruits for consumption and the rest for composting, take materials like paper, plastic and thermocol for recycling.
Composting : The PMC has made it mandatory for all societies formed after the year 2000 to compost organic waste. Towards this end, SWaCH helps to set up a composting system which takes care of the wet waste efficiently. For a small cost, a trained waste collector maintains and manages the compost every day. A supervisor also makes periodic visits to the composting site to ensure that all is well.
E-Waste Disposal : SWaCH has been authorised by the PMC to collect and channel e-waste according to the rules laid down by the government. SWaCH ensures the collection and correct disposal of e-waste at authorised PMC centres. Last year, over 7 metric tonnes of e-waste was diverted from the grey market and sold in the open market by SWaCH.
Success of SWaCH
In its eight years of existence, SWaCH has touched lives and livelihoods of the workers in ways that have made them more self-reliant, economically more stable and created a platform that promises to secure the future of the next generation.
Compared to their incomes as free-roaming waste pickers, the earnings of SWaCH members have increased manifolds since the launch of the initiative. Depending on the locality from where the collection is done, their income range from Rs. 1,500 per month to Rs. 15,000 per month. This has brought in stability into their lives which was absent in the days prior to SWaCH. It has helped them make plans for family’s future, educate their children and also save for the rainy day. Such has been the faith of the worker members in SWaCH that their well-educated children too have joined the organisation to serve the noble cause.
In a community which traditionally had little access to education and decent work, it is a matter of pride to see their children become the face of SWaCH’s future. Moreover, by branching out into waste related activities many waste pickers are upgrading their work standard, and in effect creating upward mobility in an occupation which was once considered lowest of the low.
The SWaCH initiative has come to represent the biggest effort to integrate waste pickers in India. The hitherto ‘faceless and nuisance-causing people’ are now people who interact with fellow residents on an equal footing. Surekha Gaekwad is a high school graduate and team leader of eight waste pickers. She and her team has diversified into housekeeping and composting. Sharing her transformation story Surekha says, “Five years ago, I spent my day at garbage bins. I ended up dirty and stinking by evening. I was looked upon with apathy and disgust. But now I have earned people’s respect. Today, when I go to collect my money, the lady there asks me to sit on the sofa. If she is drinking tea, she will order another cup for me.”
Mangal, another SWaCH member expresses her happiness in these words. “The residents in the area who used to frown at me, now call me by my name and greet me too. A resident gave me a second hand bicycle. I ride to work on the bicycle. Today I am literate and am the treasurer of a credit co-operative.” The twinkle in her eyes and the broad smile speak another thousand words which, though unheard, do not go unheeded.
Towards a Swach Future
Good work never goes unnoticed. In 2014 series of Satyamev Jayte, Bollywood super star Aamir Khan invited SWaCH to share their story and experiences, giving the organisation a national platform. It underlines that the efforts and the endeavours of SWaCh are slowly and steadily gaining recognition as more and more people become aware of SWaCH and its impact on the lives of over 3000 waste pickers who form the SWaCH Cooperative. The future of an organisation like SWaCH is indeed bright and with the support from the authorities, educated civilians and those good Samaritans, SWaCH will accomplish what it set out to achieve – taking waste pickers from rags to recognition.
#Pune#Maharashtra India clean cleanliness#waste recycling#Aamir Khan#Bollywood#E waste#composting#green school#thor ragnarok#rag#rag picker
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Editor's Note: In the run-up to World Population Day on 11 July, 2021, a six-part series on awareness regarding women’s and girls’ needs for sexual and reproductive health in different parts of the country will focus on the vulnerabilities during the pandemic. This is the first part of the series.
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It’s 10:30 on a Sunday morning and Honey is getting ready for work. Standing in front of a dressing table, she carefully applies scarlet lipstick. “This will match well with my suit,” she says, as she rushes to feed her seven-year-old daughter. On the dressing table are slung a handful of masks and a pair of earphones. Cosmetics and make-up items lie unarranged on the table-top, while the mirror reflects photographs of gods and relatives hung in one corner of the room.
Honey (name changed) is getting ready to meet a client in a hotel some 7-8 kilometres from her home – a one-room set in a basti in New Delhi’s Mangolpuri locality. She is around 32 years old and a sex worker by profession, working in the nearby Nangloi Jat area of the capital. She is originally from rural Haryana. “I came 10 years ago and now I belong here. But my life has been a series of misfortunes since coming to Delhi.”
What sort of misfortunes?
“Four miscarriages toh bahut badi baat hai [are a very big thing]! They were for me, when I had no one to feed me, look after me and take me to a hospital,” says Honey with a smirk, signalling that she has come a long way on her own.
“This was the only reason why I had to take up this work. I had no money to eat and feed my child, who was still inside me. I had conceived for the fifth time. My husband had left me while I was just two months pregnant. Following a series of incidents arising from my illness, my boss threw me out of the factory I worked in, which made plastic containers. I used to earn Rs 10,000 a month there,” she says.
Honey’s parents married her off at age 16 in Haryana. She and her husband remained there a few years – with him working as a driver. They moved to Delhi when she was around 22. But once there, her alcoholic husband kept disappearing often. “He would be gone for months. Where? I don’t know. He still does that and never tells. Just moves away with other women and returns only when he is out of money. He works as a food service delivery agent and spends mostly on himself. That was the main reason I had four miscarriages. He would just not bring me any medicines that I needed, nor nutritious food. I used to feel very weak,” she adds.
Now Honey lives with her daughter in their home in Mangolpuri, for which she pays a rent of Rs. 3,500 a month. Her husband stays with them, but still does his vanishing act every few months. “I tried to survive after losing my job, but just couldn’t. Then Geeta didi told me about sex work and got me my first client. I was five months pregnant – and around 25 years old when I began this work,” she says. She continues to feed her daughter while we talk. Honey’s child studies in Class 2 of a private English-medium school that charges Rs 600 a month as fees. In the lockdown era, the child attends her classes online, on Honey’s phone. The same one on which her clients contact her.
“Sex work got me enough to pay for the rent and buy food and medicines. I made around Rs 50,000 a month in the initial period. I was young and beautiful back then. Now I have gained weight,” says Honey, bursting into laughter. “I had thought that I would quit this work after my delivery and look for decent employment, even as a kaamwali (domestic worker) or sweeper. But destiny had other plans for me.
“I was very eager to earn even during my pregnancy because I did not want a fifth miscarriage. I wanted to give the best possible medication and nutrition to my coming child, which is why I accepted clients even in my ninth month of pregnancy. It used to be very painful but I had no other choice. Little did I know this would lead to new complications in my delivery,” says Honey.
"Being sexually active in the last trimester of pregnancy can be hazardous in many ways,” Dr Neelam Singh, a Lucknow-based gynaecologist, told PARI. “She could experience a rupture of the membrane and suffer by contracting a sexually transmitted disease. She might undergo premature labour and the child could also get an STD. And if sexual intercourse often happens in early pregnancy, it could lead to abortion. Most times, women in sex work avoid carrying a child. But if they get pregnant, they continue to work, which could sometimes lead to late and unsafe abortion, risking their reproductive health."
“Once when I went in for a sonography, following unbearable itching and pain,” says Honey, “I got to know that I had an unusual allergy on my thighs, lower abdomen and swelling on the vagina. I felt like killing myself with all that pain and the expenses I knew would follow.” The doctor told her it was a sexually transmitted disease. “But then, one of my clients gave me emotional as well as financial support. I never told the doctor about my profession. That might have been inviting a problem. If she had asked to meet my husband, I would have taken one of my clients to her.
“Thanks to that man, I and my daughter are okay today. He paid half of the bills during my treatment. That is when I decided I could continue with this work,” says Honey.
“Many organisations tell them about the importance of using condoms,” says Kiran Deshmukh, coordinator of the National Network of Sex Workers (NNSW). “However, among sex worker women, abortions are more common than miscarriages. But generally, they go to the government hospital where the doctors also neglect them once they get to know of their profession.”
How do the doctors find out?
“They are gynaecologists,” points out Deshmukh, who is also president of the Veshya Anyay Mukti Parishad (VAMP), based in Sangli, Maharashtra. “Once they ask for their address and learn which locality the women are from, they would figure it out. The women are then given dates [for abortion] that often get postponed. And many a time, the doctor eventually declares that abortion is not possible, saying: ‘you have exceeded four months [of pregnancy] and now it would be illegal to abort’.”
Quite a few of the women simply avoid seeking some kinds of medical help at government hospitals. According to a 2007 report from the United Nations Development Programme's Trafficking and HIV/AIDS project, almost “50 per cent of sex workers [surveyed across nine states] reported not seeking services like ante-natal care and institutional delivery from the public health facilities.” Fear of stigma, attitudes, and urgency in the case of deliveries, seem to be among the reasons for that.
“This profession is directly related to reproductive health,” says Ajeet Singh, founder and director of Gudiya Sanstha, a Varanasi-based organisation that has combated sex trafficking for over 25 years. Singh, who has also worked with organisations helping women in Delhi’s GB Road locality, says that in his experience “75-80 per cent of women in sex work have some or the other reproductive health issues.”
“We have all kind of clients,” says Honey, back in Nangloi Jat. “From MBBS doctors to policemen, students to rickshaw pullers, they all come to us. When younger, we only go with people who pay well, but as our age increases, we stop being choosy. In fact, we need to stay on good terms with these doctors and policemen. You never know when you might need them.”
How much does she earn in a month now?
“If we exclude this lockdown period, I was making around Rs 25,000 a month. But that is an approximate number. Payments differ from client to client, depending on their profession. It also depends on whether we spend the entire night, or just hours (with them),” says Honey. “If we have doubts about the client, we don’t go to hotels with them and call them to our place instead. But in my case, I bring them here to Geeta didi’s
Geeta, who is in her early 40s, is the overseer of sex workers in her area. She is also in the deh vyapar (body business), but mainly makes her living by offering her place to other women and claiming a commission from them. “I bring needy women into this job and when they do not have a place to work, I offer them mine. I take only 50 percent of their income,” says Geeta simply.
“I have seen a lot in my life,” says Honey. “From working at a plastic factory and being thrown out because my husband left me, to now this fungal and vaginal infection I live with and still take medicines for. It seems destined to be with me forever.” These days, her husband is also living with Honey and their daughter.
Does he know about her profession?
“Very well,” says Honey. “He knows it all. Now he has an excuse to depend on me financially. In fact, today, he is going to drop me to the hotel. But my parents [they are a farming family] have no clue about it. And I would never want them to know. They are very old people, living in Haryana.”
“Under the Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1956, it is an offence for any person above the age of 18 to live off the earnings of a sex worker,” says Aarthi Pai, Pune-based legal adviser to both VAMP and NNSW. “That could include adult children, partner/husband and parents living with a woman in sex work and dependent on her earnings. Such an individual can be punished with imprisonment up to seven years.” But Honey is very unlikely to act against her husband.
“This is the first time I am going to meet any client after the lockdown ended. There have been few, almost none, these days,” she says. “Those who do come to us now, in this pandemic period, mostly can’t be trusted. Earlier, we only had to take precautions to stay clear of HIV and other [sexually transmitted] diseases. Now, there is this corona too. This entire lockdown has been a curse for us. No earnings at all – and all our savings have gone. I could not even get my medicines [anti-fungal creams and lotions] for two months because we could barely afford the food to survive,” says Honey, as she calls out to her husband to bring out his motorbike and drop her at the hotel.
The author reports on public health and civil liberties through an independent journalism grant from the Thakur Family Foundation.
This article was originally published in the People's Archive of Rural India.
Originally posted here: https://ift.tt/3qGMhjs
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New world news from Time: How the Pandemic Is Reshaping India
With a white handkerchief covering his mouth and nose, only Rajkumar Prajapati’s tired eyes were visible as he stood in line.
It was before sunrise on Aug. 5, but there were already hundreds of others waiting with him under fluorescent lights at the main railway station in Pune, an industrial city not far from Mumbai, where they had just disembarked from a train. Each person carried something: a cloth bundle, a backpack, a sack of grain. Every face was obscured by a mask, a towel or the edge of a sari. Like Prajapati, most in the line were workers returning to Pune from their families’ villages, where they had fled during the lockdown. Now, with mounting debts, they were back to look for work. When Prajapati got to the front of the line, officials took his details and stamped his hand with ink, signaling the need to self-isolate for seven days.
Atul Loke for TIME
After Prime Minister Narendra Modi appeared on national television on March 24 to announce that India would go under lockdown to fight the coronavirus, Prajapati’s work as a plasterer for hire at construction sites around Pune quickly dried up. By June, his savings had run out and he, his wife and his brother left Pune for their village 942 miles away, where they could tend their family’s land to at least feed themselves. But by August, with their landlord asking for rent and the construction sites of Pune reopening, they had no option but to return to the city. “We might die from corona, but if there is nothing to eat we will die either way,” said Prajapati.
As the sun rose, he walked out of the station into Pune, the most infected city in the most infected state in all of India. As of Aug. 18, India has officially recorded more than 2.7 million cases of COVID-19, putting it third in the world behind the U.S. and Brazil. But India is on track to overtake them both. “I fully expect that at some point, unless things really change course, India will have more cases than any other place in the world,” says Dr. Ashish Jha, director of Harvard’s Global Health Institute. With a population of 1.3 billion, “there is a lot of room for exponential growth.”
Read More: India’s Coronavirus Death Toll Is Surging. Prime Minister Modi Is Easing Lockdown Anyway
The pandemic has already reshaped India beyond imagination. Its economy, which has grown every year for the past 40, was faltering even before the lockdown, and the International Monetary Fund now predicts it will shrink by 4.5% this year. Many of the hundreds of millions of people lifted out of extreme poverty by decades of growth are now at risk in more ways than one. Like Prajapati, large numbers had left their villages in recent years for new opportunities in India’s booming metropolises. But though their labor has propelled their nation to become the world’s fifth largest economy, many have been left destitute by the lockdown. Gaps in India’s welfare system meant millions of internal migrant workers couldn’t get government welfare payments or food. Hundreds died, and many more burned through the meager savings they had built up over years of work.
Now, with India’s economy reopening even as the virus shows no sign of slowing, economists are worried about how fast India can recover—and what happens to the poorest in the meantime. “The best-case scenario is two years of very deep economic decline,” says Jayati Ghosh, chair of the Centre for Economic Studies and Planning at Jawaharlal Nehru University in Delhi. “There are at least 100 million people just above the poverty line. All of them will fall below it.”
Atul Loke for TIMERajkumar Prajapati, third from right, gives his family’s details to local officials at the train station in Pune on Aug. 5.
Atul Loke for TIMEThe Tadiwala Chawl area of Pune emerged as a COVID-19 hotspot.
Atul Loke for TIMEWorkers from the Pune Municipal Corporation spray disinfectant in the Tadiwala Chawl area.
In some ways Prajapati, 35, was a lucky man. He has lived and worked in Pune since the age of 16, though like many laborers, he regularly sends money home to his village and returns every year to help with the harvest. Over the years, his remittances have helped his father build a four-room house. When the lockdown began, he even sent his family half of the $132 he had in savings. The $66 Prajapati had left was still more than many had at all, and enough to survive for three weeks. His landlord let him defer his rent payments. Two weeks into the lockdown, when Modi asked citizens in a video message to turn off their lights and light candles for nine minutes at 9 p.m. in a show of national solidarity, Prajapati was enthusiastic, lighting small oil lamps and placing them at shrines in his room and outside his door. “We were very happy to do it,” he said. “We thought that perhaps this will help with corona.”
Other migrant workers weren’t so enthusiastic. For those whose daily wages paid for their evening meals, the lockdown had an immediate and devastating effect. When factories and construction sites closed because of the pandemic, many bosses—who often provide their temporary employees with food and board—threw everyone out onto the streets. And because welfare is administered at a state level in India, migrant workers are ineligible for benefits like food rations anywhere other than in their home state. With no food or money, and with train and bus travel suspended, millions had no choice but to immediately set off on foot for their villages, some hundreds of miles away. By mid-May, 3,000 people had died from COVID-19, but at least 500 more had died from “distress deaths” including those due to hunger, road accidents and lack of access to medical facilities, according to a study by the Delhi-based Society for Social and Economic Research. “It was very clear there had been a complete lack of planning and thought to the implications of switching off the economy for the vast majority of Indian workers,” says Yamini Aiyar, president of the Centre for Policy Research, a Delhi think tank.
One migrant worker who decided to make the risky journey on foot was Tapos Mukhi, 25, who set off from Chiplun, a small town in the western state of Maharashtra, toward his village in the eastern state of Odisha, over 1,230 miles away. He had tried to work through the lockdown, but his boss held back his wages, saying he did not have money to pay him immediately. Mukhi took another job at a construction site in June, but after a month of lifting bricks and sacks of cement, a nail went through his foot, forcing him to take a day off. His supervisor called him lazy and told him to leave without the $140 he was owed. On Aug. 1, he walked for a day in the pouring monsoon rain with his wife and 3-year-old daughter, before a local activist arranged for a car to Pune. “We had traveled so far from our village to work,” said Mukhi, sitting on a bunk bed in a shelter in Pune, where activists from a Pune-based NGO had given him and his family train tickets. “But we didn’t get the money we were owed and we didn’t even get food. We have suffered a lot. Now we never want to leave the village again.”
Although Indian policymakers have long been aware of the extent to which the economy relies on informal migrant labor like Mukhi’s—there are an estimated 40 million people like him who regularly travel within the country for work—the lockdown brought this long invisible class of people into the national spotlight. “Something that caught everyone by surprise is how large our migrant labor force is, and how they fall between all the cracks in the social safety net,” says Arvind Subramanian, Modi’s former chief economic adviser, who left government in 2018. Modi was elected in 2014 after a campaign focused on solving India’s development problems, but under his watch economic growth slid from 8% in 2016 to 5% last year, while flagship projects, like making sure everyone in the country has a bank account, have hit roadblocks. “The truth is, India needs migration very badly,” Subramanian says. “It’s a source of dynamism and an escalator for lots of people to get out of poverty. But if you want to get that income improvement for the poor back, you need to make sure the social safety net works better for them.”
Atul Loke for TIMEA doctor waits for a dose of remdesivir while a nurse attends to a newly admitted COVID-19 patient at Aundh District Hospital in Pune.
Atul Loke for TIMEAfter her condition improved, a COVID-19 patient is helped into a wheelchair so she can be transferred from the intensive-care unit to an observation ward.
Atul Loke for TIMEA young worker dressed in personal protective equipment sweeps the floor of the intensive-care unit.
The wide-scale economic disruption caused by the lockdown has disproportionately affected women. Because 95% of employed women work in India’s informal economy, many lost their jobs, even as the burden remained on them to take care of household responsibilities. Many signed up for India’s rural employment scheme, which guarantees a set number of hours of unskilled manual labor. Others sold jewelry or took on debts to pay for meals. “The COVID situation multiplied the burden on women both as economic earners and as caregivers,” says Ravi Verma of the Delhi-based International Center for Research on Women. “They are the frontline defenders of the family.”
But the rural employment guarantee does not extend to urban areas. In Dharavi, a sprawling slum in Mumbai, Rameela Parmar worked as domestic help in three households before the lockdown. But the families told her to stop coming and held back her pay for the last four months. To support her own family, she was forced to take daily wage work painting earthen pots, breathing fumes that make her feel sick. “People have suffered more because of the lockdown than [because of] corona,” Parmar says. “There is no food and no work—that has hurt people more.”
Girls were hit hard too. For Ashwini Pawar, a bright-eyed 12-year-old, the pandemic meant the end of her childhood. Before the lockdown, she was an eighth-grade student who enjoyed school and wanted to be a teacher someday. But her parents were pushed into debt by months of unemployment, forcing her to join them in looking for daily wage work. “My school is shut right now,” said Pawar, clutching the corner of her shawl under a bridge in Pune where temporary workers come to seek jobs. “But even when it reopens I don’t think I will be able to go back.” She and her 13-year-old sister now spend their days at construction sites lifting bags of sand and bricks. “It’s like we’ve gone back 10 years or more in terms of gender-equality achievements,” says Nitya Rao, a gender and development professor who advises the U.N. on girls’ education.
In an attempt to stop the economic nosedive, Modi shifted his messaging in May. “Corona will remain a part of our lives for a long time,” he said in a televised address. “But at the same time, we cannot allow our lives to be confined only around corona.” He announced a relief package worth $260 billion, about 10% of the country’s GDP. But only a fraction of this came as extra handouts for the poor, with the majority instead devoted to tiding over businesses. In the televised speech announcing the package, Modi spoke repeatedly about making India a self-sufficient economy. It was this that made Prajapati lose hope in ever getting government support. “Modiji said that we have to become self-reliant,” he said, still referring to the Prime Minister with an honorific suffix. “What does that mean? That we can only depend on ourselves. The government has left us all alone.”
By the time the lockdown began to lift in June, Prajapati’s savings had run out. His government ID card listed his village address, so he was not able to access government food rations, and he found himself struggling to buy food for his family. Three times, he visited a public square where a local nonprofit was handing out meals. On June 6, he finally left Pune for his family’s village, Khazurhat. He had been forced to borrow from relatives the $76 for tickets for his wife, brother and himself. But having heard the stories of migrants making deadly journeys back, he was thankful to have found a safe way home.
Atul Loke for TIMEKashinath Kale’s widow, Sangeeta, flanked by her sons Akshay, left, and Avinash, holds a framed portrait of her late husband outside their home in Kalewadi, a suburb of Pune. Kale, 44, died from COVID-19 in July as the family desperately tried to find a hospital bed with a ventilator.
Meanwhile, the virus had been spreading across India, despite the lockdown. The first hot spots were India’s biggest cities. In Pune, Kashinath Kale, 44, was admitted to a public hospital with the virus on July 4, after waiting in line for nearly four hours. Doctors said he needed a bed with a ventilator, but none were available. His family searched in vain for six days, but no hospital could provide one. On July 11, he died in an ambulance on the way to a private hospital, where his family had finally located a bed in an intensive-care unit with a ventilator. “He knew he was going to die,” says Kale’s wife Sangeeta, holding a framed photograph of him. “He was in a lot of pain.”
By June, almost every day saw a new record for daily confirmed cases. And as COVID-19 moved from early hot spots in cities toward rural areas of the country where health care facilities are less well-equipped, public-health experts expressed concern, noting India has only 0.55 hospital beds per 1,000 people, far below Brazil’s 2.15 and the U.S.’s 2.80. “Much of India’s health infrastructure is only in urban areas,” says Ramanan Laxminarayan, director of the D.C.-based Center for Disease Dynamics, Economics and Policy. “As the pandemic unfolds it is moving into states which have very low levels of testing and rural areas where the public-health infrastructure is weak.”
Read More: India Is the World’s Second-Most Populous Country. Can It Handle the Coronavirus Outbreak?
When he arrived back in his village of Khazurhat, Prajapati’s neighbors were worried he might have been infected in Pune, so medical workers at the district hospital checked his temperature and asked if he had any symptoms. But he was not offered a test. “While testing has been getting better in India, it’s still nowhere near where it needs to be,” says Jha.
Nevertheless, Modi has repeatedly touted India’s low case fatality rate—the number of deaths as a percentage of the number of cases—as proof that India has a handle on the pandemic. (As of Aug. 17 the rate was 1.9%, compared with 3.1% in the U.S.) “The average fatality rate in our country has been quite low compared to the world … and it is a matter of satisfaction that it is constantly decreasing,” Modi said in a televised videoconference on Aug. 11. “This means that our efforts are proving effective.”
Atul Loke for TIMEParents keep their child still while a health care worker takes a nasal swab for a COVID-19 test at a school in Pune.
Atul Loke for TIMEA health care worker executes a rapid antigen COVID-19 test in the local school of Dhole Patil in Pune.
Atul Loke for TIMEA health care worker checks a woman’s temperature and oxygen saturation in the Dhole Patil slum on Aug. 10.
But experts say this language is dangerously misleading. “As long as your case numbers are increasing, your case fatality rate will continue to fall,” Jha says. When the virus is spreading exponentially as it is currently in India, he explains, cases increase sharply but deaths, which lag weeks behind, stay low, skewing the ratio to make it appear that a low percentage are dying. “No serious public-health person believes this is an important statistic.” On the contrary, Jha says, it might give people false optimism, increasing the risk of transmission.
Modi’s move to lock down the country in March was met with a surge in approval ratings; many Indians praised the move as strong and decisive. But while other foreign leaders’ lockdown honeymoons eventually gave way to popular resentment, Modi’s ratings remained stratospheric. In some recent polls, they topped 80%.
The reason has much to do with his wider political project, which critics see as an attempt to turn India from a multifaith constitutional democracy into an authoritarian, Hindu-supremacist state. Since winning re-election with a huge majority in May 2019, Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the political wing of a much larger grouping of organizations whose stated mission is to turn India into a Hindu nation, has delivered on several long-held goals that excite its right-wing Hindu base at the expense of the country’s Muslim minority. (Hindus make up 80% of the population and Muslims 14%.) Last year the government revoked the autonomy of India’s only Muslim-majority state, Kashmir. And an opulent new temple is being built in Ayodhya—a site where many Hindus believe the deity Ram was born and where Hindu fundamentalists destroyed a mosque on the site in 1992. After decades of legal wrangling and political pressure from the BJP, in 2019 the Supreme Court finally ruled a temple could be built in its place. On Aug. 5, Modi attended a televised ceremony for the laying of the foundation stone.
Read More: The Battle for India’s Founding Ideals
Still, before the pandemic Modi was facing his most severe challenge yet, in the form of a monthslong nationwide protest movement. All over the country, citizens gathered at universities and public spaces, reading aloud the preamble of the Indian constitution, quoting Mohandas Gandhi and holding aloft the Indian tricolor. The protests began in December 2019 as resistance to a controversial law that would make it harder for Muslim immigrants from Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh, to gain Indian citizenship. They morphed into a wider pushback against the direction of the country under the BJP. In local Delhi elections in February, the BJP campaigned on a platform of crushing the protests but ended up losing seats. Soon after, riots broke out in the capital; 53 people were killed, 38 of them Muslims. (Hindus were also killed in the violence.) Police failed to intervene to stop Hindu mobs roaming around Muslim neighborhoods looking for people to kill, and in some cases joined mob attacks on Muslims themselves, according to a Human Rights Watch report.
Atul Loke for TIMEWorkers push the body of a COVID-19 patient into the furnace of Yerawada crematorium in Pune on Aug. 11.
“During those hundred days I thought India had changed forever,” says Harsh Mander, a prominent civil-rights activist and director of the Centre for Equity Studies, a Delhi think tank, of the three months of nationwide dissent from December to March. But the lockdown put an abrupt end to the protests. Since then, the government has ramped up its crackdown on dissent. In June, Mander was accused by Delhi police (who report to Modi’s interior minister, Amit Shah) of inciting the Delhi riots; in the charges against him, they quoted out of context portions of a speech he had made in December calling on protesters to continue Gandhi’s legacy of nonviolent resistance, making it sound instead like he was calling on them to be violent. Meanwhile, local BJP politician Kapil Mishra, who was filmed immediately before the riots giving Delhi police an ultimatum to clear the streets of protesters lest his supporters do it themselves, still walks free. “In my farthest imagination I couldn’t believe there would be this sort of repression,” Mander says.
Read More: ‘Hate Is Being Preached Openly Against Us.’ After Delhi Riots, Muslims in India Fear What’s Next
A pattern was emerging. Police have also arrested at least 11 other protest leaders, including Safoora Zargar, a 27-year-old Muslim student activist who organized peaceful protests. She was accused of inciting the Delhi riots and charged with murder under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, a harsh anti-terrorism law that authorities used at least seven times during the lockdown to arrest activists or journalists. The law is described by Amnesty International as a “tool of harassment,” and by Zargar’s lawyer Ritesh Dubey, in an interview with TIME, as aimed at “criminalizing dissent.” As COVID-19 spread around the country, Zargar was kept in jail for two months, without bail, despite being 12 weeks pregnant at the time of her arrest. Restrictions in place to curb the spread of coronavirus, like not allowing lawyers to visit prisons, have also impacted protesters’ access to legal justice, Dubey says.
“The government used this health emergency to crush the largest popular movement this country has seen since independence,” Mander says. “The Indian Muslim has been turned into the enemy within. The economy has tanked, there is mass hunger, infections are rising and rising, but none of that matters. Modi has been forgiven for everything else. This normalization of hate is almost like a drug. In the intoxication of this drug, even hunger seems acceptable.”
Read More: It Was Already Dangerous to Be Muslim in India. Then Came the Coronavirus
Close to going hungry, Prajapati says the Modi administration has provided little relief for people like him. “If we have not gotten anything from the government, not even a sack of rice, then what can we say to them?” he says. “I don’t have any hope from the government.”
Still a change in government would be too much for Prajapati, a devout Hindu and a Modi supporter, who backs the construction of the temple of Ram in Ayodhya and cheered on the BJP when it revoked the autonomy of Kashmir. “There is no one else like Modi who we can put our faith in,” he says. “At least he has done some good things.”
Prajapati remained in Khazurhat from June until August, working his family’s acre of farmland where they grow rice, wheat, potatoes and mustard. But there was little other work available, and the yield from their farm was not sufficient to support the family. Now $267 in debt to employers and relatives, he decided to return to Pune along with his wife and brother. Worried about reports of rising cases in the city, his usually stoic father cried as he waved him off from the village. On his journey, Prajapati carried 44 lb. of wheat and 22 lb. of rice, which he hoped would feed his family until he could find construction work.
On the evening of his return, Prajapati cleaned his home, cooked dinner from what he had carried back from the village, and began calling contractors to look for work. The pandemic had set him back at least a year, he said, and it would take him even longer to pay back the money he owed. The stamp on his hand he’d received at the station, stating that he was to self-quarantine for seven days, had already faded. Prajapati was planning to work as soon as he could. “Whether the lockdown continues or not, whatever happens we have to live here and earn some money,” he said. “We have to find a way to survive.”
—With reporting by Madeline Roache/London
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With a white handkerchief covering his mouth and nose, only Rajkumar Prajapati’s tired eyes were visible as he stood in line.
It was before sunrise on Aug. 5, but there were already hundreds of others waiting with him under fluorescent lights at the main railway station in Pune, an industrial city not far from Mumbai, where they had just disembarked from a train. Each person carried something: a cloth bundle, a backpack, a sack of grain. Every face was obscured by a mask, a towel or the edge of a sari. Like Prajapati, most in the line were workers returning to Pune from their families’ villages, where they had fled during the lockdown. Now, with mounting debts, they were back to look for work. When Prajapati got to the front of the line, officials took his details and stamped his hand with ink, signaling the need to self-isolate for seven days.
Atul Loke for TIME
After Prime Minister Narendra Modi appeared on national television on March 24 to announce that India would go under lockdown to fight the coronavirus, Prajapati’s work as a plasterer for hire at construction sites around Pune quickly dried up. By June, his savings had run out and he, his wife and his brother left Pune for their village 942 miles away, where they could tend their family’s land to at least feed themselves. But by August, with their landlord asking for rent and the construction sites of Pune reopening, they had no option but to return to the city. “We might die from corona, but if there is nothing to eat we will die either way,” said Prajapati.
As the sun rose, he walked out of the station into Pune, the most infected city in the most infected state in all of India. As of Aug. 18, India has officially recorded more than 2.7 million cases of COVID-19, putting it third in the world behind the U.S. and Brazil. But India is on track to overtake them both. “I fully expect that at some point, unless things really change course, India will have more cases than any other place in the world,” says Dr. Ashish Jha, director of Harvard’s Global Health Institute. With a population of 1.3 billion, “there is a lot of room for exponential growth.”
Read More: India’s Coronavirus Death Toll Is Surging. Prime Minister Modi Is Easing Lockdown Anyway
The pandemic has already reshaped India beyond imagination. Its economy, which has grown every year for the past 40, was faltering even before the lockdown, and the International Monetary Fund now predicts it will shrink by 4.5% this year. Many of the hundreds of millions of people lifted out of extreme poverty by decades of growth are now at risk in more ways than one. Like Prajapati, large numbers had left their villages in recent years for new opportunities in India’s booming metropolises. But though their labor has propelled their nation to become the world’s fifth largest economy, many have been left destitute by the lockdown. Gaps in India’s welfare system meant millions of internal migrant workers couldn’t get government welfare payments or food. Hundreds died, and many more burned through the meager savings they had built up over years of work.
Now, with India’s economy reopening even as the virus shows no sign of slowing, economists are worried about how fast India can recover—and what happens to the poorest in the meantime. “The best-case scenario is two years of very deep economic decline,” says Jayati Ghosh, chair of the Centre for Economic Studies and Planning at Jawaharlal Nehru University in Delhi. “There are at least 100 million people just above the poverty line. All of them will fall below it.”
Atul Loke for TIMERajkumar Prajapati, third from right, gives his family’s details to local officials at the train station in Pune on Aug. 5.
Atul Loke for TIMEThe Tadiwala Chawl area of Pune emerged as a COVID-19 hotspot.
Atul Loke for TIMEWorkers from the Pune Municipal Corporation spray disinfectant in the Tadiwala Chawl area.
In some ways Prajapati, 35, was a lucky man. He has lived and worked in Pune since the age of 16, though like many laborers, he regularly sends money home to his village and returns every year to help with the harvest. Over the years, his remittances have helped his father build a four-room house. When the lockdown began, he even sent his family half of the $132 he had in savings. The $66 Prajapati had left was still more than many had at all, and enough to survive for three weeks. His landlord let him defer his rent payments. Two weeks into the lockdown, when Modi asked citizens in a video message to turn off their lights and light candles for nine minutes at 9 p.m. in a show of national solidarity, Prajapati was enthusiastic, lighting small oil lamps and placing them at shrines in his room and outside his door. “We were very happy to do it,” he said. “We thought that perhaps this will help with corona.”
Other migrant workers weren’t so enthusiastic. For those whose daily wages paid for their evening meals, the lockdown had an immediate and devastating effect. When factories and construction sites closed because of the pandemic, many bosses—who often provide their temporary employees with food and board—threw everyone out onto the streets. And because welfare is administered at a state level in India, migrant workers are ineligible for benefits like food rations anywhere other than in their home state. With no food or money, and with train and bus travel suspended, millions had no choice but to immediately set off on foot for their villages, some hundreds of miles away. By mid-May, 3,000 people had died from COVID-19, but at least 500 more had died from “distress deaths” including those due to hunger, road accidents and lack of access to medical facilities, according to a study by the Delhi-based Society for Social and Economic Research. “It was very clear there had been a complete lack of planning and thought to the implications of switching off the economy for the vast majority of Indian workers,” says Yamini Aiyar, president of the Centre for Policy Research, a Delhi think tank.
One migrant worker who decided to make the risky journey on foot was Tapos Mukhi, 25, who set off from Chiplun, a small town in the western state of Maharashtra, toward his village in the eastern state of Odisha, over 1,230 miles away. He had tried to work through the lockdown, but his boss held back his wages, saying he did not have money to pay him immediately. Mukhi took another job at a construction site in June, but after a month of lifting bricks and sacks of cement, a nail went through his foot, forcing him to take a day off. His supervisor called him lazy and told him to leave without the $140 he was owed. On Aug. 1, he walked for a day in the pouring monsoon rain with his wife and 3-year-old daughter, before a local activist arranged for a car to Pune. “We had traveled so far from our village to work,” said Mukhi, sitting on a bunk bed in a shelter in Pune, where activists from a Pune-based NGO had given him and his family train tickets. “But we didn’t get the money we were owed and we didn’t even get food. We have suffered a lot. Now we never want to leave the village again.”
Although Indian policymakers have long been aware of the extent to which the economy relies on informal migrant labor like Mukhi’s—there are an estimated 40 million people like him who regularly travel within the country for work—the lockdown brought this long invisible class of people into the national spotlight. “Something that caught everyone by surprise is how large our migrant labor force is, and how they fall between all the cracks in the social safety net,” says Arvind Subramanian, Modi’s former chief economic adviser, who left government in 2018. Modi was elected in 2014 after a campaign focused on solving India’s development problems, but under his watch economic growth slid from 8% in 2016 to 5% last year, while flagship projects, like making sure everyone in the country has a bank account, have hit roadblocks. “The truth is, India needs migration very badly,” Subramanian says. “It’s a source of dynamism and an escalator for lots of people to get out of poverty. But if you want to get that income improvement for the poor back, you need to make sure the social safety net works better for them.”
Atul Loke for TIMEA doctor waits for a dose of remdesivir while a nurse attends to a newly admitted COVID-19 patient at Aundh District Hospital in Pune.
Atul Loke for TIMEAfter her condition improved, a COVID-19 patient is helped into a wheelchair so she can be transferred from the intensive-care unit to an observation ward.
Atul Loke for TIMEA young worker dressed in personal protective equipment sweeps the floor of the intensive-care unit.
The wide-scale economic disruption caused by the lockdown has disproportionately affected women. Because 95% of employed women work in India’s informal economy, many lost their jobs, even as the burden remained on them to take care of household responsibilities. Many signed up for India’s rural employment scheme, which guarantees a set number of hours of unskilled manual labor. Others sold jewelry or took on debts to pay for meals. “The COVID situation multiplied the burden on women both as economic earners and as caregivers,” says Ravi Verma of the Delhi-based International Center for Research on Women. “They are the frontline defenders of the family.”
But the rural employment guarantee does not extend to urban areas. In Dharavi, a sprawling slum in Mumbai, Rameela Parmar worked as domestic help in three households before the lockdown. But the families told her to stop coming and held back her pay for the last four months. To support her own family, she was forced to take daily wage work painting earthen pots, breathing fumes that make her feel sick. “People have suffered more because of the lockdown than [because of] corona,” Parmar says. “There is no food and no work—that has hurt people more.”
Girls were hit hard too. For Ashwini Pawar, a bright-eyed 12-year-old, the pandemic meant the end of her childhood. Before the lockdown, she was an eighth-grade student who enjoyed school and wanted to be a teacher someday. But her parents were pushed into debt by months of unemployment, forcing her to join them in looking for daily wage work. “My school is shut right now,” said Pawar, clutching the corner of her shawl under a bridge in Pune where temporary workers come to seek jobs. “But even when it reopens I don’t think I will be able to go back.” She and her 13-year-old sister now spend their days at construction sites lifting bags of sand and bricks. “It’s like we’ve gone back 10 years or more in terms of gender-equality achievements,” says Nitya Rao, a gender and development professor who advises the U.N. on girls’ education.
In an attempt to stop the economic nosedive, Modi shifted his messaging in May. “Corona will remain a part of our lives for a long time,” he said in a televised address. “But at the same time, we cannot allow our lives to be confined only around corona.” He announced a relief package worth $260 billion, about 10% of the country’s GDP. But only a fraction of this came as extra handouts for the poor, with the majority instead devoted to tiding over businesses. In the televised speech announcing the package, Modi spoke repeatedly about making India a self-sufficient economy. It was this that made Prajapati lose hope in ever getting government support. “Modiji said that we have to become self-reliant,” he said, still referring to the Prime Minister with an honorific suffix. “What does that mean? That we can only depend on ourselves. The government has left us all alone.”
By the time the lockdown began to lift in June, Prajapati’s savings had run out. His government ID card listed his village address, so he was not able to access government food rations, and he found himself struggling to buy food for his family. Three times, he visited a public square where a local nonprofit was handing out meals. On June 6, he finally left Pune for his family’s village, Khazurhat. He had been forced to borrow from relatives the $76 for tickets for his wife, brother and himself. But having heard the stories of migrants making deadly journeys back, he was thankful to have found a safe way home.
Atul Loke for TIMEKashinath Kale’s widow, Sangeeta, flanked by her sons Akshay, left, and Avinash, holds a framed portrait of her late husband outside their home in Kalewadi, a suburb of Pune. Kale, 44, died from COVID-19 in July as the family desperately tried to find a hospital bed with a ventilator.
Meanwhile, the virus had been spreading across India, despite the lockdown. The first hot spots were India’s biggest cities. In Pune, Kashinath Kale, 44, was admitted to a public hospital with the virus on July 4, after waiting in line for nearly four hours. Doctors said he needed a bed with a ventilator, but none were available. His family searched in vain for six days, but no hospital could provide one. On July 11, he died in an ambulance on the way to a private hospital, where his family had finally located a bed in an intensive-care unit with a ventilator. “He knew he was going to die,” says Kale’s wife Sangeeta, holding a framed photograph of him. “He was in a lot of pain.”
By June, almost every day saw a new record for daily confirmed cases. And as COVID-19 moved from early hot spots in cities toward rural areas of the country where health care facilities are less well-equipped, public-health experts expressed concern, noting India has only 0.55 hospital beds per 1,000 people, far below Brazil’s 2.15 and the U.S.’s 2.80. “Much of India’s health infrastructure is only in urban areas,” says Ramanan Laxminarayan, director of the D.C.-based Center for Disease Dynamics, Economics and Policy. “As the pandemic unfolds it is moving into states which have very low levels of testing and rural areas where the public-health infrastructure is weak.”
Read More: India Is the World’s Second-Most Populous Country. Can It Handle the Coronavirus Outbreak?
When he arrived back in his village of Khazurhat, Prajapati’s neighbors were worried he might have been infected in Pune, so medical workers at the district hospital checked his temperature and asked if he had any symptoms. But he was not offered a test. “While testing has been getting better in India, it’s still nowhere near where it needs to be,” says Jha.
Nevertheless, Modi has repeatedly touted India’s low case fatality rate—the number of deaths as a percentage of the number of cases—as proof that India has a handle on the pandemic. (As of Aug. 17 the rate was 1.9%, compared with 3.1% in the U.S.) “The average fatality rate in our country has been quite low compared to the world … and it is a matter of satisfaction that it is constantly decreasing,” Modi said in a televised videoconference on Aug. 11. “This means that our efforts are proving effective.”
Atul Loke for TIMEParents keep their child still while a health care worker takes a nasal swab for a COVID-19 test at a school in Pune.
Atul Loke for TIMEA health care worker executes a rapid antigen COVID-19 test in the local school of Dhole Patil in Pune.
Atul Loke for TIMEA health care worker checks a woman’s temperature and oxygen saturation in the Dhole Patil slum on Aug. 10.
But experts say this language is dangerously misleading. “As long as your case numbers are increasing, your case fatality rate will continue to fall,” Jha says. When the virus is spreading exponentially as it is currently in India, he explains, cases increase sharply but deaths, which lag weeks behind, stay low, skewing the ratio to make it appear that a low percentage are dying. “No serious public-health person believes this is an important statistic.” On the contrary, Jha says, it might give people false optimism, increasing the risk of transmission.
Modi’s move to lock down the country in March was met with a surge in approval ratings; many Indians praised the move as strong and decisive. But while other foreign leaders’ lockdown honeymoons eventually gave way to popular resentment, Modi’s ratings remained stratospheric. In some recent polls, they topped 80%.
The reason has much to do with his wider political project, which critics see as an attempt to turn India from a multifaith constitutional democracy into an authoritarian, Hindu-supremacist state. Since winning re-election with a huge majority in May 2019, Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the political wing of a much larger grouping of organizations whose stated mission is to turn India into a Hindu nation, has delivered on several long-held goals that excite its right-wing Hindu base at the expense of the country’s Muslim minority. (Hindus make up 80% of the population and Muslims 14%.) Last year the government revoked the autonomy of India’s only Muslim-majority state, Kashmir. And an opulent new temple is being built in Ayodhya—a site where many Hindus believe the deity Ram was born and where Hindu fundamentalists destroyed a mosque on the site in 1992. After decades of legal wrangling and political pressure from the BJP, in 2019 the Supreme Court finally ruled a temple could be built in its place. On Aug. 5, Modi attended a televised ceremony for the laying of the foundation stone.
Read More: The Battle for India’s Founding Ideals
Still, before the pandemic Modi was facing his most severe challenge yet, in the form of a monthslong nationwide protest movement. All over the country, citizens gathered at universities and public spaces, reading aloud the preamble of the Indian constitution, quoting Mohandas Gandhi and holding aloft the Indian tricolor. The protests began in December 2019 as resistance to a controversial law that would make it harder for Muslim immigrants from Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh, to gain Indian citizenship. They morphed into a wider pushback against the direction of the country under the BJP. In local Delhi elections in February, the BJP campaigned on a platform of crushing the protests but ended up losing seats. Soon after, riots broke out in the capital; 53 people were killed, 38 of them Muslims. (Hindus were also killed in the violence.) Police failed to intervene to stop Hindu mobs roaming around Muslim neighborhoods looking for people to kill, and in some cases joined mob attacks on Muslims themselves, according to a Human Rights Watch report.
Atul Loke for TIMEWorkers push the body of a COVID-19 patient into the furnace of Yerawada crematorium in Pune on Aug. 11.
“During those hundred days I thought India had changed forever,” says Harsh Mander, a prominent civil-rights activist and director of the Centre for Equity Studies, a Delhi think tank, of the three months of nationwide dissent from December to March. But the lockdown put an abrupt end to the protests. Since then, the government has ramped up its crackdown on dissent. In June, Mander was accused by Delhi police (who report to Modi’s interior minister, Amit Shah) of inciting the Delhi riots; in the charges against him, they quoted out of context portions of a speech he had made in December calling on protesters to continue Gandhi’s legacy of nonviolent resistance, making it sound instead like he was calling on them to be violent. Meanwhile, local BJP politician Kapil Mishra, who was filmed immediately before the riots giving Delhi police an ultimatum to clear the streets of protesters lest his supporters do it themselves, still walks free. “In my farthest imagination I couldn’t believe there would be this sort of repression,” Mander says.
Read More: ‘Hate Is Being Preached Openly Against Us.’ After Delhi Riots, Muslims in India Fear What’s Next
A pattern was emerging. Police have also arrested at least 11 other protest leaders, including Safoora Zargar, a 27-year-old Muslim student activist who organized peaceful protests. She was accused of inciting the Delhi riots and charged with murder under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, a harsh anti-terrorism law that authorities used at least seven times during the lockdown to arrest activists or journalists. The law is described by Amnesty International as a “tool of harassment,” and by Zargar’s lawyer Ritesh Dubey, in an interview with TIME, as aimed at “criminalizing dissent.” As COVID-19 spread around the country, Zargar was kept in jail for two months, without bail, despite being 12 weeks pregnant at the time of her arrest. Restrictions in place to curb the spread of coronavirus, like not allowing lawyers to visit prisons, have also impacted protesters’ access to legal justice, Dubey says.
“The government used this health emergency to crush the largest popular movement this country has seen since independence,” Mander says. “The Indian Muslim has been turned into the enemy within. The economy has tanked, there is mass hunger, infections are rising and rising, but none of that matters. Modi has been forgiven for everything else. This normalization of hate is almost like a drug. In the intoxication of this drug, even hunger seems acceptable.”
Read More: It Was Already Dangerous to Be Muslim in India. Then Came the Coronavirus
Close to going hungry, Prajapati says the Modi administration has provided little relief for people like him. “If we have not gotten anything from the government, not even a sack of rice, then what can we say to them?” he says. “I don’t have any hope from the government.”
Still a change in government would be too much for Prajapati, a devout Hindu and a Modi supporter, who backs the construction of the temple of Ram in Ayodhya and cheered on the BJP when it revoked the autonomy of Kashmir. “There is no one else like Modi who we can put our faith in,” he says. “At least he has done some good things.”
Prajapati remained in Khazurhat from June until August, working his family’s acre of farmland where they grow rice, wheat, potatoes and mustard. But there was little other work available, and the yield from their farm was not sufficient to support the family. Now $267 in debt to employers and relatives, he decided to return to Pune along with his wife and brother. Worried about reports of rising cases in the city, his usually stoic father cried as he waved him off from the village. On his journey, Prajapati carried 44 lb. of wheat and 22 lb. of rice, which he hoped would feed his family until he could find construction work.
On the evening of his return, Prajapati cleaned his home, cooked dinner from what he had carried back from the village, and began calling contractors to look for work. The pandemic had set him back at least a year, he said, and it would take him even longer to pay back the money he owed. The stamp on his hand he’d received at the station, stating that he was to self-quarantine for seven days, had already faded. Prajapati was planning to work as soon as he could. “Whether the lockdown continues or not, whatever happens we have to live here and earn some money,” he said. “We have to find a way to survive.”
—With reporting by Madeline Roache/London
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With a white handkerchief covering his mouth and nose, only Rajkumar Prajapati’s tired eyes were visible as he stood in line.
It was before sunrise on Aug. 5, but there were already hundreds of others waiting with him under fluorescent lights at the main railway station in Pune, an industrial city not far from Mumbai, where they had just disembarked from a train. Each person carried something: a cloth bundle, a backpack, a sack of grain. Every face was obscured by a mask, a towel or the edge of a sari. Like Prajapati, most in the line were workers returning to Pune from their families’ villages, where they had fled during the lockdown. Now, with mounting debts, they were back to look for work. When Prajapati got to the front of the line, officials took his details and stamped his hand with ink, signaling the need to self-isolate for seven days.
Atul Loke for TIME
After Prime Minister Narendra Modi appeared on national television on March 24 to announce that India would go under lockdown to fight the coronavirus, Prajapati’s work as a plasterer for hire at construction sites around Pune quickly dried up. By June, his savings had run out and he, his wife and his brother left Pune for their village 942 miles away, where they could tend their family’s land to at least feed themselves. But by August, with their landlord asking for rent and the construction sites of Pune reopening, they had no option but to return to the city. “We might die from corona, but if there is nothing to eat we will die either way,” said Prajapati.
As the sun rose, he walked out of the station into Pune, the most infected city in the most infected state in all of India. As of Aug. 18, India has officially recorded more than 2.7 million cases of COVID-19, putting it third in the world behind the U.S. and Brazil. But India is on track to overtake them both. “I fully expect that at some point, unless things really change course, India will have more cases than any other place in the world,” says Dr. Ashish Jha, director of Harvard’s Global Health Institute. With a population of 1.3 billion, “there is a lot of room for exponential growth.”
Read More: India’s Coronavirus Death Toll Is Surging. Prime Minister Modi Is Easing Lockdown Anyway
The pandemic has already reshaped India beyond imagination. Its economy, which has grown every year for the past 40, was faltering even before the lockdown, and the International Monetary Fund now predicts it will shrink by 4.5% this year. Many of the hundreds of millions of people lifted out of extreme poverty by decades of growth are now at risk in more ways than one. Like Prajapati, large numbers had left their villages in recent years for new opportunities in India’s booming metropolises. But though their labor has propelled their nation to become the world’s fifth largest economy, many have been left destitute by the lockdown. Gaps in India’s welfare system meant millions of internal migrant workers couldn’t get government welfare payments or food. Hundreds died, and many more burned through the meager savings they had built up over years of work.
Now, with India’s economy reopening even as the virus shows no sign of slowing, economists are worried about how fast India can recover—and what happens to the poorest in the meantime. “The best-case scenario is two years of very deep economic decline,” says Jayati Ghosh, chair of the Centre for Economic Studies and Planning at Jawaharlal Nehru University in Delhi. “There are at least 100 million people just above the poverty line. All of them will fall below it.”
Atul Loke for TIMERajkumar Prajapati, third from right, gives his family’s details to local officials at the train station in Pune on Aug. 5.
Atul Loke for TIMEThe Tadiwala Chawl area of Pune emerged as a COVID-19 hotspot.
Atul Loke for TIMEWorkers from the Pune Municipal Corporation spray disinfectant in the Tadiwala Chawl area.
In some ways Prajapati, 35, was a lucky man. He has lived and worked in Pune since the age of 16, though like many laborers, he regularly sends money home to his village and returns every year to help with the harvest. Over the years, his remittances have helped his father build a four-room house. When the lockdown began, he even sent his family half of the $132 he had in savings. The $66 Prajapati had left was still more than many had at all, and enough to survive for three weeks. His landlord let him defer his rent payments. Two weeks into the lockdown, when Modi asked citizens in a video message to turn off their lights and light candles for nine minutes at 9 p.m. in a show of national solidarity, Prajapati was enthusiastic, lighting small oil lamps and placing them at shrines in his room and outside his door. “We were very happy to do it,” he said. “We thought that perhaps this will help with corona.”
Other migrant workers weren’t so enthusiastic. For those whose daily wages paid for their evening meals, the lockdown had an immediate and devastating effect. When factories and construction sites closed because of the pandemic, many bosses—who often provide their temporary employees with food and board—threw everyone out onto the streets. And because welfare is administered at a state level in India, migrant workers are ineligible for benefits like food rations anywhere other than in their home state. With no food or money, and with train and bus travel suspended, millions had no choice but to immediately set off on foot for their villages, some hundreds of miles away. By mid-May, 3,000 people had died from COVID-19, but at least 500 more had died from “distress deaths” including those due to hunger, road accidents and lack of access to medical facilities, according to a study by the Delhi-based Society for Social and Economic Research. “It was very clear there had been a complete lack of planning and thought to the implications of switching off the economy for the vast majority of Indian workers,” says Yamini Aiyar, president of the Centre for Policy Research, a Delhi think tank.
One migrant worker who decided to make the risky journey on foot was Tapos Mukhi, 25, who set off from Chiplun, a small town in the western state of Maharashtra, toward his village in the eastern state of Odisha, over 1,230 miles away. He had tried to work through the lockdown, but his boss held back his wages, saying he did not have money to pay him immediately. Mukhi took another job at a construction site in June, but after a month of lifting bricks and sacks of cement, a nail went through his foot, forcing him to take a day off. His supervisor called him lazy and told him to leave without the $140 he was owed. On Aug. 1, he walked for a day in the pouring monsoon rain with his wife and 3-year-old daughter, before a local activist arranged for a car to Pune. “We had traveled so far from our village to work,” said Mukhi, sitting on a bunk bed in a shelter in Pune, where activists from a Pune-based NGO had given him and his family train tickets. “But we didn’t get the money we were owed and we didn’t even get food. We have suffered a lot. Now we never want to leave the village again.”
Although Indian policymakers have long been aware of the extent to which the economy relies on informal migrant labor like Mukhi’s—there are an estimated 40 million people like him who regularly travel within the country for work—the lockdown brought this long invisible class of people into the national spotlight. “Something that caught everyone by surprise is how large our migrant labor force is, and how they fall between all the cracks in the social safety net,” says Arvind Subramanian, Modi’s former chief economic adviser, who left government in 2018. Modi was elected in 2014 after a campaign focused on solving India’s development problems, but under his watch economic growth slid from 8% in 2016 to 5% last year, while flagship projects, like making sure everyone in the country has a bank account, have hit roadblocks. “The truth is, India needs migration very badly,” Subramanian says. “It’s a source of dynamism and an escalator for lots of people to get out of poverty. But if you want to get that income improvement for the poor back, you need to make sure the social safety net works better for them.”
Atul Loke for TIMEA doctor waits for a dose of remdesivir while a nurse attends to a newly admitted COVID-19 patient at Aundh District Hospital in Pune.
Atul Loke for TIMEAfter her condition improved, a COVID-19 patient is helped into a wheelchair so she can be transferred from the intensive-care unit to an observation ward.
Atul Loke for TIMEA young worker dressed in personal protective equipment sweeps the floor of the intensive-care unit.
The wide-scale economic disruption caused by the lockdown has disproportionately affected women. Because 95% of employed women work in India’s informal economy, many lost their jobs, even as the burden remained on them to take care of household responsibilities. Many signed up for India’s rural employment scheme, which guarantees a set number of hours of unskilled manual labor. Others sold jewelry or took on debts to pay for meals. “The COVID situation multiplied the burden on women both as economic earners and as caregivers,” says Ravi Verma of the Delhi-based International Center for Research on Women. “They are the frontline defenders of the family.”
But the rural employment guarantee does not extend to urban areas. In Dharavi, a sprawling slum in Mumbai, Rameela Parmar worked as domestic help in three households before the lockdown. But the families told her to stop coming and held back her pay for the last four months. To support her own family, she was forced to take daily wage work painting earthen pots, breathing fumes that make her feel sick. “People have suffered more because of the lockdown than [because of] corona,” Parmar says. “There is no food and no work—that has hurt people more.”
Girls were hit hard too. For Ashwini Pawar, a bright-eyed 12-year-old, the pandemic meant the end of her childhood. Before the lockdown, she was an eighth-grade student who enjoyed school and wanted to be a teacher someday. But her parents were pushed into debt by months of unemployment, forcing her to join them in looking for daily wage work. “My school is shut right now,” said Pawar, clutching the corner of her shawl under a bridge in Pune where temporary workers come to seek jobs. “But even when it reopens I don’t think I will be able to go back.” She and her 13-year-old sister now spend their days at construction sites lifting bags of sand and bricks. “It’s like we’ve gone back 10 years or more in terms of gender-equality achievements,” says Nitya Rao, a gender and development professor who advises the U.N. on girls’ education.
In an attempt to stop the economic nosedive, Modi shifted his messaging in May. “Corona will remain a part of our lives for a long time,” he said in a televised address. “But at the same time, we cannot allow our lives to be confined only around corona.” He announced a relief package worth $260 billion, about 10% of the country’s GDP. But only a fraction of this came as extra handouts for the poor, with the majority instead devoted to tiding over businesses. In the televised speech announcing the package, Modi spoke repeatedly about making India a self-sufficient economy. It was this that made Prajapati lose hope in ever getting government support. “Modiji said that we have to become self-reliant,” he said, still referring to the Prime Minister with an honorific suffix. “What does that mean? That we can only depend on ourselves. The government has left us all alone.”
By the time the lockdown began to lift in June, Prajapati’s savings had run out. His government ID card listed his village address, so he was not able to access government food rations, and he found himself struggling to buy food for his family. Three times, he visited a public square where a local nonprofit was handing out meals. On June 6, he finally left Pune for his family’s village, Khazurhat. He had been forced to borrow from relatives the $76 for tickets for his wife, brother and himself. But having heard the stories of migrants making deadly journeys back, he was thankful to have found a safe way home.
Atul Loke for TIMEKashinath Kale’s widow, Sangeeta, flanked by her sons Akshay, left, and Avinash, holds a framed portrait of her late husband outside their home in Kalewadi, a suburb of Pune. Kale, 44, died from COVID-19 in July as the family desperately tried to find a hospital bed with a ventilator.
Meanwhile, the virus had been spreading across India, despite the lockdown. The first hot spots were India’s biggest cities. In Pune, Kashinath Kale, 44, was admitted to a public hospital with the virus on July 4, after waiting in line for nearly four hours. Doctors said he needed a bed with a ventilator, but none were available. His family searched in vain for six days, but no hospital could provide one. On July 11, he died in an ambulance on the way to a private hospital, where his family had finally located a bed in an intensive-care unit with a ventilator. “He knew he was going to die,” says Kale’s wife Sangeeta, holding a framed photograph of him. “He was in a lot of pain.”
By June, almost every day saw a new record for daily confirmed cases. And as COVID-19 moved from early hot spots in cities toward rural areas of the country where health care facilities are less well-equipped, public-health experts expressed concern, noting India has only 0.55 hospital beds per 1,000 people, far below Brazil’s 2.15 and the U.S.’s 2.80. “Much of India’s health infrastructure is only in urban areas,” says Ramanan Laxminarayan, director of the D.C.-based Center for Disease Dynamics, Economics and Policy. “As the pandemic unfolds it is moving into states which have very low levels of testing and rural areas where the public-health infrastructure is weak.”
Read More: India Is the World’s Second-Most Populous Country. Can It Handle the Coronavirus Outbreak?
When he arrived back in his village of Khazurhat, Prajapati’s neighbors were worried he might have been infected in Pune, so medical workers at the district hospital checked his temperature and asked if he had any symptoms. But he was not offered a test. “While testing has been getting better in India, it’s still nowhere near where it needs to be,” says Jha.
Nevertheless, Modi has repeatedly touted India’s low case fatality rate—the number of deaths as a percentage of the number of cases—as proof that India has a handle on the pandemic. (As of Aug. 17 the rate was 1.9%, compared with 3.1% in the U.S.) “The average fatality rate in our country has been quite low compared to the world … and it is a matter of satisfaction that it is constantly decreasing,” Modi said in a televised videoconference on Aug. 11. “This means that our efforts are proving effective.”
Atul Loke for TIMEParents keep their child still while a health care worker takes a nasal swab for a COVID-19 test at a school in Pune.
Atul Loke for TIMEA health care worker executes a rapid antigen COVID-19 test in the local school of Dhole Patil in Pune.
Atul Loke for TIMEA health care worker checks a woman’s temperature and oxygen saturation in the Dhole Patil slum on Aug. 10.
But experts say this language is dangerously misleading. “As long as your case numbers are increasing, your case fatality rate will continue to fall,” Jha says. When the virus is spreading exponentially as it is currently in India, he explains, cases increase sharply but deaths, which lag weeks behind, stay low, skewing the ratio to make it appear that a low percentage are dying. “No serious public-health person believes this is an important statistic.” On the contrary, Jha says, it might give people false optimism, increasing the risk of transmission.
Modi’s move to lock down the country in March was met with a surge in approval ratings; many Indians praised the move as strong and decisive. But while other foreign leaders’ lockdown honeymoons eventually gave way to popular resentment, Modi’s ratings remained stratospheric. In some recent polls, they topped 80%.
The reason has much to do with his wider political project, which critics see as an attempt to turn India from a multifaith constitutional democracy into an authoritarian, Hindu-supremacist state. Since winning re-election with a huge majority in May 2019, Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the political wing of a much larger grouping of organizations whose stated mission is to turn India into a Hindu nation, has delivered on several long-held goals that excite its right-wing Hindu base at the expense of the country’s Muslim minority. (Hindus make up 80% of the population and Muslims 14%.) Last year the government revoked the autonomy of India’s only Muslim-majority state, Kashmir. And an opulent new temple is being built in Ayodhya—a site where many Hindus believe the deity Ram was born and where Hindu fundamentalists destroyed a mosque on the site in 1992. After decades of legal wrangling and political pressure from the BJP, in 2019 the Supreme Court finally ruled a temple could be built in its place. On Aug. 5, Modi attended a televised ceremony for the laying of the foundation stone.
Read More: The Battle for India’s Founding Ideals
Still, before the pandemic Modi was facing his most severe challenge yet, in the form of a monthslong nationwide protest movement. All over the country, citizens gathered at universities and public spaces, reading aloud the preamble of the Indian constitution, quoting Mohandas Gandhi and holding aloft the Indian tricolor. The protests began in December 2019 as resistance to a controversial law that would make it harder for Muslim immigrants from Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh, to gain Indian citizenship. They morphed into a wider pushback against the direction of the country under the BJP. In local Delhi elections in February, the BJP campaigned on a platform of crushing the protests but ended up losing seats. Soon after, riots broke out in the capital; 53 people were killed, 38 of them Muslims. (Hindus were also killed in the violence.) Police failed to intervene to stop Hindu mobs roaming around Muslim neighborhoods looking for people to kill, and in some cases joined mob attacks on Muslims themselves, according to a Human Rights Watch report.
Atul Loke for TIMEWorkers push the body of a COVID-19 patient into the furnace of Yerawada crematorium in Pune on Aug. 11.
“During those hundred days I thought India had changed forever,” says Harsh Mander, a prominent civil-rights activist and director of the Centre for Equity Studies, a Delhi think tank, of the three months of nationwide dissent from December to March. But the lockdown put an abrupt end to the protests. Since then, the government has ramped up its crackdown on dissent. In June, Mander was accused by Delhi police (who report to Modi’s interior minister, Amit Shah) of inciting the Delhi riots; in the charges against him, they quoted out of context portions of a speech he had made in December calling on protesters to continue Gandhi’s legacy of nonviolent resistance, making it sound instead like he was calling on them to be violent. Meanwhile, local BJP politician Kapil Mishra, who was filmed immediately before the riots giving Delhi police an ultimatum to clear the streets of protesters lest his supporters do it themselves, still walks free. “In my farthest imagination I couldn’t believe there would be this sort of repression,” Mander says.
Read More: ‘Hate Is Being Preached Openly Against Us.’ After Delhi Riots, Muslims in India Fear What’s Next
A pattern was emerging. Police have also arrested at least 11 other protest leaders, including Safoora Zargar, a 27-year-old Muslim student activist who organized peaceful protests. She was accused of inciting the Delhi riots and charged with murder under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, a harsh anti-terrorism law that authorities used at least seven times during the lockdown to arrest activists or journalists. The law is described by Amnesty International as a “tool of harassment,” and by Zargar’s lawyer Ritesh Dubey, in an interview with TIME, as aimed at “criminalizing dissent.” As COVID-19 spread around the country, Zargar was kept in jail for two months, without bail, despite being 12 weeks pregnant at the time of her arrest. Restrictions in place to curb the spread of coronavirus, like not allowing lawyers to visit prisons, have also impacted protesters’ access to legal justice, Dubey says.
“The government used this health emergency to crush the largest popular movement this country has seen since independence,” Mander says. “The Indian Muslim has been turned into the enemy within. The economy has tanked, there is mass hunger, infections are rising and rising, but none of that matters. Modi has been forgiven for everything else. This normalization of hate is almost like a drug. In the intoxication of this drug, even hunger seems acceptable.”
Read More: It Was Already Dangerous to Be Muslim in India. Then Came the Coronavirus
Close to going hungry, Prajapati says the Modi administration has provided little relief for people like him. “If we have not gotten anything from the government, not even a sack of rice, then what can we say to them?” he says. “I don’t have any hope from the government.”
Still a change in government would be too much for Prajapati, a devout Hindu and a Modi supporter, who backs the construction of the temple of Ram in Ayodhya and cheered on the BJP when it revoked the autonomy of Kashmir. “There is no one else like Modi who we can put our faith in,” he says. “At least he has done some good things.”
Prajapati remained in Khazurhat from June until August, working his family’s acre of farmland where they grow rice, wheat, potatoes and mustard. But there was little other work available, and the yield from their farm was not sufficient to support the family. Now $267 in debt to employers and relatives, he decided to return to Pune along with his wife and brother. Worried about reports of rising cases in the city, his usually stoic father cried as he waved him off from the village. On his journey, Prajapati carried 44 lb. of wheat and 22 lb. of rice, which he hoped would feed his family until he could find construction work.
On the evening of his return, Prajapati cleaned his home, cooked dinner from what he had carried back from the village, and began calling contractors to look for work. The pandemic had set him back at least a year, he said, and it would take him even longer to pay back the money he owed. The stamp on his hand he’d received at the station, stating that he was to self-quarantine for seven days, had already faded. Prajapati was planning to work as soon as he could. “Whether the lockdown continues or not, whatever happens we have to live here and earn some money,” he said. “We have to find a way to survive.”
—With reporting by Madeline Roache/London
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Ahilyabai Holkar 295th birth anniversary: The untold story of the brave queen of Malwa - art and culture
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Born on May 31, 1725, in the village of Chondi in Jamkhed, Ahmednagar, today marks the 295th anniversary of the brave queen, Maharani or Rajmata Ahilyabai Holkar, regarded as one of the finest female rulers in Indian history. As a prominent ruler of the Malwa kingdom, she spread the message of dharma and promoted industrialisation in the 18th century.
Her father, Mankoji Rao Shinde, was the Patil (chief) of the village and home-schooled Ahilyabai to read and write despite women’s education being a far-fetched idea in the village.
Early life:
Ahilyabai did not belong to a royal lineage, however, her entry into royalty is nothing short of a twist of fate. It was when Malhar Rao Holkar, an acclaimed nobleman in the Malwa territory spotted an eight-year-old Ahilyabai at a temple service feeding the hungry and poor, while on his way to Pune. Immensely moved by the young girl’s act of kindness and strength of character, he decided to ask her hand in marriage for his son Khanderao Holkar. Ahilyabai was married to Khanderao Holkar in 1733 at the tender age of 8.
Distress soon befell the young bride when her husband was killed in the battle of Kumbher in 1754, leaving her a widow at only 29. But she was forbidden from committing Sati by her father-in-law, who became her strongest pillar of support at the time.
The kingdom felt a strong vacuum when Malhar Rao passed away, soon followed by her young son. Ahilyabai, however, stood undeterred through all her personal losses, that too in quick succession. She channelled her grief when she decided to take matters into her own hands for the sake of the administration of the kingdom and the lives of her people. After petitioning the Peshwa after her son’s untimely death, she ascended the throne and became ruler of Indore on 11 December 1767.
Maharani Ahilyabai Holkar:
John Keay, the British historian, gave the queen the title of ‘The Philosopher Queen’. He said in her praise: ‘Ahilyabai Holkar, the philosopher-queen of Malwa, had evidently been an acute observer of the wider political scene.’
The Queen of Malwa was not only a brave queen and skilled ruler but also a learned politician. Her observation of the British and their agenda was something even the Maratha Peshwa had missed noticing. In a letter written to the Peshwa in 1772, she threw caution to the wind and said: ‘Other beasts, like tigers, can be killed by might or contrivance, but to kill a bear it is very difficult. It will die only if you kill it straight in the face, or else, once caught in its powerful hold; the bear will kill its prey by tickling. Such is the way of the English. And given this, it is difficult to triumph over them.’
Development work, philanthropy and more:
Indore prospered during her 30-year rule from a tiny village to a flourishing city. Ahilyabai is famous for having built numerous forts and roads in Malwa region, sponsoring festivals and offering donations to many Hindu temples. Her philanthropy reflected in the construction of a number of temples, ghats, wells, tanks and rest-houses stretching across the length of the country.
Her kingdom’s capital, Maheshwar, was a melting pot music and culture and she is known to have opened doors to stalwarts like the Marathi poet Moropant, Shahir Anantaphandi and Sanskrit scholar, Khushali Ram. The capital was also known for its distinct craftsmen, sculptors and artists who were paid handsomely for their work. The queen also established a textile industry in the city.
Through public audiences held daily in her court, Ahilyabai addressed the grievances of her people and always became available to anyone who needed her guidance.
Historians have noted how she encouraged all within her kingdom’s boundaries to do their best at whatever they took on. “Far and wide the roads were planted with shady trees, and wells were made, and rest-houses for travellers. The poor, the homeless, the orphaned were all helped according to their needs. The Bhils, who had long been the torment of all caravans, were routed from their mountain fastnesses and persuaded to settle down as honest farmers. Hindu and Musalman alike revered the famous Queen and prayed for her long life,” writes Annie Besant.
An English poem written by Joanna Baillie in 1849 reads:
“For thirty years her reign of peace,
The land in blessing did increase;
And she was blessed by every tongue,
By stern and gentle, old and young.
Yea, even the children at their mother’s feet
Are taught such homely rhyming to repeat
“In latter days from Brahma came,
To rule our land, a noble Dame,
Kind was her heart and bright her fame,
And Ahlya was her honored name.”
Ahilyabai was a woman ahead of her times, but her greatest regret remained her daughter performing Sati upon the death of her husband, Yashwantrao Phanse.
The queen died at the age of 70 after a 30-year rule and was succeeded by her commander-in-chief, Tukoji Rao Holkar I.
Centuries later, the brave and just queen’s legacy lives on in the form of the numerous temples, dharamshalas, and the large amount of social work she dedicated her life to.
A commemorative stamp was issued in her honour on August 25, 1996, by the Indian government. As a tribute to the ruler, Indore’s domestic airport has been named Devi Ahilyabai Holkar Airport. The Indore university too was renamed Devi Ahilya Vishwavidyalaya.
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COVID-19: How Kerala became the role model in the fight against coronavirus
A mock drill underway at Cheranellur, Kochi, in the southern Indian state of Kerala, as a part of efforts to stop the unfold of COVID-19 on April 17. Picture Credit score: ANI
Padma Kumar, a Dubai resident, walked straight into quarantine in Kerala when he arrived in the southern Indian state on March 20. At the airport in the state capital of Thiruvananthapuram, the 50-year-old was requested to signal papers that consigned him to 28 days of residence isolation.
For 4 weeks, Kumar was unable to see his mom and kids. A volunteer saved tabs on him on daily basis, and a physician would name often peppering him with questions on his well being and frame of mind. Groceries and medicines had been offered periodically at authorities expense.
“I was happy. There were no issues. Everything was taken care of. Every time the volunteer phoned me, she used to asked whether I needed anything…vegetables, groceries and other eatables,” Kumar stated.
On Vishu (New 12 months Day in Kerala), konnapoo (Casia fistula, the flowers particularly used for the event) and greens had been delivered to his door. Kumar paid, the solely fee he made in 4 weeks. The Panchayat (village council) offered a bag of rice, freed from price.
After 28 days, Kumar underwent a medical checkup and was given a Quarantine Launch Certificates. That is how Kerala fights coronavirus. With quarantine, common testing, tracing potential contacts and group assist.
Kerala has been held round the world as a model for stopping the unfold of COVID-19. World media have been showering reward on the state’s success.
Dubai resident Padma Kumar’s Quarantine Launch Certificates, which he obtained after 28-days of residence isolation in Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala, India. Picture Credit score: Provided
What’s the secret behind Kerala’s success?
The state sprang into motion as early as January and rolled out measures that helped scale back the unfold of the illness. The steps had been easy however proactive. In addition they imposed stringent controls that required all passengers arriving from international international locations to quarantine.
These efforts had been backed by a superb healthcare system and a extremely literate inhabitants. The state management too was agile sufficient to reply swiftly to the calls for wrought by the disaster.
What prompted Kerala to plan so early?
Okay.Okay. Shailaja, the state’s well being minister, instructed DailyKhaleej in an interview in March that Kerala had began planning a lot earlier than the first case surfaced in her state. When the epidemic in Wuhan was reported, the authorities started to attract up plans, she stated, including that they had been conscious of a whole lot of Keralites finding out in the Chinese language metropolis.
A management room was arrange on January 23 in Thiruvananthapuram, and every week later the first case was detected in the state. It was India’s ‘Affected person Zero”, certainly one of the three medical college students who returned to Kerala from Wuhan.
Why is Kerala’s danger excessive?
Kerala could also be a small state of 35 million individuals, however with 819 individuals per sq. kilometre it’s India’s eighth most densely populated state.
Furthermore, the state is linked to the remainder of the world by means of 4 worldwide airports that serve 17 million passengers yearly. Apart from, an estimated 2.5 million kind the Kerala diaspora.
The state that proclaims itself as “God’s Own Country” is a magnet for vacationers, which raises the danger issue.
How did the Nipah virus expertise assist?
Given the excessive publicity, Kerala has completed very effectively in reining in the coronavirus. The teachings in combating the extra deadly Nipah virus in 2018 got here helpful, though the COVID-19 is on a a lot larger scale. Nipah infections had been restricted to 2 districts, and there have been no instances from exterior. However that have assist in activating the state equipment, mobilising the group and launching consciousness campaigns.
Why’s Kerala’s healthcare system world class?
The three-tier system consists of main well being centres at the lowest rung, adopted by group well being centres, taluk hospitals, district hospitals and basic hospitals. The tertiary sector consists of medical faculty hospitals, and analysis and remedy centres.
These are backed by a superb pool of homegrown medical professionals: medical doctors and nurses.
Kerala healthcare ranks alongside a few of the superior societies in the world. New18.com lists three elementary parameters that preserve Kerala on prime. Right here’s what the website says:
Beds per thousand inhabitants: Kerala has 100,000 beds for a inhabitants of 35 million, round 2.9 beds for each 1,000. Italy has 3.2 beds, and the United States has 2.2 beds per thousand.
Physician-people ratio: In 5 years, Kerala could have one physician per 200 individuals, whereas the World Well being Organisation stipulates just one physician per 1,000. India’s nationwide common is one physician for two,000 individuals.
Density of healthcare services: Kerala has 1.5 hospitals per 1,000 sq. metre. Tamil Nadu has extra: four per 1,000 sqm.
How literacy helps
With a excessive literacy price of 94 per cent, the consciousness campaigns have good influence and rapidly percolates by means of the group. And group members take it upon themselves to drive the authorities campaigns. A literate society additionally helps in decreasing the unfold of rumours that rage throughout social media platforms.
We hoped for the greatest however deliberate for the worst…however we can’t predict what’s going to occur subsequent week.
– Okay.Okay. Shailaja, well being minister of Kerala, India
Shailaja the ‘Coronavirus slayer’
Well being Minister Shailaja is a celebrity in the state cupboard. A former science trainer, her success in the dealing with of the Nipah virus endeared Shailaja to Keralites worldwide. When the COVID-19 disaster unfolded, the minister rolled out strict measures. A management room was arrange in January, and that was adopted by a state response group to coordinate with safety personnel and authorities officers. Her swift and decisive actions earned her the moniker “Coronavirus Slayer”.
How the state fought the pandemic
The Kerala authorities headed by Pinarayi Vijayan declared COVID-19 a state calamity on February 3. A raft of measures adopted. Listed here are a few of them:
Social distancing and different precautions: The usage of face masks was promoted from January 30. Faculties and schools had been closed on March 10, and all spiritual teams had been instructed to cancel gatherings to encourage social distancing. For college youngsters who depend on free meals, meals was delivered to their houses. When do business from home became the norm, web service suppliers had been requested to enhance bandwidth.
Figuring out instances: Well being staff, together with medical doctors and different medical professionals, had been educated to determine COVID-19 signs from viral fever and the widespread chilly.
Testing: The Nationwide Institute of Virology, Pune, helped arrange a facility in Alappuzha to hurry up testing. The federal government additionally launched 12 testing labs for early identification of COVID-19 sufferers. Extra testing centres had been opened later.
Monitoring: Excessive-risk individuals who had been in contact with the contaminated had been tracked and examined. Native authorities our bodies had been requested to scan individuals who had returned from the contaminated international locations after January 14.
Quarantine: Individuals who had returned from Wuhan and different Chinese language territories had been instructed to quarantine at residence for 28 days. All contacts had been tracked and requested to self-isolate at residence. At the moment, anybody getting into the state has to bear a compulsory 28-day quarantine.
Helplines have been established in all districts. There’s a separate psychological well being helpline as effectively.
Isolation wards: Isolation wards had been arrange in all medical schools, basic and district hospitals. Round 635 corona care centres had been created in hostels, instructional establishments and unoccupied buildings. Apart from that, round 125,000 rooms had been saved apart to accommodate suspected instances.
Lockdown: The state launched a lockdown on March 23 earlier than it hit the 100 infections mark. The 21-day nationwide lockdown additionally helped the state.
Media campaigns: The ‘Break the Chain’ marketing campaign was launched on March 15 to test the unfold of infections and promote social distancing and encourage good hygiene. Social media performed a pivotal role in the success of those campaigns.
Volunteer power: A 250,000-strong volunteer power was raised on March 26. Over three days, these volunteers (in the 22-40 age group) had been educated to work with native authorities our bodies. They embrace ambulance drivers, and nurses and paramedical employees to help the 3,000-strong well being workforce. Others are deplo¬yed to ship meals or surveilling these below residence quarantine.
Migrant labour: From March 26, the state arrange 18,828 camps for migrant labour. Over 300,000 individuals from different states are being hosted in the camps and offered free meals and medical care.
Free ration kits of rice and important gadgets got to three.69 million households.
Was the curve flattened?
The curve has not but been flattened. Nineteen extra instances had been reported on April 22 in Kerala, bringing the complete to 427. Of that, solely three died whereas 307 have recovered. That’s an encouraging piece of statistic. As a result of given the worldwide an infection price every particular person ought to contaminated two to a few others. Which implies Kerala has the state of affairs below management.
“We hoped for the best but planned for the worst,” stated Well being Minister Shailaja, “however we can’t predict what’s going to occur subsequent week.
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International Women’s Day 2020: From fearing travelling alone to women driving cabs and bike taxis in small towns of India - travel
In a country where women need permission from their families to step out, being a cab driver is not an easy job. Not easy, not only because of the safety concerns while they are out on the road but also because of all the prejudices, judgemental comments and much more that needs to be fought on the home turf as well. However, women are taking giant leaps everyday for future womankind to live their lives a little better, realise their dreams sightly easier. In the past few years, women working as commercial cab drivers, and even for bike cabs, have increased. Now, such women are not only found in the “progressive cities of Delhi and Mumbai but also smaller places like Durgapur and Surat. These women, who braved all odds to make their independence a success story in itself, range from single moms to former corporates to even former daily wage labourers. This International Women’s Day, here’s a look at some of the profiles of such women: Snigdha Das (Kolkata, West Bengal)
A single mother and a former HR professional, 46-year-old Snigdha decided to work as a bike driver partner for Ola last year after struggling through the corporate ladder for years, rekindling her dreams of leading a life with a flexible routine. “As a single parent, I have struggled to confidently balance my personal life with my job. I have always preferred the freedom, which comes with riding a bike over other modes of transportation. When I decided to quit my job, I was initially unsure of my next move. However, when I found out that Ola was looking for bike-partners, I knew instantly that I had to give it a shot. In the past six months, my son and Ola have been my greatest supporters, and have helped me navigate through the initial transition easily,” Snigdha says. “Though, it has been extremely tough to lead the life of my choice as a single mother, nothing can deter me from pursuing my goals, and age for me is just a number. My son has finally settled into a job, and with his love and support, I will gladly continue my journey as a Ola bike-partner. I feel more empowered, deciding my own hours and being able to focus on my personal life. ,” she adds. Sushmita (Durgapur, West Bengal) Sushmita, another homemaker and mom, fought with her own family to train for Ola’s women bike partners. In fact, she has also started managing a ‘women hostel’ in Durgapur on her own. “I can manage the house and my business in the day, and ride for Ola Bike in the evening. My earnings have increased favourably, and I am able to support my husband in the upbringing of my daughter, as well as save for a better future. I hope more women in India understand their potential and do more,” she says. Mahalakshmi (Bangalore) After having completed her education till 10th standard, Mahalakshmi worked as a domestic help from the age of 14. Luckily, the family where she worked helped her learn driving, and, later enrol for Ola driver partner. Ever since she came onboard five years ago, she has been juggling the roles of homemaker, a mother and a cab driver with perfection. In fact, she has even become Ola’s first outstation woman driver partner from Bangalore. Revealing that her favourite outstation destination is Goa, Mahalakshmi says, “It has been my childhood dream to work for myself. After registering on the Ola platform, I have been able to become a full-time entrepreneur, without compromising on looking after the needs of my family. I decide my own hours and juggle my private and professional duties well. In the five years that I have worked on this platform, I have become independent and been able to admit my two children to ICSE schools, which for me is my biggest achievement.” “People often begin conversations with me, inquiring about my life. They find it hard to believe that a woman drives a commercial car, and often want to take pictures with me. At times, I feel like a celebrity when I receive praise from customers for the professional experience that I provide, despite my responsibilities as a working mother,” she adds. Harshika Pandya (Surat) Harshika joined Ola as a woman bike partner after working for nine years in the corporate industry. A post graduate degree holder in journalism, 37 year old Harshika decided to join Ola as a bike partner because she loves riding bikes. A single and independent woman, Harshika lives with her mother and other family members, who are extremely supportive and encourage her decisions. “Being a bike driver partner gives me the confidence to achieve my goals of being financially independent,” says Harshika. Mitu Das Dey (Kolkata)
Having trained for a year before she joined Sakha as a woman driver partner, 35 year old Mitu needs to take care of the finances for not just her two daughters and an ailing husband, but also her in-laws. “I used to work in houses (as domestic help) but that would only get me Rs 4000-5000. That amount could not meet my expenses and complete my requirements.” She discovered a certain Azad Foundation was training women in self defence, computers and several other skills to enable them as cab drivers and enrolled for it immediately. Her mother-in-law wanted Mitu to continue working as a maid. However, she insists she never had to use her self-defence skills as the body language of passengers is enough to warn her. She is happy her efforts were well paid as she gained respect for herself, in her family as well as society. Archana (Kolkata)
Archana worked as a daily wage labourer before she enrolled for training with Azad Foundation two years ago. She says her husband did not want her to go for cab driving and when she insisted, he asked her to ensure she took good care of the household and kids, alongside her training. While the husband feared bad behaviour of passengers, he also believed driving is not a job for women. Archana’’s current job and the earnings have ensured the husband is a changed man now, boasting about how hard working his wife is. Neeta Moghe (Pune)
She manages her own house, takes care of her two daughters and also works as an auto driver for Uber and Ola. Recently she bought music system, and happy that she had paid for it from her earnings. Lucky to have a supportive family, Neeta got her training from a neighbourhood uncle who owned an auto. While she has a positive demeanour who never paid heed to scathing comments from relatives or people from her society, Neeta says it is other male auto drivers who have often objected. “Ab idhar pe aurat log aenge to humare pet pe laat maroge kya (Will you stop our earnings, now that women are starting to drive autos as well)?,” an auto driver once told her. Interestingly, Neeta wants to help others get onto the business of cab and auto driving. Rani (Bhubaneshwar)
India’s first transgender woman cab driver found her independence and much more when she got an offer from Uber to work as a woman driver partner. Earlier, she used to sing in trains to earn a livelihood. She believes her stint with cab driving has not only helped her earn a living and respect for herself, but also her community. She is happy to have been part of the change for her community. Raji Ashok (Chennai)
A graduate in Philosophy, Raji is 46-year-old and has been driving auto in Perambur for 20 years. She took up driving when she failed to get a job as an accountant after she had to shift to Chennai after the 1998 blasts. “I complete 30 trips every day and earn between Rs 30,000-40,000 monthly. But it has never been about the money for me but about making women feel secure,” she says. Raji says she takes up rides for women even in odd hours if she has prior information about the trips. She even offers free rides to young students, senior citizens and women who do not have enough money to pay for cab fares. She also gives free auto driving lessons to women interested in joining this profession. While a woman driver is often judged, she also gets support: “The typical reactions when they a see a woman driver is often judgemental. They look at us as not being capable drivers but women passengers are always more supportive. Some male drivers often pass uncomfortable remarks and try to overtake as well but with time, I have learned how to handle all types of situations.” Interact with the author @swetakaushal Read the full article
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Complete Guide to Becoming a Psychologist and its Scope in India
At any point thought how people think, or how their conduct changes with various circumstances? Or on the other hand, how somebody thinks that its hard to converse with outsiders while for other people, it is a cake walk? Do words like "visualizations", "issues" or "oblivious psyche" energize you? Assuming the appropriate response is indeed, you have arrived at the perfect spot. In this article, I will take you through the instructive excursion of an psychologist, and its scope in India.
Psychology covers human conduct, intriguing realities about existence, and so on The study of human conduct arose in Germany, and during the World War, brain research went to United States, and arose in India roughly 70 years prior. From that point forward, our Indian therapists have endeavored to perceive brain research as a different control.
To be a Psychologist, you can decide on any stream in your twelfth grade. Greater part of the schools have begun remembering Psychology for their educational program, and the magnificence of the subject lies in the way that you can contemplate Psychology with any stream as the fifth subject. It is fitting to take Psychology in school to have an essential comprehension of the subject; nonetheless, it is anything but an impulse.
Graduation (B.A./B.Sc)
Get a four year certification in brain research from an UGC-perceived establishment. An advanced education will help assemble base in brain science. You will concentrate every one of the subjects of brain science, which will assist you with recognizing your premium. Certain subjects which are educated are General Psychology, Clinical brain research, Social Psychology, Developmental Psychology, Organizational Behavior and so forth For the most part the subjects are more hypothetical, however the one on Statistics incorporates mathematical application. It is vital for the understudies inspired by the field of Research to have top to bottom information regarding the matter. During the three years, you will get an openness to the essential components of Psychology. Workshops are directed each year on various points going from Hypnosis to dream investigation. This fluctuates from one school to another. By and large, after graduation, the open positions are not in bounty. The top universities that give single men are as per the following –
Delhi University (New Delhi)
Jamia Milia Islamia (New Delhi)
Ambedkar University (New Delhi)
Panjab Univerity (Chandigarh)
Banaras Hindu University (Varanasi)
Aligarh Muslim University
Fergusson College (Pune)
Christ University (Bangalore)
Post Graduation
Whenever you are finished with your graduation, you can seek after post graduation. Admission to the different schools will be through placement tests or your imprints in graduation. Various colleges have distinctive basis. On the off chance that you are from an alternate foundation, you can in any case apply. Yet, the affirmation course will be just through placement tests. At post-graduation level, you can pick your space of specialization. It is vital to seek after post graduation, in the event that you need to construct a vocation in brain research. Because of significant degree of rivalry, simply a graduation degree isn't sufficient. It will help you fabricate your abilities in your space of interest. At post graduation, understudies will get a chance to compose their paper in their space of interest. Paper is a top to bottom examination on a specific point, and the understudy will direct the exploration under the oversight of a specialist from their school. Additionally, the understudies will finish their temporary position for around 2-3 months. Temporary job is an exceptionally vital time of a therapist's life. It is a period of your schooling where you work and learn under the management of the master. It is vital to basically apply all hypotheses and information, which will assist you with understanding the ideas. Different colleges likewise lead instructive excursions, which further assist you with applying your abilities in a practical way.
Universities FOR POST-GRADUATION IN DELHI
Delhi University
M.A. in Applied Psychology with specialization in Clinical, Social or Organizational Behavior
M.A. in Psychology
Goodbye Institute of Social Sciences
M.A. in brain science with specialization in Counseling, Clinical and HR.
Jamia Milia Islamia
Experts in Applied brain research with specialization in (Clinical, Counseling or Organizational Behavior)
Ambedkar Univerity
M.A. in Applied Psychology with specialization in Clinical Psychology
Panjab University
Experts in Psychology
Banaras Hindu University
Experts in Psychology
Aligarh Muslim University
M.A. in Psychology with Specialization in Clinical and Organizational Psychology.
Gautam Budh University
M.A. in Applied Psychology
Extent OF PSYCHOLOGY IN INDIA
Brain science in India is acquiring significance, and its interest is on the ascent. After post graduation, you will get a chance to work in various regions.
Guides are needed in NGOs, Old age homes, Rehabilitation Centers and so forth Guide comprehends the issue of the customers, and help them emerge from their agonies. The issues can remember some awful accident for the individual's life, or some close to home issue seeing someone. In advanced age homes, advocates' positions is to guarantee that the occupants ought not feel desolate or useless. Instructors working in restoration communities (E.g. Medication addicts) assist the patients with decreasing the admission of medication. They attempt to sort out the reasons, and help them emerge from the hopeless life. They don't manage genuine cases. The normal compensation of a fresher is 20–30K each month (approx).
Instruction Sector: Psychologists are needed as school advisors, mentors, profession advocates, and so forth They help youngsters during their instructive years. They likewise manage understudies who have learning troubles or some social issues. Profession instructors, then again, assist understudies with understanding their latent capacity, and assist them with picking the correct vocation for them. This industry assimilates the most elevated number of analysts. The normal compensation nearby for the fresher is 20-35K each month (approx).
Hoping to turn into a lifelong mentor? Mindler's International Certified Career Coach (ICCC) program will help you launch your vocation in this field with a confirmation focused on worldwide profession instructing abilities. Find out more >
Clinical brain science: Clinical Psychologists, today, are in incredible interest. It is a long course, and you should initially finish M.Phil, before you start autonomous practice. They manage patients who require clinical consideration, and they for the most part don't manage the everyday issues. They apply different treatments, and work corresponding to a therapist. By and large, individuals get confounded between a clinical clinician and a Psychiatrist. Specialists are needed to initially finish their MBBS, and they study Psychiatry as a subject in their MD. They can endorse meds where as a clinical analyst just apply treatments with the customers. Subsequently, it is vital for a specialist and a clinical therapist to cooperate collectively. They are paid 30–35K each month on a normal subsequent to finishing their M.Phil.
Hierarchical Psychology: Organizational therapists work for MNCs and associations, Human Resource advancement and HR division. Their responsibility is to deal with the issues of the representatives just as assist the workers with cooperating successfully collectively. The normal compensation of a fresher is 30K each month (approx).
Examination: If you have an energy for research, both subjective and quantitative exploration are promising regions. Scientists are paid approx. 25K each month. The sum will increment with time, and you may likewise seek after PhD, if the region intrigues you.
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New good food destination: Chef’s home | Gurgaon News
Popular in Bengaluru, Mumbai and Pune, the appeal of food pop-ups is trying to find room in the brick-and-mortar tradition of Delhi-NCR. They might not stick to one place for long, but the culture is here to stay, a logical corollary of the shrinking spaces and high rentals in metros. Sakshi Virmani and Sharad Kohli report on an eating-out trend that’s hosted at the chef’s home, making the experience much more personal. “I find pop-ups are personal — strangers turn into friends after one pop-up itself,” Sneha Saikia says with a laugh. For people in search of food with a backstory and atmosphere, or sometimes nostalgia, pop-ups have become must-save dates in the calendar. “Customers are looking for an experience in an intimate space,” says Osama Jalali, food historian and home chef. “They’re also looking for authenticity, which fine-dining cannot always bring.” Through pop-ups, he adds, one can appreciate the full range and delights of India’s food heritage. “Many Assamese pop-ups are coming up, for example, because people want to go beyond the regular fare.” In Delhi-NCR, the concept hasn’t gained as much acceptance as it has elsewhere, believes Srikant Vijaykar, one half of a duo that’s on a journey of introducing the lesser-known but delicious Pathare Prabhu cuisine. Still, whether the venue is a Mumbai flat or a sprawling Delhi ‘kothi’, the pop-up is bringing on a platter the country’s culinary diversity. On a plate, with love For long, food pop-ups have been part of India’s streetscape, in the form of makeshift stalls around which hungry folks would gather. Now, cuisines from regions across the land are being curated by home chefs, who are digging through old recipes and older ingredients to present local gastronomic cultures to an eager audience. When Sunetra and Srikant Vijaykar moved to Gurgaon from Mumbai in 2016, they knew little of how unique their cuisine was. “The Vijaykars are a very small community from Maharashtra, the Pathare Prabhu community — worldwide, we number over 6,000, even smaller than the Parsis,” says Sunetra. In fact, there is, as Srikant points out, more Gujarati and Rajasthani influence in their cuisine than there is Maharashtrian. The couple’s pop-ups, organised every three months at their Gurgaon pad, usually accommodate around 15 people. Each time, the response is phenomenal. Little wonder, considering the mouthwatering preparations that are served up. “Some of our popular dishes are Paplet Bhujane, a white pomfret curry; Chimboree che Khadkhadle, crabs cooked in Pathare Prabhu sambar masala and lots of garlic; Gode Mutton, a mutton curry made with sambar masala; and Karandiche Lonache, shrimps in homemade pickle masala,” says Sunetra. Before every pop-up, the Vijaykars fly in fresh food from Mumbai, where their events are more regular and attract the crowds. Srikant reasons it might have something to do with the palate, since Pathare Prabhu cuisine boasts more flavours than spice. A marketing professional, he is currently translating ‘Gruhini-Mitra’, one of the earliest known Indian cookbooks in which are chronicled old Pathare Prabhu dishes. This table busts myths At her CR Park home, Sneha Saikia serves dollops of Bhut Jolokia chutney, steamed squash, black-sesame baby potatoes and Manxo (mutton) curry, with rice on the side, on a fresh banana leaf and Kansa plate. Her ‘Table for 6’ acquaints north Indians with the delectable food of the northeast. Five years ago, Saikia noticed disparaging remarks online about food from the region. “When I joined food groups on social media, I used to see foul comments about the cuisine. A lot of people still think we eat insects, that our food is visually unattractive to north Indians. I thought, let me invite people over and show them what we cook,” says Saikia, who also makes Bodo and Khasi food. She recalls an incident where a college girl booked the table for the birthday of a friend, who was Assamese. “The birthday boy was so happy, he was almost in tears; he described it as the best gift ever. People from almost all ethnicities have come and enjoyed this food,” Saikia adds. Then there’s Anchal Bhatia, who runs Tastesutra, a quaint cooking studio in Lajpat Nagar. She also holds pop-ups, including one she called Hidden Culinary Gems, in which guests were served regional preparations that have become rare, among them Bel Sherbet (with nolen gur and amaranth seeds), Kathal ke Kabab, Chicken Ghee Roast (with ragi appam), and Hyderabadi Baghaar-e-Baingan. Bhatia’s labour of love is India on a Thali. Yet, it’s not just in homes that the phenomenon of the pop-up is playing out. Hotels and restaurants, too, have embraced the concept, as have spaces like clubs in high-end condominiums. “It’s likely that chefs in hotels might not be conversant with a certain cuisine, so hotels can host pop-ups by a chef who would specialise in a certain regional cuisine,” informs Jalali. The economics behind pop-ups is pretty straightforward, for what drives the home chefs is not profit but a passion to create a memorable experience around food. They spend on the ingredients, while the guests pay for the experience. Alternately, the organiser of a pop-up at a restaurant or hotel gets paid by the establishment in question. Further, if it’s happening in town, you would get to know about it through word of mouth, and your circle of fellow foodies. Or, of course, through the ubiquitous social media. Making memories over food At the end of the day, nothing beats the informality of strangers coming together to break bread at a table. Or, more traditionally, sitting on the floor, among carpets and bolsters and around a dastarkhwan, bonding over a daawat. “It allows people the opportunity to sit down to a meal with a Muslim family, and it gives us the chance to host them,” conveys Jalali, of a very personal experience. Besides, where else can you learn about ingredients like bitter brinjal, Burmese coriander or single clove garlic? These are difficult to procure in Delhi, so Saikia began growing them here (or, asking anyone visiting from Assam to bring some along). “In our Assamese platter, you will find all the flavours — Khar is alkaline, for spice we have Bhut Jolokia chutney, for a little tangy flavour we have Masor Tenga (tomato fish curry), and steamed vegetables to balance the hotness,” she explains. “In winters, at one of the pop-ups, I introduced silkworms and red ant eggs that my cousin had sent me from Assam. Everybody was apprehensive at first but when they tried, they loved it.” Indeed, food can make misapprehensions disappear and bring communities closer. So, the age-old Indian tradition of hospitality is alive. Meanwhile, at Saikia’s pop-ups, every scrumptious meal ends with a steaming brew of comfort. “We have retained the British tea culture for community interaction in the afternoon,” she says.
from CVR News Direct https://cvrnewsdirect.com/new-good-food-destination-chefs-home-gurgaon-news/
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Lighting lights with water of Shirdi Sai Baba
A long time before Sai Baba's reputation spread, he was inclined toward gobbling up lights in his Masjid and various Temples. Notwithstanding, for the oil required in those little stoneware lights that he lit, he depended upon the philanthropy of the sustenance shippers of Shirdi. He had made it a standard to light pottery age lights in the masjid reliably and he would approach the vendors for little blessings. In any case, there came when the sustenance merchants wound up exhausted of giving oil permitted to Sai Baba and one day they tenaciously would not oblige him, saying they had no new stocks. Without an announcement of test Sai Baba returned to the masjid. Into those innovative lights, he poured water and lit the wicks. The lights kept gobbling up basic into the 12 PM. The issue went to the notice of the sellers who beginning at now came to Sai Baba with sufficient helping assessments. Wouldn't Sai Baba liberally pardon them? Sai Baba absolved them, yet he scolded them never to lie again. "You could have would not give me the oil, yet did you have to express that you didn't have new stocks?" he reproached them. Regardless, he had met up at his tremendous decision. You can furthermore shower on you the favors of sai baba with our Shirdi tour Package in any event costly cost.
Stopping the tempest
There is the record of one Rao Bahadur Moreshwar Pradhan who had come to Shirdi to take Sai Baba's darshan near his worshipped one. As the couple was going to leave, it began to rain energetically. Thunder and lightning rent the air. As the Pradhan couple looked round with fear, Sai Baba inquired. "Unselfish Allah!" he verbalized, "let the storms stop. My youths are returning home. Discharge them satisfactorily!" The tornado quickly halted, the ocean storm diminished to slight shower and the Pradhans had the decision to get in contact at their objective safely.
The hunch of debilitating fields
Once, gathering in Shirdi tours had been done and the foodgrains of the entire town had been attested in a yard. The mid-year was on. The brightness was extraordinary as essentially the people who have lived in Shirdi know. One night Sai Baba brought Kondaji Sutar and said to him: "Go, your field is on fire" Frightened, Kondaji raced to his field and. brutally scanned for any sign of fire. There wasn't any. He returned to the masjid and instructed Sai Baba that he had looked any place regardless had found no trace of fire and for what reason did Baba need to astound him? Courageous, Baba said : "You better turn back and research again." Baba was truly everything considered. Kondaji saw that a heap of corn was totally expending and smoke was flooding from it. A strong breeze was supporting the fire and word had gone round to the tenants who before long came hustling to the scene. "Sai Baba," the people shouted, "help us, help us put the fire out!" Thereupon, Sai Baba walked sufficiently towards the yard, sprinkled some water on a store of packs and presented: " There now! The fire will cloud away!" And so it happened. In Our Shirdi tours, all the Miracle checks and all of those spots will be appeared to you by our Shirdi tour package.
Saving a juvenile from smothering
One report has it that word had spread that the 3-year old juvenile of a poor man called Babu Kirwandikar had fallen into the well and had been smothered. Right, when the townspeople rushed to the well they saw the pre-adult suspended in mid-air correspondingly as some unpretentious hand was holding her up! She was conveniently pulled out. Sai Baba was shocked with that tyke who was routinely heard to state: I am Baba's sister!" After this scene, close to people confided in her. "it is all Baba's Leela", the people would state incredibly. They could offer no other explanation.
Bringing the water level up in well
Definitively when Sai Baba from the earliest starting point came to Shirdi packages it had of no focal workplaces. There was an especially set unusually in the name. It had no standard spring water and if at whatever point there had been one, it ought to a long time in the past have dissipated. Water must be brought from a division. At whatever point, thusly, Sai Baba gave his agree to neighborhood people to compliment the Ram Navami Fair, (Baba's Birthday) the gigantic issue going toward the organizers was one of water supply. So What may it be a stunning thought for them to do at any rate go to Sai Baba with their weight? "'Goodness yes," said Sai Baba, 'so you need an enormous measure of water, isn't that right? Here, take this and drop it in the well and kick back and watch." "'This," went up to be a platter of sprouts on which some prasad (favored sustenance) had been set close to the bits of responsibilities Baba had gotten before in the day. Neighborhood people had no ditherings about doing as they were doing. Their trust in Sai Baba was full scale. No sooner had that platter of leaves been dropped in the well, it is passed on, the water moved from the base correspondingly as by mind-blowing course and completely filled it. Likewise, unfathomable was the celebrating of the people.
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There is no basis for another religion or another culture or another point of view, what is required is just an unadulterated heart. You ought not to give space for corruption or undermining in the heart. You can make your life maintained by keeping the incomprehensible guideline: 'Help at whatever point; hurt never.' Speak mindfully, sweetly and truly. There are two eyes to see various things, two ears to hear inconceivable and malicious, there are two hands to do phenomenal and awful, at any rate, there is just one tongue to talk just the Truth. Portrayals of Divine Atma! Experience your time on earth in revering refined examinations, looking things, talking remarkable words, and doing awesome deeds. On the off chance that every one of you gets accordingly, satisfaction and accomplishment will organize on the planet.
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Our visit has world-class comfort, every single trace of your improvement is checked by us to promise you are voyaging adequately with most stunning solace and SAFETY, OK gives up ahead and we will clarify to you what thoroughly is on the platter for the experience for having Sai babas darshan from Bangalore.
Shirgaon
Shirgaon is totally known as Prati-Shirdi among Sai fans. Shirgaon is administered off old Bombay-Pune road. It's around 32 Km from Pune railroad station. Shri Saibaba asylum was set up here on eleventh June 2003 by Mr. Prakash Keshavrao Dole. The structure work was done in nine months with the endowments of Shri Saibaba. This was viewed as one of the marvels. The individuals working at the sanctuary site experienced evident Chamatkaras during these nine months. A little while later Shirgaon is known for the Sai safe house. There is a dash of closeness in Shirgaon and Shirdi package. The name itself looks like to Shirdi to a grand degree.
Shri Sai Baba is viewed as possibly the best-cleansed individual at whatever point found in India gave striking forces and is adored as a God on a fundamental level. (SAI meaning Sakshaat Ishwar) – GOD THE ABSOLUTE
This mystery Fakir beginning late showed up in Shirdi as an adolescent and stayed there all through his long life. HE changed the lives of the individuals who met him and dependably is doing in that cutoff even after his Samadhi in 1918 for those whose hearts are moved by his adoration and who ask and call him at any crisis in life for his favors.
Baba showed that his a central goal is to "Give Blessings" without imperative to all, and he demonstrates it in pack ways by recouping the got out, sparing lives, checking the defenseless, dodging inconveniences, yielding family, ameliorating budgetary impeccable position, bringing individuals into gratefulness inside themselves and with one another and, unequivocally, in affecting the basic development and change of the individuals who came to him if all else fails.
Baba is, as one of his contemporary sweethearts put it, "The embodiment of the Supreme Spirit lighting the sadhaka's (searchers') course by His every word and development".
To his sweethearts, Baba is nothing less a GOD. This has included gratefulness and not nonexistent.
"I look at all with a near-eye"
A striking bit of Sai Baba is that he is past purposes of imprisonment of religion, rank or standard. He epitomized all religions and paid extraordinary personality to the Universal the religion of Love.
Enthusiast of all suppositions discovers their social gathering point in Sai and individuals from all structures and changing establishments are joined by the eminent love and love Baba prompts in them. Baba had dazzling thankfulness for his Hindu fans and their Gurus and he reacted to their needs and allowed love as appeared by the Hindu and clear religious shows. At the same time, his home a Masjid (Mosque) and the name of Allah was ever on his lips. HE delineated himself as in Service to GOD (ALLAH) and as a spirit dependably researching ALLAH - (YAD – A – HAKKA)
Individuals today run Shirdi is reliably making numbers to pay statement to the Divine and to encounter truth of Baba's attestation that He would be dynamic in watching fans' petitions even from his tomb. Like Ten Commandments BABA has given eleven associates with humankind for welfare.
Baba said that he was a slave in the relationship of the individuals who loved him that he was consistently living to engage the individuals to go to him and that he needs to deal with his adolescents day and night. He by then exhibited estimations of novel idea up to the Almighty Master (ALLAH MALIK EK-The unmatched one) and experience his perfection.
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Tricky Trikonasana: My Travels with Triangle Pose
Tricky Trikonasana: My Travels with Triangle Pose Nina Zolotow by Sandra Razieli
When I first started practicing yoga, Triangle (Trikonasana )was an iconic pose. Those who could get their hand all the way to the floor were considered to be advanced practitioners. Having a bit of hypermobility, I was able to accomplish this fairly quickly and thought I was doing good for my body. Then I began to learn more about alignment and realized that lengthening the spine is a fundamental aspect and benefit of modern postural yoga. Yoga instructor Matthew Sanford puts it succinctly, "It's all about the spine – stupid." With this insight, I adjusted my practice to make the length of my spine a central focus of my practice. On days where I felt tighter, I reluctantly used a block. Yet, sometimes in class as I looked around the room and saw bendy people placing their palms all the way on the floor, I still felt the pressure of achievement. Occasionally, I caved into this inner pressure and also reached toward the floor even though it compromised my spinal position. Fortunately, this ended on the day that I heard Ramanand Patel, a senior teacher in the Iyengar lineage firmly proclaim, "I've been to the floor, I've been below the floor and believe me, enlightenment is not there! From that day forward, I consistently practiced Triangle pose with a block. While I was studying and teaching yoga, I was also regularly playing soccer. I have a distinct memory of experiencing a disconcerting sensation on a cool evening at Martin Luther King Park in Berkeley. We were enjoying a playful scrimmage after a long series of intensive drills during our regular Tuesday evening practice. I kicked the ball to make a simple pass, something I had done thousands of times before, but this time was different. I felt a momentary gripping pain in my inner thigh. With my knowledge at the time, I thought I had tightened something and just needed to stretch. This moment began a 10-year journey for me as the pain became increasingly worse. I continued practicing, teaching, and studying yoga. My thigh still bothered me, but I was able to compensate. A few years later, I went to Pune to study at the Iyengar Institute in Pune, India. This is the home base of the international Iyengar community and it is considered a prestigious privilege to be able to study there. In the formal classes I learned a great deal about asana and pranayama. While there, I also learned about what was becoming an open secret among the senior teachers: Many of them had hip problems. Even so, they kept pushing themselves into more extreme hip positions. In my own body I knew something wasn’t right. I began to reevaluate the quest for flexibility and the need to do certain poses. I began to study with Donald Moyer, a senior teacher in Berkeley who wisely taught, “align yourself to your body, not the room.” Mary Paffard, one of my foundational teachers, began to talk about the dangers of “tricky Trikonasana.’” I listened—and not because of the fabulous alliteration. She was observing that the way many people where practicing the pose could be leading to injury. She warned us about how following rigid instructions and pushing oneself into the pose could cause harm. She debunked the then common instruction to line up the heel with the arch and encouraged her students to keep the pelvis free instead of keeping the hip points in the same plane. Based on their suggestions, I made more modifications to my poses. And yet the pain in my right thigh lingered. Cobbler’s Pose (Baddha Konasana), which I had easily done for years, was now painful. After consulting with many people, I determined that the pain I was experiencing was because of tightness in my psoas as a result of my scoliosis. Naturally, I thought the obvious things was to stretch my psoas, but this only made matters worse. I continued my quest to discover the culprit. Doctors, chiropractors, and manual therapists acknowledged that I had a tight right psoas. I realized that the force of kicking a ball was at least one culprit. In order to heal, I decided I had to give up soccer. This was a great loss as I had been playing almost continuously since I was 12 years old. The sadness was not only for missing out on the joy of the game, but also for the social aspects of being an active member of Las Brujas, a team that I had co-founded 15 years earlier. I did my best to accept the loss. I continued to practice yoga but was much more conservative in my approach. Even with modifications, I realized Triangle pose was too tricky for me, so I stopped practicing it and teaching it. I saw a number of allopathic doctors who, having a base cliental that rarely exercised and were eating the standard American diet, saw me as healthy and did not take my concerns seriously. As I was able-bodied it was difficult for them to empathize with how much this was affecting my life. Finally, my doctor approved an MRI. The first orthopedist who saw the results diagnosed me with Femoral Acetabular Impingement (FAI) and a torn labrum. He recommended surgery right away. I was frustrated and scared—the cost and recovery time were beyond my scope of imagination. I decided to get a second opinion. The second doctor was more conservative and said that at my age of 46, he didn't think surgery would make any difference. He explained that while my hips didn’t have any signs of arthritis, I had some congenital dysplasia, a condition where the acetabulum (hip socket)does not fully cover the head of the femur (thigh bone.) Over time, this can lead to damage of the soft tissues, movement dysfunction and pain. And he said that the pain I was experiencing was a natural effect of this "deformity." He empathized with me, especially about giving up soccer (he was an avid athlete.) but said that there was nothing really that I could do. So I went to Fenton’s—the best ice cream parlor in the world—and as I shared a Black and Tan Sundae with a dear friend, I decided to try my best to walk the path of acceptance. For me, acceptance didn't mean giving up my quest to heal my hip. It meant being present with the reality of the current situation while simultaneously trying to make it better. I became even more careful about which classes I attended and had no compunction about modifying poses. I studied the anatomy of the hip joint in great detail and started teaching myself to move in new ways. I took my time. I became a student of the Z-health, a neurologically based approach to movement and learned the importance of having clear proprioceptive maps. Every day I practiced very small and slow movements with my hips to safely explore my entire range of movement. I paid more attention to how other people practiced Triangle pose. I noticed an interesting phenomenon: in the quest to hinge more deeply in the front leg to support a long spine, many people were jamming into their back hip. To get a sense of this, imagine Olivia Newton-John at the end of Grease, putting out a lit cigarette with the tip of her high-heeled shoe while wearing skin-tight leather pants. She looks so cool! However, just as she is about to put out the cigarette with her right foot, she is leaning into her left hip and putting tremendous pressure on the bones of the hip joint as well as the soft tissue. You can watch it here at 1:04. Her movement bypasses the use of the gluteus medius, the all-important side buttocks muscle. I began to see this habit many yoga practitioners, myself included. Tree pose was a big culprit. While focusing on balance, I leaned into the bones of the standing leg instead of using muscular strength. I realized that I must have been doing this for many years. The obvious course of action was to entirely retrain how I moved my hips. I had been to many yoga classes where we were firmly instructed to release the buttocks muscles but now I realized that gluteal amnesia, when your buttocks muscles are buttock muscles are weak, sleepy, and atrophied, was part of the problem. I began to study the biomechanics of movement with Katy Bowman. Already having more than the average level of flexibility, I let go of my interest in going “deeper” into poses and focused on creating strength in different ranges of movement. Two of the movements that helped me the most were standing hip circles and hip lists (a term coined by Katy Bowman where one hip actively lowers down to lift the opposite leg up), both of which strengthen the gluteus medius in different ranges of movement. You can watch a short video of the hip lists and hip circles. See here for a video of hip circles and here for a video of hip lists. I also worked on changing my gait so that instead of throwing my leg forward, I pushed off of my rear foot and then engaged the gluteus medius of the opposite leg to give clearance for the back leg to come forward. It took a few years. I had had to slow down quite a bit, but I began to feel better—much better. I returned to some of my previous activities that I had loved and sorely missed. In the mean time, I had also discovered Middle Eastern dance. I feel in love with the movements and the communal aspect of dancing together. and decided to pursue that instead of soccer. As my pain dissipated and I got stronger, I felt it was time to revisit my old friend Trikonasana with new eyes. I started by practicing with two blocks or sometimes just put my hand high up on the wall. I focused on creating stability before mobility and discovered that I could once again practice the pose with joy and delight.
These days, Triangle is my friend once again. When I teach and practice Trikonasana, I do a lot of preparatory movements that explore range of movement, stability, and strength. As gluteal amnesia is a scourge of chair-sitting society, I emphasize the need for using the gluteal muscles to stabilize the back hip and leg. And I share with students the reasons why creating whole-body integrity is far superior to the thrill of touching the floor. As stories are now coming to light of long-term yoga practitioners who have chronic hip problems and hip replacements, I am eternally grateful to Mary Paffard for sharing her concerns about tricky Trikonasana. I understand that pain or dysfunctional movement cannot always be prevented or eliminated. However, in this particular instance, I believe that I caught myself before it was too late and share my story in the hope that others will benefit from my experience. This article originally appeared, in a slightly different form, at
Sandra Razieli has been a certified yoga teacher since 2001. Trained originally in the Iyengar tradition, she teaches an alignment-based practice that encourages creativity and playfulness. She guides her students to recognize how changes in everyday habits of movement can lead to greater freedom, comfort and ultimately a more fulfilling life. Sandra is also R, I, S and T certified by Z-Health Neurological-Based Movement Training, is a Nutritious Movement™ Certified Restorative Exercise Specialist and is certified by Elise Miller as a Yoga for Scoliosis Trainer. She currently resides on Maui and travels frequently to California and Minnesota. You can find more information about Sandra and her teaching at www.raziyoga.com. Subscribe to Yoga for Healthy Aging by Email ° Follow Yoga for Healthy Aging on Facebook and Twitter ° To order Yoga for Healthy Aging: A Guide to Lifelong Well-Being, go to Amazon, Shambhala, Indie Bound or your local bookstore. Tricky Trikonasana: My Travels with Triangle Pose https://ift.tt/2z7XuQz themostdangerous1 https://ift.tt/2Q1FgKw via IFTTT
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