#p&r 306

[bestiarium]

The Sorcerer of Les Trois Frères [Paleolithic religion, France]

In Montesquieu-Avantes, France, a cavern was discovered right before the start of WW1. It was found by the three sons of count Henri Bégouën, and was named ‘Les Trois Frères’ (‘the three brothers’) after them. The cave system is notable for its intricate cave paintings, and the most famous of them is a strange human-like creature with fur, a tail and antlers.

This enigmatic being is nicknamed ‘the sorcerer of Les Trois Frères’, or sometimes ‘the Dancing Shaman’ for its pose. There are many images of animals in the same room, but the Sorcerer stands out because it is the only one that is actually painted – the animals are engraved into the stone rather than painted with pigments. Additionally, the sorcerer is positioned above them, as if he is supposed to watch over them. His legs and feet appear human, while his front limbs end in clawed appendages like those of a bear. His torso appears feline, and ends in a short tail. The head is turned towards the viewer and stares at them with owl-like eyes in a vaguely human face.

So what exactly does this creature represent? Was it a wizard calling on supernatural powers with a ritualistic dance, or perhaps a magical creature that supposedly dwelt in the forests around the cavern?

While we will never know with 100% certainty, there are several theories. Henri Breuil (who drew the now famous reproduction) believed it to be a spirit of the hunt, who oversaw the hunters and blessed them with wildlife to eat. Professor Carleton Coon theorized that it actually portrays a human hunter acting out a ritual to please a wildlife spirit before leaving on a hunt. The sorcerer’s penis and testicles are clearly visible, so perhaps it was related to a fertility rite or deity? My second source poses that the painting might actually represent a masked performer wearing a costume made from animal skins, rather than a supernatural being.

Yet another theory posits that the sorcerer is a palaeolithic beast deity, a god of animals. Given that the room with these paintings is quite difficult to reach, it would make sense that the chamber was a sacred place dedicated to the worship of a nature deity. Finally, a prominent theory among anthropologists is that the sorcerer of Les Trois Frères is a shaman, perhaps someone who used dancing rituals to communicate with spirits.

Sources: Campbell, J., 1960, The Masks of God: Primitive Mythology, London: Secker & Warburg, Pitman Press Ltd., p. 306-311, 509pp. Schechner, R., 1994, Ritual and Performance, in: Companion Encyclopedia of Anthropology: Humanity, Culture and Social Life, Ingold T. (editor), p. 613-617. Brandon, S.G.F., 1959, The Ritual Perpetuation of the Past, Numen, 6(2), pp. 112-129. (Image source 1: Velizar Simeonovski) (Image 2: reproduction of the original cave painting drawn by Abbé Henri Breuil, image taken from Schechner, 1994)

[geopolicraticus]

Friday 13 Sept. 2024

Grand Strategy Newsletter

The View from Oregon – 306  

Reflective Disequilibrium and Directionality

…in which I discuss consensus rationality, Galileo, Frege, the Asch conformity experiments, apology tours, equilibrium arbitrage, F. H. Bradley, disequilibrium, directional selection, and Fisherian runaways…

Substack: https://geopolicraticus.substack.com/p/reflective-disequilibrium-and-directionality

Medium: https://jnnielsen.medium.com/reflective-disequilibrium-and-directionality-80bc93960906

Reddit: https://new.reddit.com/r/The_View_from_Oregon/comments/1fhqfuj/reflective_disequilibrium_and_directionality/

[jaeyuned]

hiiii i got tagged by @simleez share my top 10 sets of the year!!! thank you guys for tagging me !!!!

whack-a-mole (600 notes)

blue hoon (384 notes)

pain (355 notes)

sweet jayyy (329 notes)

i love when his hair is styled like this,,,, (306 notes)

i also like when his hair is styled like this LMAO (303 notes)

lolllll 😆

love this stage :p

the first gif is nice 😁😭

#i want that cunty little jacket (someone tagged that dsbhajfbjads)

the first 6 are actually my most popular and then the last 4 are just ones i liked a lot,,,, the note counts r around the same for the rest! not gonna tag anyone but if anyone wants to do this got for it :p

[ebrithilbowser-blog]

Look at this awesome timeline of the connections between video game history and paleontology themes.

Source: Clements, T., Atterby, J., Cleary, T., Dearden, R. P., and Rossi, V.: The perception of palaeontology in commercial off-the-shelf video games and an assessment of their potential as educational tools, Geosci. Commun., 5, 289–306, https://doi.org/10.5194/gc-5-289-2022, 2022

[jehlumjk]

UNIVERSITY OF DELHI RECRUITMENT ADVT NO R&P/306/2024

UNIVERSITY OF DELHI RECRUITMENT ADVT NO R&P/306/2024. दिल्ली विश्वविद्यालय UNIVERSITY OF DELHI   Advt. No. R&P/306/2024   Dated: 27.09.2024   Online applications are invited in the prescribed Application Form from eligible candidates for appointment of Faculty positions in various Departments of Faculty of Technology, University of Delhi. The last date for receipt of applications is two weeks…

[educatecestrategia]

Referencias

Alter, A. (2017). Irresistible: The rise of addictive technology and the business of keeping us hooked. Penguin Press.

Brown, A. M., & Clark, C. M. (2017). The impact of educational technology on student achievement: A literature review. Educational Technology Research and Development, 65(6), 1435-1480.

Calderón Coronado, R. (2016). La importancia del lenguaje y el aprendizaje en el desarrollo del niño. Educación, (22), 54–58. https://doi.org/10.33539/educacion.2016.n22.1147

Echevarría, L. M. (2017). Modelos explicativos de las funciones ejecutivas.

Gallegos, M. S., & Gorostegui, M. (1990). Procesos cognitivos. Recuperado de internet el, 15.

Garcés-Vieira, M. V., & Suárez-Escudero, J. C. (2014). Neuroplasticidad: aspectos bioquímicos y neurofisiológicos. Ces Medicina, 28(1), 119-132.

Gikas, J., & Grant, M. M. (2013). Mobile computing devices in higher education: Student perspectives on learning with cellphones, smartphones & social media. The Internet and Higher Education, 19, 18-26.

Hwang, G. J., & Wu, P. H. (2014). Applications, impacts and trends of mobile learning: A review of 2008-2012 publications in selected SSCI journals. International Journal of Mobile Learning and Organization, 8(2), 83-95.

Johnson, E. R. (2020). Technology and attention management in the classroom. Educational Psychology Review, 32(2), 289-306

Martínez, E., & Sánchez, R. (2018). Integración de pizarras digitales en el aula y su efecto en la participación estudiantil. Revista de Tecnología Educativa, 20(1), 78-94.

Means, B., Toyama, Y., Murphy, R., Bakia, M., & Jones, K. (2013). Evaluation of evidence-based practices in online learning: A meta-analysis and review of online learning studies. US Department of Education.

Mendoza, L. V., Zermeño, M. G. G., & Zermeño, R. D. L. G. (2013). Desarrollo de habilidades cognitivas y tecnológicas con aprendizaje móvil. Revista de Investigación Educativa del Tecnológico de Monterrey, 3(6), 30-39.

Morales, B., Rozas, C., Pancetti, F. y Kirkwood, A.(2003). Períodos críticos de plasticidad cortical.Rev Neurol, 37(8), 739-743.

Pérez Guzmán, J. A. (2016). Las habilidades del pensamiento crítico asociadas a la producción de textos multimodales en un ambiente de aprendizaje apoyado por tic con estudiantes de básica primaria.

Pérez, J., & Rodríguez, M. (2019). Simulaciones en línea y toma de decisiones: un enfoque pedagógico. Journal of Educational Simulation, 42(4), 543-560.

Ramírez, S. (2009). Recursos tecnológicos para el aprendizaje móvil (M Learning) y su relación con los ambientes de educación a distancia: implementaciones e investigaciones. Revista Iberoamericana de Educación a Distancia, 12(2), 57-81. Recuperado de http://www.utpl.edu.ec/ried/images/pdfs/vol12N2/re cursostecnologicos.pdf.

Smith, A., & Jones, D. (2018). Efectos de la tecnología multimedia en la memoria de los estudiantes. Journal of Cognitive Enhancement, 25(2), 187-203.

Torres, L., et al. (2017). Aplicaciones de planificación y organización en el desarrollo de habilidades ejecutivas. Educational Technology Research, 40(1), 55-68.

Twenge, JM (2017). "iGen: Por qué los niños súper conectados de hoy están creciendo menos rebeldes, más tolerantes, menos felices y completamente desprevenidos para la edad adulta". Libros Atria

Villamizar, G., & Donoso, R. (2013). Definiciones y teorías sobre inteligencia. Revisión histórica. Psicogente, 16(30). https://doi.org/10.17081/psico.16.30.1927

[zainabk-grad604-51]

Week 3: 20 Sources

For this week's SDL, I collected 20 sources based on these topics.

Articles & Journals / Magazines

Looser, D. (2017). Viewing Time and the Other: Visualizing Cross-Cultural and Trans-Temporal Encounters in Lisa Reihana’s in Pursuit of Venus [infected]. Theatre Journal69(4), 449-475. doi:10.1353/tj.2017.0065.

Feast, L. Vogels, C. (2021). “Opening the door”: An authentic approach to decolonizing arts education in Aotearoa/New Zealand. Art, Design & Communication in Higher Education, 20(1), 65–82. https://doi-org.ezproxy.aut.ac.nz/10.1386/adch_00030_1

Horrocks, R. (2016). The arts in New Zealand: A changing field of forces. New Zealand Sociology, 31. 132-145. librarysearch.aut.ac.nz/vufind/EdsRecord/sih,120836618

Pankl, L. Blake, K. (2012). Made in Her Image: Frida Kahlo as Material Culture. Material Culture, 44(2), 1–20. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24396670

Turkheimer, F.E. Fagerholm, E.D. Bettelheim, E. Liu, J. Dazzan, P. Loggia, M.L. (2022). The art of pain: A quantitative color analysis of the self-portraits of Frida Kahlo. In: Frontiers in Human Neuroscience, 16. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnhum.2022.1000656

Parr, E. (2021). Toi Tū Toi Ora: Contemporary Māori Art. ArtAsiaPacific, 122, 76. https://librarysearch.aut.ac.nz/vufind/EdsRecord/vth,148897036

Lu, Y. Yang, G. (2008). Decorative rejuvenation — Aesthetic analysis of “Memphis” design. 2008 9th International Conference on Computer-Aided Industrial Design and Conceptual Design. https://doi.org/10.1109/CAIDCD.2008.4730740

Fornari, D. Lzicar, R. Owens, S. Renner, M. Scheuermann, A. Schneemann, P.J. (2021). Introduction: New Perspectives on Swiss Graphic Design. Design Issues. Winter 2021, 37, 4-9. 10.1162/desi_e_00620

Page, C. (2019). In Praise of Drop Shadows. BOMB, 150, 149–159. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26876387

Hayes, C. (2023). Curating Art in Challenging Times. Art Monthly, 467, 39-40. https://search-ebscohost-com.ezproxy.aut.ac.nz/login.aspx?direct=true&db=vth&AN=163994903&site=ehost-live&scope=site

Droitcour, B. (2021). Living With, Dying From. Art in America, 109(5), 70–75. https://search-ebscohost-com.ezproxy.aut.ac.nz/login.aspx?direct=true&db=vth&AN=151869132&site=ehost-live&scope=site.

Theo, K. (2021). Journey into Colour. Aesthetica, 104, 64–75. https://search-ebscohost-com.ezproxy.aut.ac.nz/login.aspx?direct=true&db=vth&AN=153889539&site=ehost-live&scope=site.

Crawford, A. (1997). Ideas and Objects: The Arts and Crafts Movement in Britain. Design Issues, 13(1), 15–26. https://doi.org/10.2307/1511584

Parkinson, G. (2006). Surrealism and Politics: Interpretation, Determinism and Art History [Review of Surrealist Art and Thought in the 1930s: Art, Politics, and the Psyche; Obscure Objects of Desire: Surrealism, Fetishism, and Politics; Surrealism, Politics and Culture, by S. Harris, J. Malt, R. Spiteri, & D. LaCoss]. Oxford Art Journal, 29(2), 306–312. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3841021

Images

FridaKahlo.org. (n.d). Self Portrait Along the Boarder Line Between Mexico and the United States, 1932. https://www.fridakahlo.org/self-portrait-along-the-boarder-line.jsp

Johnson Witehira. (n.d.). Whakarare. https://www.johnsonwitehira.studio/whakarare

New Zealand History. (n.d.). Hinetitama by Robyn Kahukiwa. https://nzhistory.govt.nz/media/photo/hinetitama-robyn-kahukiwa

In Pursuit of Venus. (n.d.). About the Work. https://www.inpursuitofvenus.com/about

FridaKahlo.org. (n.d). Henry Ford Hospital, 1932. https://www.fridakahlo.org/henry-ford-hospital.jsp

[orange1896]

60400000584 LG855DS.15.60.07 GAUGE LONKING

60400000584 LG855DS.15.60.07 GAUGE LONKING

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[raylastnamefarandi]

Week 4: 

Digital Community and Blogging: Tumblr Case Study

The public sphere is a theoretical construct that denotes the communal domain in which individuals convene to deliberate and recognize societal concerns and predicaments, and construct viewpoints regarding them (Kruse, Norris & Flinchum 2018, pp. 62-63). This is a forum for civic discourse and deliberation, wherein individuals are afforded the opportunity to articulate their perspectives and interact with fellow citizens in a democratic fashion (Browne 2018, pp. 16-17). The public sphere can manifest in diverse formats, including conventional media channels, virtual platforms, or communal assemblies (Browne 2018, pp. 13).

Blogging has become a major public sphere. Bloggers can impact public discourse by sharing their thoughts, experiences, and perspectives online (Lovink 2008, p. 1). Blogging lets people express themselves without media restrictions (Lovink 2008, p. 9). Moreover, it provides an opportunity for individuals to connect with others who share common interests. Lifestyle bloggers can share their experiences on various topics, while political bloggers can discuss current events (Lovink 2008, p. 185-187).

The culture of blogging pertains to collective concepts, convictions, conduct, and traditions of the community and it concept places great emphasis on the act of self-expression, honesty, and the sense of community (Kuo, Belland & Kuo 1017, p. 37-39). Engaging in activities such as commenting, sharing, and collaborating can facilitate the expansion of readership for bloggers. Individuals participate in virtual competitions and provide encouragement to each other's endeavors (Lovink 2008, p. 185) . The culture of blogging fosters communal engagement and public discourse.

Tumblr has played the major history of blogging. The microblogging and social networking platform enables its users to disseminate multimedia and brief blog entries (Chang, Tang, Inagaki & Liu 2014, p. 21). Tumblr offers a user-friendly interface, opportunities for customization, and a supportive community that caters to specific interests (Chang, Tang, Inagaki & Liu 2014, p. 21-22). Political and social justice movements have used Tumblr. Tumblr users shared Black Lives Matter materials, personal tales, and calls to action (McCracken, et. al 2020, pp. 302-306).

The platform of Tumblr serves as an illustration of the vernacular utilized within the platform and the participation of individuals within the public sphere. The reblogging and tagging features on Tumblr have given rise to a distinct language and style of communication within the platform (McCracken, et. al 2020, pp. 182-184). The utilization of gifs, memes, and other forms of visual media as a means of communication is subject to distinct cultural norms and practices (McCracken, et al. 2020, pp. 63-68). Discussions pertaining to politics and pop culture have been a subject of debate amongst users on Tumblr and  researchers have conducted studies on the influence of Tumblr on political participation and mobilization (McCracken, et. al 2020, pp. 175-179).

References:

Browne, H 2018, Public sphere, in O’Donovan, O, Dukelow, F & Meade, R (eds), Cork University Press, Ireland.

Chang, Y, Tang, L, Inagaki, Y, Liu, Y 2014, ‘What is Tumblr: a statistical overview and comparison’, SIGKDD explorations, vol. 16, no. 1, pp. 21-29.

Kuo, Y C, Belland, B. R, Kuo Y. T 2017, ‘Learning through Blogging: Students’ Perspectives in Collaborative Blog-Enhanced Learning Communities’, Educational technology & society, vol. 20, no. 2, pp. 37-50.

Kruse, L. M, Norris, D. R, Flinchum, J. R 2018, ‘Social Media as a Public Sphere? Politics on Social Media’, Sociological Quarterly, vol. 59, no. 1, pp. 62-84.

Lovink, G 2008, Zero comments : blogging and critical Internet culture, Routledge, New York.

McCracken, A 2020, A Tumblr book : platform and cultures, in Cho, A, Stein, L. E, Hoch, I. N (eds), University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor.

[capableism]

Politically correct is a buzzword for generational acceptance and bigotry

After the Americans with Disabilities Act was passed in 1990, films started to pay attention to disability representation. This is particularly illustrated in early 2000s children's movies. Finding Nemo (2003) is a popular film that subtly focuses on disability. With any civil rights movement comes a paradigm shift. Media depictions of minority groups slowly change. Generations of people are shaped by the "politically correct" ways to address topics such as disability.  

There is a latency between social acceptance and civil rights movements. Generations of people become complacent in what was considered the status quo when they were coming- of- age. It's hard for some to accept that our language and behavior is or was harmful to others. 

Being physically disabled and Asian-American from birth, I often felt like a visual education tool for acceptance. I grew up in a predominantly white school district and, in general, have met very few people who use forearm crutches as I do. I admit I had a distinctive look, but that's nothing to stare at. 

As Stella Young said, "For me,  in some ways, my whole life is a bit performative and always has been- because I'm stared at  and looked at everywhere I go." 

Everyone performs for society a little. Think of gender roles or gender expression. In literature," the incessant representation of the Unseen Starer is psychosocially problematical for two reasons: first, because it can perpetuate a sense of curiosity among people with unimpaired vision; and second, because it can invoke an idea that in itself has the potential to affect the behavior of people with impaired vision" (Bolt, 2005, 3) Bolt is specifically looking at people and characterization of visually impaired people, but the concept applies more broadly to the disabled community because the 

Unseen stare is "the stare is a 'specific form of social oppression' for disabled people" [Thomson, 1997b, p. 300] (Bolt, 2005, 3) 

The Unseen stare is a phenomenon that develops from the social hierarchy combined with curiosity. People are taught not to stare as children. But it is a common reaction the disability community faces. 

The crux of the issue is the pressure to perform and educate. Even though what is "politically correct" is becoming more inclusive, the unspoken "unseen stare" is still there.

Sources

Bolt, D. (2005). Looking Back at Literature: A Critical Reading of the Unseen Stare in Depictions of People with Impaired Vision. Disability & Society, 20(7), 735-747. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09687590500335741

Thomson, R. G. (1997b) Integrating Disability Studies into the Existing Curriculum: The Example of "Women and Literature" at Howard University, in: L. J. Davis (Ed) The Disability Studies Reader (New York & London, Routledge), 295-306.

[schittspark]

one benslie moment per episode → season 3 episode 6

"tom, i want you to take ben and make him go to that antihistamine party." "it's allergic, and forget it." "he doesn't know anybody in town. come on, tom. take him under your tiny little wing."

[theoliviaset]

The Ableism Inherent in the Sysmed

So we've been seeing this recurrent claim pop up, that endogenic systems are ableist because of their claims that they experience plurality without being formed from trauma. Aaaaand it's got us annoyed to the point where we decided to write an essay about this. Mox has helped me (Faye) come up with a lot of this, so credit to her.

Our claim

Our claim is that accusing endogenic systems of being ableist by their mere existence is in fact ableism (or at the very least, fails as an argument and probably utilizes ableist assumptions). To make that claim, I'm going to need a straw man. Foxy, do you care to take the role?

I'm at the very least a stick man. Possibly brick. -Foxy

That a yes?

Duh. We rehearsed this whole bit all day at work.

SHHHH, you aren't supposed to tell them this isn't off the cuff and like, edited and stuff.

*rolls eyes*

Anyways, let's get started.

Claiming to have a disorder

Endogenic "systems" are ableist because they're pretending to have a disorder. A serious disorder that only results from trauma.

So this is an interesting one. You see, most endogenic systems we've come across don't generally claim to have DID/OSDD. But of course, that part is generally speaking ignored and the accusation is reiterated.

Here's the thing that takes some nuance though: even if DID/OSDD is caused exclusively by trauma, that doesn't stop an endogenic system from having it. We will for the moment ignore that dissociative disorders are placed next to the trauma disorders to reflect their close relationship (American Psychiatric Association, 2013, p. 291), and that none of them have trauma requirements (American Psychiatric Association, 2013, p. 291-307). I'm willing to believe that the kind of dissociation required to achieve memory barriers found in DID is caused by trauma, and that OSDD-1 (without amnesia) may likewise require trauma to cause distress (indeed, our collective distress is a byproduct of our different trauma responses).

But they have a trauma disorder. How are they supposed to have a trauma disorder without trauma?!?!

Endogenic systems claim that they were not formed from trauma. They do not however claim that they have no trauma. It actually seems pretty reasonable to expect a brain that is running a system of consciousnesses will react to overwhelming circumstances by increasing the severity of the pre-existing separations. When systems go through traumatic events, it makes sense that they would use the tools available to protect themselves. If you have a system prior to the trauma, then boom, you're endogenic (if you choose to label that way).

So endogenic systems have all rights to claim the disorder. Or they're not claiming a disorder at all. It's not ableist to claim an experience (plurality) that's also experienced by those with a disorder (DID/OSDD). No one is ableist for stimming when that's included in the diagnostic criteria of autism.

The Only Real(TM)(C)(R) Systems are DID/OSDD

No, the only way to be a system is if you have DID/OSDD though.

Why is that though? Criterion C of DID (American Psychiatric Association, 2013, p. 292), the first sentence of OSDD (American Psychiatric Association, 2013, p. 306), and the last essential feature of DID in the ICD-11 (ICD-11 for Mortality and Morbidity Statistics, 2022, "Essential Features" section) are all "distress" criteria. I.e. the thing that takes all symptoms together and makes it a disorder. Hell, the ICD-11 has a section that clearly states "The presence of two or more distinct personality states does not always indicate the presence of a mental disorder." (ICD-11 for Mortality and Morbidity Statistics, 2022, "Boundaries with Normality (Threshold)" section). Credit to The Lunastus Collective for finding and sharing the ICD-11 info (The Lunastus Collective, 2022).

Seriously, DID/OSDD are the only ways to be a system. Believing that you have multiple people in your head isn't normal!

There it is. That's the underlying assumption I think a lot of people seem to be making.

I'm so good at being a straw man. ;)

Eh, you and I both know that we've heard people make this claim. That you can't have a healthy mind (or at the very least a 'normal' one) if it's got a few people in it. Typically integration of the personality occurs in childhood, and infants begin the world with separate emotional self-states (Nijenhuis et al., 2004, "A Developmental Perspective of Dissociation" section). And so any deviance from typicality is a disorder yes?

Yeah, children don't get the normal integration of personality because of trauma.

You're using that word 'normal' though. That's a bit of a problem. You see, it's pretty ableist to label anything outside of the bounds of "normal" as a disorder. Hell, your beliefs (the actual Foxy, not the strawman bit she's doing) about how you got into our head would be considered delusions by most sysmeds, but tweak it ever so slightly to match up with a wider culturally accepted "normal" belief, and all of a sudden it's simply your spiritual beliefs right?

Hell, it reminds me of the discourse around trans people. We're considered to be "mentally ill" because our gender doesn't match up with society's expectations based upon our apparent biology. Worse still for us non-binary folk, as we're further talking about something weird when we talk about gender (and of course, further afield are xenogenders, of which none of us are, but fully support). Every step away from "normal" can be labeled more and more of a "mental illness" when those identities are simply a matter of self image. Of internal experience. Of qualia.

If any of those were to be termed as mental illnesses, it's pretty easy to see how ableist that is (as well as transphobic). Calling something a mental disorder just because it's different from the norm is ableist.

But DID/OSDD are disorders.

And we're going to go in a circle if your next point is that DID/OSDD are the only kinds of systems. And again, most endogenic systems we've met have specifically clarified that they do not have DID or OSDD. They merely claim that they are plural without having been formed from trauma.

They Just Don't Know their Trauma

Listen, I'm not even against endos. I just think that they're spreading misinformation by claiming not to have been formed from trauma. Just because they don't know their trauma, doesn't mean that they can go around claiming to be a system without trauma.

Again, that's ignoring the fact that many endogenic systems do know their own trauma. But now you're saying that a system (that you believe has a mental disorder) is not allowed to express their own life experiences?

Well yeah. They have a disorder that hides trauma. Therefore they wouldn't know if they had trauma because the disorder is doing its job.

So, because you think that a person is mentally ill, they can't be an expert on their own life? You do realize that's ableist as fuck right? To take away the autonomy of a person(s) in their ability to self relate and advocate because you hold that they have a mental disorder? That's how a metric fuck ton of psychiatric abuse occurs.

Furthermore this is an abuse tactic known as 'gaslighting' if you didn't know (Logsdon-Breakstone, 2012). You're telling people with (what you think is) a mental health disability that they can't be trusted with their own lives; that they can't possibly know themselves better than you.

And of course this is all ignoring the fact that there are systems with zero signs of trauma. It doesn't make a great deal of sense to tell a system who doesn't lose time, have amnesia, lose control of their thoughts or actions, have flashbacks, get hypervigilant, or have an exaggerated fear response, that in spite of none of those signs, they must secretly have trauma.

They're Just Faking It

Well if they don't have all of those symptoms, then they're just faking it.

And now we get to my favorite bit of ableism. This can go one of two ways honestly. First and foremost, people have been denied healthcare, resources, and even simple safety because others claim that their experiences are a lie; that they don't "look disabled" enough. Know that whatever outward sign of plurality you hold up as a requirement for plurality, you will exclude those with the disorder, including those that are straight up diagnosed (not to say that self-diagnosis is in any way shape or form invalid or lesser, but if an officially certified as capable of certifying someone officially "multiple" did it, then that should be at least enough for you).

Hey hey hey, I'm not saying that they're lying. I'm saying that they're mistaking their symptoms for plurality.

Aaaand that's' the other way.

Almost like we rehearsed this conversation before typing it up. ;)

Shhhh. Anyways, yeah, that's the other way it seems to be going. More gaslighting. If you're attempting to tell an ostensibly crazy person that they are mistaken about their experiences, you're doing textbook gaslighting. Which is ableist as fuck.

Conclusion

Overall, I think that anyone who wants to accuse endogenic systems of being ableist needs to stop for a moment and really think about what they're doing. Are they misunderstanding what the endogenic system is trying to communicate? Are they presuming that plurality itself is a disorder, and if so why? Are they just trying to gaslight people? Do they presume that atypical minds are incapable of deciding for themselves how they view themselves?

I may have stretched the use of ableism here, but I think it's still applicable. The attacks we've seen on endogenic systems so often seem to be built upon either the idea that plurality itself is a mental disorder, because having more than one person in one's head is "crazy." Or they are gaslighty attempts at weaponizing mental health disabilities against someone. In either case, fucking not cool.

-Faye of the Olivia Set

Citations

American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 5th Edition: DSM-5 (5th ed.). American Psychiatric Publishing.

ICD-11 for Mortality and Morbidity Statistics. (2022, February). ICD-11 for Mortality and Morbidity Statistics. Retrieved February 25, 2022, from https://icd.who.int/browse11/l-m/en#/http%3a%2f%2fid.who.int%2ficd%2fentity%2f1829103493

The Lunastus Collective, T. L. C. [@thelunastusco]. (2022, February 24). TLC 🔞 ominous finger snapping on [Tweet]. Twitter. https://twitter.com/thelunastusco/status/1496742218954018818?s=20&t=flSHQkxLfx1w2hDWDq7PmA

Nijenhuis, E. R. S., van der Hart, O., & Steele, K. (2004). Trauma Information Pages, Articles: Ellert Nijenhuis, et al (2004). Trauma Information Pages, Articles Ellert Nijenhuis, et al (2004). Retrieved February 25, 2022, from http://www.trauma-pages.com/a/nijenhuis-2004.php

Logsdon-Breakstone, S. (2012, February 16). Cosmo, Gaslighting, and How We See “Crazy” – Persephone Magazine. Cosmo, Gaslighting, and How We See “Crazy” – Persephone Magazine. Retrieved February 25, 2022, from https://persephonemagazine.com/2012/02/cosmo-gaslighting-and-how-we-see-crazy/

[compneuropapers]

Interesting Reviews for Week 42, 2022

Understanding the human brain: insights from comparative biology. DeCasien, A. R., Barton, R. A., & Higham, J. P. (2022). Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 26(5), 432–445.

From mechanisms to functions: The role of theta and gamma coherence in the intrahippocampal circuits. Mysin, I., & Shubina, L. (2022). Hippocampus, 32(5), 342–358.

On the relationship between predictive coding and backpropagation. Rosenbaum, R. (2022). PLOS ONE, 17(3), e0266102.

Mini-review: The Role of the Cerebellum in Visuomotor Adaptation. Tzvi, E., Loens, S., & Donchin, O. (2022). The Cerebellum, 21(2), 306–313.

[accuratepicuresofanthropologists]

Alfred Brown, from Stocking’s Functionalism Historicized. 

A.R. Radcliffe-Brown is the only anthropologist I know of who had a signature cocktail. He called it the ‘Claire de Lune’: one one-third gin, one-third kirsch, one sixth lemon juice and one sixth orgeat. (Stocking, “Radcliffe-Brown’s receipts: the nomothetic of everyday life, p. 10 in HAN 5(1) 1978.) Radcliffe-Brown’s eccentricity did not stop there. He spent his entire life cultivating the air of the sophisticated bohemian, affecting “a cloak and opera-hat on inappropriate occasions” (Kuper Anthro and Anthros 1st ed. 41).  He “had even thought out the best position in which to sleep,” recounted one admirer, “Not on the back, not whole on the side, and not like a foetus.” (Watson, But to what purpose, p. 63).

'Cultivated’ is the right word for it. He was born Alfred Brown, ‘A.R. Radcliffe-Brown’ being the hyphenated personality he concocted over the course of his life. There were “so many other Browns in the world” (Stocking After Tylor, 304) he remarked, that it seemed only fair to change his name. Most people called him R-B, while his friends called him ‘Rex’. The larger than life mystique he developed for himself was half English aristocrat and half Paris savant and definitely a conscious project of self-creation.

In fact, Alfred Brown was born in 1881 “of undistinguished Warwickshire stock” (Stocking, After Tylor 304). His father died when he was five, leaving his family penniless. R-B lived with his grandparents and soon found success through study, earning a scholarship to Cambridge in 1901, where he was first exposed to anthropology. In 1898 the university had sent a large, interdisciplinary team of researchers to the Torres Straits, the narrow body of water separating Australia and New Guinea. Very little was known of the area at the time, and Torres Straits expedition, as it was known, investigated both sides of the straits, using what were then the latest techniques in the new fields of anthropology, psychology, and linguistics. The main members of the team for our purposes here were W.H.R. Rivers, A.C. Haddon, and C.G. Seligman. Seligman would move on to the LSE and be a teacher of Malinowski, but the others continued their association with Cambridge, forming a ‘Cambridge School’ of anthropology. This was the version of the discipline that Radcliffe-Brown would encounter in his student days.

Brown earned his degree at Cambridge in 1904 and obtained another Cambridge-sponsored grant to conduct research in the Andamans, an isolated chain of islands between what is now Myanmar and India. The islands were seen by the British as one of the many last bastions of unexplored primitivity they could explore, featuring in the popular 1890 Sherlock Holmes story The Sign of the Four. For most of the 19th century the British used it as a harbor for ships moving between India and Burma (then both under British control) and as a prison. When Radcliffe-Brown visited the island its “negrito” were seen as the lowest form of life in Asia, perhaps possibly related to African pygmys. Today, the evidence suggests they are genetically related to Malaysian people and strongly resisted British forces, who ‘pacified’ the region violently and used its prison to isolate and incarcerate Indian activists striving for independence.

It turns out Radcliffe-Brown was not much of a fieldworker. Although he describes himself as having spent the years 1906 to 1908 in the Andamans, most of his actual fieldwork involved ten months of research at Fort Blair, the British military outpost, where he interviewed nearby Andamanese in an attempt to reconstruct their ‘primitive’ social organization as it existed before the arrival of the British. He gave up working in the other, less colonized islands because it would have involved spending years learning the language. “I ask for the word ‘arm’ and get the Önge for ‘you are pinching me’,” he wrote. [this from Stocking, After Tylor 306-307].

In 1908 he returned to Cambridge. His fieldwork was only a partial success, but he had done it, and he won a fellowship at Trinity. He spent the next several years lecturing in England at the LSE, Birmingham, Cambridge, and other places. It was during this period that Radcliffe-Brown undertook another bout of research between 1908 and 1910, this time in Australia. Australia was seen as a particularly good place to do research because Aboriginal people were viewed as especially primitive remainders of human nature in the raw. Radcliffe-Brown’s expedition again got mixed results. He was paired with Daisy Bates, a now-famous female explorer, but they quarreled. Radcliffe-Brown got a sense of Australian colonialism when a ceremony was broken up by white settlers seeking to arrest Aboriginal people. Radcliffe-Brown ended up hiding them in his tent. 

During his lectureships in England from the period of 1910 to 1914 Radcliffe-Brown continued to shape his own views. His Francophilia grew, as he discovered the work of Emile Durkheim and, especially, Marcel Mauss. Mauss corresponded with Radcliffe-Brown and Radcliffe-Brown began to see Durkheimian sociology as a novel and powerful theoretical form that could be applied to the nascent theories of ‘primitive’ social organization developed by Rivers. In 1914 he hyphenated his named, becoming finally A.R. Radcliffe-Brown.

R-B in Australia in 1928

In 1914 he attended the same conference in Australia as Malinowski, and like Malinowski he found himself stranded without funds when World War I broke out. Too old to enroll in the war (he was in his early thirties when it began) or get back home, and out of money, he took up a job at a grammar school in Sydney and eventually got a position as Director of Education for Tonga [After Tylor 324]. He tried mixing in a bit of fieldwork but was again frustrated by the need to learn a local language and spend a significant amount of time in the field. After the war, in 1919, he contracted tuberculosis and went to go live with his brother in South Africa.

In 1921(?) Radcliffe-Brown was appointed to the inaugural chair in anthropology at the University of Cape Town. He was not an active fieldworker in Africa, but used teaching as an opportunity to develop his own theories of social organization. These were most clearly on display in his 1922 book Andaman Islanders, in which he took ethnography from his earlier fieldwork and analyzed it using the framework he had learned from Mauss and Durkheim. But R-B became best known not for his book but for his essays, written versions of his lectures in which he expounded his systems of thought with great clarity. He used these essays to break with historicism, which he associated not with a scrupulous Boas particularism, but with a conjectural history which explained ‘primitive’ societies in terms of survivals.

How did Radcliffe-Brown envision the relationship between politics and the academy while in South Africa? Importantly, he looked at South Africa in a politically progressive way as a single society composed of different groups, rather than two different ‘cultures’ or ‘races’ meeting. This latter position was politically conservative in the South African context and played into apartheid discourses of the necessity of separate spheres for black and white, and ‘preserving’ African culture by denying Africans western education and restricting them to ‘tribal’ territories. That said, Radcliffe-Brown was hardly an activist. He believed in pursuing anthropology as a pure science - what we might call today ‘basic research’ — and did not believe it should be sullied with applied work, despite the fact that it offered, he claimed, objective truths about the social situation which administrators and politicians did not have access to. Rather, he used anthropology’s Pure Scientific Knowledge to criticize government policy which was uninformed by his insights. This stance was offered both relevance but also distance, and is a position which many anthropologists have taken from the safety of their ivory towers.

After five years at Cape Town, Radcliffe-Brown took up another inaugural chair in anthropology (support for which came from Orme Masson, an influential Australian professor and also Malinowski’s father-in-law), this one at the University of Sydney. Being at Sydney gave Radcliffe-Brown the ability to influence who was doing fieldwork not only in Australia, but in much of the southwest Pacific, including New Guinea. The position was supported by the Rockefeller Foundation, whose sought to provide training in anthropology to colonial officers serving in New Guinea and elsewhere in the Pacific. The results were mixed. Radcliffe-Brown’s structure functionalism was inherently conservative: since every institution in a society had a function, any change to the structure would be pathological. This was not the news that colonial authorities wanted to hear, since their goal was to change the societies they encountered, both for humanitarian reasons and for profit.

R-B around 1930, via an earlier tumblr post.

In 1931 Radcliffe-Brown moved again — this time to the University of Chicago. Chicago was the first place where he had taught in which he was not creating an anthropology program from scratch. Indeed, it was the first country in which there was already a well-developed and active program of anthropological research. As we have seen, in the pre-professonial days, anthropology was dominated by east coast departments such as Harvard, Yale, Penn, and Columbia, each of which were centers of intellectual life for each state they were in, and attached to a museum. Chicago was an upstart, the major academic power in the American midwest, and richly funded by Rockefeller money when it opened in 1890. The older, east coast departments emerged out of an English tradition derived ultimately from Oxbridge. Chicago was designed as a pure research university in the German tradition — ‘the college’, as it was called, was tacked on to the ‘university’ which granted higher degrees. Anthropology’s foothold at Chicago was established by Frederick Starr, one of the most ultra-creepy and deeply racist anthropologists I’ve run across. He was replaced in 1924 by Faye Cooper Cole, a Boasian who was an able administrator whose goal was to build up the department by importing talent. He first hired Edward Sapir, the best Boasian available given that Kroeber was at Berkeley. In 1929 anthropology became a separate department from sociology. In 1931,When Sapir left, Cole looked for his next star and found Radcliffe-Brown.

Radcliffe-Brown helped put his unique spin on Chicago, a place which in its midwest isolation was already developing its own unique style. Radcliffe-Brown’s ahistorical ‘functionalism’ was different, he claimed, than the ‘historical’ school of the Boasians. He developed the study of North American kinship systems — which ended up being far more complicated than he had thought — and produced a generation of students who, along with Sapir-trained Robert Redfield and R-B’s old friend and student W. Lloyd Warner, would shape the department in the future.

Perhaps this is a good place to mention Radcliffe-Brown as a mentor. His global peregrinations prevented him from creating a circle of dedicated students the way Mauss, Boas, and Malinowski did. This lack of a Radcliffe-Brown ‘school’ was not just the result of his travels, but also seemed deeply ties to his character. By his time in Chicago in the 1930s, Alfred Brown had transformed himself into A.R. Radcliffe-Brown, a glittering Svengali of anthropology. He appears not to have had much of a private life, and was married and divorced early in his life. He did not have messy love-hate relationships full of intense and ambivalent relationships with his students as Malinowski did, nor was he a family man the way Boas was. He cultivated awed disciplines who adhered unquestioningly to his beautiful theories. Most of his career focused on teaching undergraduates, and his speciality was the lecture. As someone once remarked (Gluckman iirc), he has trouble teaching graduate students because he had already taught them his entire system at the lecture. At Chicago he had students he worked closely with, such as Fred Eggan, but he did not found a school. Rather, he was one more influence in a rich mix of intellectual currents. [drawing on Stocking’s chapters in After Tylor]

An elderly R-B, probably from his Oxford days, via the Pitt-Rivers.

Radcliffe-Brown’s day finally arrived in 1936. R.R. Marett, the reader of anthropology at Oxford, was going to retire, so All Souls (a wealthy college) agreed to food the bill for a professorship in anthropology, mostly, apparently, to avoid being taxed by the university during the depression, when wealthy and ancient colleges like All Souls maintained embarrassingly plush balance sheets. at a time when others struggled. Malinowski was first offered the position, but was happy in London, and Radcliffe-Brown was selected to fill the position [drawn from ch. 3 and 4 of Riveiere’s Oxford Anthropology]. This was an important turning point for anthropology in the UK — for the first time, the ‘functional revolution’ had a firm hold at Oxbridge. 

Malinowski was Radcliffe-Brown’s frenemy, united with him against the older anthropology but sparring for funds to create the new anthropology. In the 1930s they had jousted for control of Rockefeller money, and students moved in and out of their orbits. Malinowski’s massive two volume 1934 ethnography Coral Gardens and Their Magic set new records for empirical detail but seemed to offer little in terms of the new objective Science of Man that Malinowski promised his funders (“I know a lot about yam growing after reading it, I can tell you,” Quipped Godfrey Wilson [Fires Beneath loc 2093]. Radcliffe-Brown, on the other hand, had a genuine theoretical system. For the more discerning English anthropologists, such as E.E. Evans-Pritchard, he offered a much more British and drama-free environment than Malinowski. Friday pub nights with Max Gluckman, Evans-Pritchard, and Meyer Fortes helped endear Radcliffe-Brown and his social systems to some of the most up and coming anthropologists of the next generation [Riviere, Oxford Anthropology, p. 90].  In an unusual twist of fate Malinowski left for America on a speaking tour in 1938, only to be stranded there by the outbreak of World War II. He would never return. Oxford was now the center for the new anthropology.

R-B did not impress Oxford as he had Capetown and Sydney. His larger-than-life bohemian personality seemed pushy and arriviste in an institution which had valued conformity and tradition for literally a thousand years. Marett had advocated for what we might call a “four-field” approach in anthropology, including physical anthropology and archaeology, with a focus on museum collections (in this case, the Pitt-Rivers museum). Oxford, like Cambridge, was still focused on undergraduate teaching. Radcliffe-Brown, drawing on Malinowski’s success at the LSE, tried to transform Oxford into a center for graduate education. But the LSE was a new institution, with strong top-down leadership (whose ear Malinowski had) and a willingness to innovate. Radcliffe-Brown was unable to move conservative Oxford, and his innovations were seen by the existing community of anthropologists as a threat, ‘disaster’ as Beatrice Blackwood called it. His various attempts to get external funding, or move internal college and university funding were also unsuccessful. He requested that the anthropology department be turned into an ‘institute’, a request which the university did not approve. He simply changed the name on the door and printed new business cards! Eventually, the change was accepted. The depression no doubt didn’t help but neither, likely, did his personality — he lacked the tact and charm of Firth and Malinowski.  [Mills in History of Oxford Anthropology].

The elderliest R-B, from his Oceania obituary.

Worse, World War II altered British national priorities in important and unforeseen ways. Radcliffe-Brown was 55 when he was hired at Oxford — just in time to watch students empty out of the university and into the military. He eventually left as well, spending the second half of the war in Brazil, trying to start an anthropology program in Sao Paolo. When the war was over so was his career: He retired in 1946 at the age of 65 (the standard year of retirement). During the war he had dreamed of returning to the United States, but bounced around in Egypt and South Africa (partially seeking drier warmer climates since, as he told Warner, he could not live in Britain in the winter any more) before settling in London. He died in 1955.

[whatdoesshedotothem]

Friday 7 March 1834

6 10

12 ½

very fine morning F49 ½° at 7 10 am at which hour out – the masons did not come for ½ hour – met C.H- coming at 7 ¼ - till near 10 giving orders about the upper buttery – this to be done immediately - the 1st thing – Charles says will be ready for Thomas to get into it in a fortnight – breakfast with Marian a little before 10 – afterwards all the morning, while Charles and James H- in the upper buttery till 2pm  looking over and burning the papers that were in a large old writing desk that stood there -  Mr Sunderland came between 1 and 2 - thinks my aunt rather her anodyne draughts are morphia -  thinks she may get over the summer - an hour or 2 with John Booth while he dressed up about the Lime tree near farmyard doors then with Charles and James H - hunting out the old oak wainscot taken from the library, etc and seeing how to use it up in the upper buttery - stood talking to Marian near an hour till after 7 in the hall – laughed and asked which would suit me best, M- or Miss W-? She thought the latter - would be more convenient and then agreed with me that she would suit me in every respect the best  I said I would rather take her connections than π- ‘s  Yes said Marian and so would I  they say in York Mrs Henry Belcombe’s father was a tea dealer and her first husband a spirit merchant   (said I did not know) and Miss Bagshaw got drunk at parties but I was not to tell this  both my father and Marian seem pleased about Miss W-  said I thought I should be happier with her than I should now be with Mrs. Lawton  to which Marian seemed to agree without the least surprise   I merely added but many things happen between the cup and the lip  as if I did not feel quite sure of Miss W-‘s as yet – dinner at 7 ¼ and coffee and reading over it from page 306 to 364 Waldensians Researches 2nd series till 8 40 - then came to my study and wrote the above of today - Pickels and his son John finished dry wall at Farmyard doors levelled a bit along the garden wall and finished topping and doing up Park wood wall - Mallinson hewing string course for chimney and his one man walling up chimney to be ready for it - read forward to p. 379 then from 9 20 an hour with my aunt then an hour reading the morning Herald - kind letter tonight from lady Stuart 3 pages of ½ sheet - and kind 4 pages of ½ sheet from lady VC- and the envelope kind 1p.  and one from Lady Stuart de R- franked by Lord S- all well - lady S- de R- wants me to go and shew myself to my ‘Granby relatives’ -James brought me from Washington this morning a letter and a parcel for Miss W- opened the former  he thinks Cordingley’s farm well  let as it is  and  better  leave it so or else if he (Cordingley) is to pay taxes allowance must be made very fine day F54° now at 12 tonight.