#john k. singlaub

[whatisonthemoon]

LA Times: Philippine Vigilantes Reflect U.S. Strategy for ‘Low-Intensity Conflict’ (1987)

by Peter Tarr October 11, 1987

NEW YORK —  Some weeks after retired Army Maj. Gen. John K. Singlaub told the Senate-House Iran- contra committees about his fund-raising activities on behalf of the Nicaraguan “freedom fighters,” I went to the Philippines to research that country’s communist insurgency.

My travels in the southern islands of Negros, Cebu and Mindanao turned up evidence that the counterinsurgency strategy advocated by Singlaub and other private American citizens on the far right for use in Central America now had taken firm root in the Philippines.

The tactics are used in what Pentagon strategists call “low-intensity conflict” or LIC. They emphasize an “integrated” approach in the fight against communism combining rural civic action and humanitarian aid programs with methods of “unconventional warfare” that Singlaub and others--including the U.S. government--have covertly employed in El Salvador and Nicaragua.

Singlaub’s credentials in “unconventional operations” are well known. A former chief of the Joint Unconventional Task Force in Vietnam, he participated in “Operation Phoenix,” the CIA’s notorious assassination program that resulted in the murder of an estimated 40,000 supposed Viet Cong sympathizers. More recently he served on President Reagan’s Special Warfare Advisory Group, to offer recommendations regarding LIC strategies.

There remains much speculation throughout the Philippines about the purpose of his several recent visits, spanning a period from July, 1986, to this past February. The former commander of U.S. forces in South Korea insists that he went to the Philippines to search for buried treasure. A number of his critics say the general’s real mission was to help organize civilian militias to be employed in the fight against guerrillas of the communist New People’s Army (NPA).

Many questions have yet to be answered, but one thing is certain: Vigilante justice has captured the imagination of the mass of Filipinos. It is a development that has disturbing implications.

In the theory of low-intensity warfare, the establishment of paramilitary groups is a key element in the battle for the sympathies of people living in rebel-contested areas. Their proliferation is thought to deprive communists of “mass-base” support, and thus contributes to a broader effort to isolate and demoralize insurgent forces.

Several commanders of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) assured me that most vigilante groups were unarmed. But at every turn I saw deadly weapons: M-16 automatic rifles, fragmentation grenades, homemade pistols and shotguns and a bewildering variety of machetes and bolo knives. And at every turn, the men, women and children who wielded these weapons were eager to tell me that they were “prepared to die” to defend themselves against communism, which many of them called “the godless ideology.”

On a street in downtown Davao, a sprawling city of 1.2 million on Mindanao’s southeast coast, the bolo-toting “Midnight Attack Commandos” of the “Far Eastern Democratic Restoration Bureau” boasted about dismembering captured communist guerrillas while one of their leaders supplied me with leaflets published by an evangelical ministry in Arkansas that posed these burning questions: “Are the IRS, FBI, U.S. Dept. of Labor, the Mafia and labor unions part of the Vatican? Is the Pope the superboss of all government agencies as well as the Vatican?”

How did this literature get to Davao, 10,000 miles from its point of origin in Alma, Arkansas? Did the vigilantes have American contacts? Were they acting in concert with the Philippine military, or on their own? Where did their weapons come from? What were their sources of financial support?

Lt. Col. Franco Calida, police chief of Davao and the acknowledged “godfather” of the first and most successful vigilante group, the Alsa Masa, insisted that his and other paramilitary groups had arisen spontaneously. Their popularity, he said, reflected widespread dissatisfaction with the communists’ urban terror campaign conducted in the city between 1981 and 1985. Indeed, Davao had been the “murder capital” of the Philippines in those years, a city where more than 5,000 people had met violent deaths. Many of the murders were “insurgency-related,” although the activities of criminal gangs also accounted for a good deal of the carnage.

Alsa Masa, which in the local dialect means “Masses Arise,” was organized by the leader of one of those gangs early in 1986. But the movement went nowhere until Calida assumed his Davao command in July, 1986. It was at that time that Calida received a visit from Singlaub. They “chitchatted,” Calida said, but did not discuss Alsa Masa. Nevertheless, in the months following Singlaub’s visit, Alsa Masa grew exponentially. It now claims 10,000 members. “The Alsa Masa was never a CIA project,” Calida told Filipino journalists several months ago. “It is the product of abuses of the communist New People’s Army. The people were left with no choice but to band together to protect themselves.”

In Davao, virulently anti-communist radio announcer Jun Porras Pala admitted that the vigilante groups lumped together all manner of riffraff, from members of criminal gangs to adherents of fanatical religious cult groups.

In Negros, Cebu and Mindanao there were ominous signs that anti-communist fanaticism was putting innocent people in danger. In Davao, the houses of people who did not join or make financial contributions to Alsa Masa (a practice one member called “extortion for democracy”) were marked with the letter X. Anti-communist broadcasters threatened supposed sympathizers over the airwaves.

In all three islands, liberal members of the Catholic Church had been threatened both by vigilantes and military officials. During my stay in Negros, 35 clerics and newsmen were accused of being NPA sympathizers by a local military commander, and had received death threats in the mail. A similar scenario was simultaneously unfolding in Cebu. And in Davao, the Redemptorist Church was strafed from a passing truck late one August night. Earlier, Catholic members of the congregation had been called “redemterrorists” by broadcaster Pala. Redemptorists in Cebu had been similarly branded.

Why did President Corazon Aquino, an uncommonly religious woman, agree to endorse the vigilante movement? The answer lies partly in a meaningless distinction she makes between armed and unarmed vigilante groups. Aquino favors the mobilization of unarmed citizen patrols, called Nakasaka, that warn the military of NPA activity. She favors these groups, but does not proscribe the activities of armed groups.

American officials may have influenced Aquino’s policy. On March 16, 1987, she ordered a government-trained militia, the Civilian Home Defense Force, “and all private armies and other armed groups” to disband. The CHDF, with 70,000 members nationwide, had been active since the 1970s in the fight against the NPA, but its ill-disciplined members had been blamed for many of the military abuses committed against civilians in counterinsurgency operations.

A phase-out of the CHDF was mandated in the new Philippine constitution, adopted in February. But soon after Aquino issued the order to disband paramilitary groups, she rescinded it. The Philippine military, led by Gen. Fidel Ramos, was lobbying hard for retention of the CHDF. So was Local Goverment Secretary Jamie Ferrer, slain in August. Aquino and her military had been repeatedly lectured, directly and indirectly, by high-ranking U.S. officials on how to fight the communists. One such lecture was delivered on March 19, 1987, by Richard L. Armitage, the assistant secretary of defense for international security affairs. He offered a blunt critique of AFP tactics in testimony before the House subcommittee on Asian and Pacific Affairs.

Armitage’s remarks clearly indicated American impatience with Aquino’s policy of reconciliation, in effect during her first 12 months in office. Even after the failure of peace talks with the radical left and the collapse of a cease-fire in the AFP-NPA war that had held for only 60 days, Aquino continued to offer an olive branch to the left. On Feb. 28, she proposed amnesty and rehabilitation for rebels who would lay down their arms, in the interests of “healing the wounds of our nation.”

On March 18, a time bomb exploded at the Philippine Military Academy. It was apparently intended to kill Aquino, who was to address the academy’s graduating class four days later. When commencement day arrived, the Philippine president unveiled a new strategy--one that might have gratified Singlaub himself. “The answer to terrorism of the left and the right is not social and economic reform, but police and military action,” she said, turning her back on a philosophy she had espoused since coming to power.

It was in this climate that Aquino rescinded her order to disband the paramilitary groups. In keeping with her new policy of “total war” against the communists, and in light of her growing reliance on Ramos, who repeatedly put down attempts by disgruntled AFP officers to take over her government, Aquino found herself, by the end of March, implementing the very counterinsurgency policies she had resisted for more than a year. She was now prepared to wage low-intensity warfare.

Her shift to a hard-line policy is likely to encourage a similarly militant response from the radical left. But even more important, the legitimation of vigilante “justice” will most likely serve to accentuate a culture of violence that has prevailed for decades in the Philippine countryside. At the core of the vigilante movement are incompetent CHDF commandos, religious cultists and members of private armies that flourished during the Marcos years.

The Philippines needs more than civic action and “humanitarian” aid programs carried out by civilian and military authorities waging low-intensity warfare. The country needs structural reforms, the most important of which is land reform. As Aquino often noted during her first year in office, the insurgency has economic and social roots. It will continue to flourish--no matter how many vigilantes are mobilized--unless the root causes are addressed.

Source: LA Times

Links and notes below

Moonies Support Vigilante Violence in the Philippines Around 1986/1987 - excerpts from Belina A. Aquino’s “The Philippines in 1987: Politics of Survival”

Marti found that the Reagan administration sought the help of CAUSA International to support US policy in Nicaragua. It might be mentioned that the Moonies and CAUSA have conducted expense-paid seminars and conferences in Washington, D.C.; Manila and other places, inviting well-known names in academic, religious and political circles. Among the CAUSA’s top brass are Cleon Skousen, a Mormon Church leader, Douglas MacArthur II, and Bo Hi Pak, the chairman who has acknowledged CIA funding. This is just another form of counter-insurgency, but it tries to minimize direct military intervention in favor of small “grassroots” efforts combining socio-economic, civic action, psychological & political objective.

In 1985 the Washington Times sponsored a fund for the Contras who committed atrocities, and trafficked drugs to the US The WACL and CAUSA’s Role in the Ruthless Violence of US-Philippines Counterinsurgency

CounterSpy: Moonies Move on Honduras (1983)

The UC should be held responsible for supplying weapons that killed young Filipino activists

How has the Moon network played a role in the post-9/11 U.S. Imperialist strategy?

The Unification Church and KCIA: Some Notes on Bud Han, Steve Kim, and Bo Hi Pak The Unification Church and the KCIA – ‘Privatizing�� covert action: the case of the UC The Broad Counterinsurgency Strategies of the US in the 80s, and a Glimpse into the UC’s Role

[carbone14]

Lieutenant John K. Singlaub de l'OSS – 1940's

John K. Singlaub est un des membres fondateurs de la CIA. Pendant la seconde guerre mondiale il fut officier de l'OSS et participa à l'opération Jedburgh qui consistait à coordonner l'action des maquis de la résistance en vue de désordonner l'action des allemands pendant le débarquement de Normandie.

[howwelldoyouknowyourmoon]

A WACL Rogues' Gallery

Covert Action Information Bulletin (Winter 1986)

The World Anti-Communist League, having adopted the cause of "freedom fighters" around the world, includes many members whose own political activities and philosophies belie the very idea of freedom or democracy. Despite the new WACL "pro-freedom" image displayed in Dallas, WACL remains rife with Nazis, racists, and death squad leaders. Among the delegates at the convention were:

Mario Sandoval Alarcon, whose National Liberation Movement (NLM) party organized the White Hand death squads in Guatemala in the 1960s. The NLM was reportedly responsible for the murders of eight to ten thousand civilians in 1966 and 1967. According to investigative reporter Craig Pyes, Sandoval introduced El Salvador’s neo-fascist leader Roberto D’Aubuisson to his WACL contacts in Argentina. They later arranged for Argentinean generals to visit El Salvador to help set up safe houses from which death squad operations were carried out. D’Aubuisson, who was recently forced out as head of the ARENA party, has announced he will head a political institute in San Salvador affiliated with WACL. Dr. Yaroslav Stetsko, a member of the WACL Executive Board, was a prominent Nazi collaborator who briefly headed a puppet government in the Ukraine. Joe Conason, Murray Waas, and Kevin Coogan reported in the Village Voice on other Nazis in attendance, including Chirila Ciuntu of Canada, a member of the Rumanian Iron Guard, notorious for its pogroms against the Jews in the early 1940s, and Ivan Kosiak, a member of the wartime pro-Nazi Byelorussian Central Council. Dr. Manuel Frutos, also a member of the WACL Executive Board, chaired the 1979 WACL conference in Paraguay, said to have been the "most Nazified" of all their annual meetings, at which former Nazi SS officers and wanted neo-fascists from Italy were present. Benito Guanes, former chief of Paraguayan military intelligence, who supplied passports for Chilean agents who came to the U.S. to assassinate Orlando Letelier. John K. Singlaub, head of the CIA's "counter terror program" in Vietnam in 1965, according to Anthony Herbert's book, Soldier. This operation, the Intelligence Coordination and Exploitation Program — later known as the Phoenix Program — ran assassination units which killed thousands of Vietnamese civilians. In 1978, Singlaub was reassigned from command of U.S. troops in Korea for insubordination after repeated public attacks on President Carter’s Korea policy. Singlaub announced in Dallas that in honor of the twelfth anniversary of the "military overthrow of the Allende regime in Chile" and the ninety-eighth anniversary of the "Paraguayan Republic," congratulations would be sent to General Pinochet and the head of the ruling Paraguayan Colorado Party. Takeshi Furuta, representative of the International Federation for Victory Over Communism, the original political organization of the Unification Church of the Rev. Sun Myung Moon. Moon asserts that democracy must be replaced with "unificationism" in order to strengthen the West for the final assault on communism. Moon also blames the Jews for the death of Christ and explains the suffering of the Jews in history, including the Nazi holocaust, as "indemnity" for this "collective sin." William Starr, a Moonie from Tucson, Arizona, attended Moon's CAUSA as an observer. (Osami Kuboki, a longtime member of the WACL Executive Board, was not present in Dallas; he heads the Japanese WACL chapter, which is dominated by the Unification Church, whose Japanese branch he also leads.) Hubert Kelly of the Christian Patriots Defense League (CPDL) was present as an official observer. According to an Anti-Defamation League report, "racism and anti-Semitism are an integral part of the CPDL ministry." The group’s official statement of purpose, signed by president John Harrell, says CPDL is "dedicated to the preservation of Anglo-Saxon, American-type culture… We believe the forced mixing of races of people is a self-evident, obvious, proven tragedy. We believe such forced integration results in racial suicide, creating an endangered species problem." … CPDL runs several paramilitary training camps in the U.S.

Related:

The Moonies and 'Victims of Communism’

The Dark Shadow Cast by Moon Sun Myung’s Unification Church and Abe Shinzo – Asia-Pacific Journal Japan Focus

Singlaub Recruits His Own Army in the Philippines

Private Groups Step Up Aid to ‘Contras’ (1985)

John Singlaub: ‘An Anti-Communist’s Anti-Communist’

The WACL and CAUSA’s Role in the Ruthless Violence of US-Philippines Counterinsurgency

On Moon’s Political Network and their Deep Connections to Global Terrorism

[casbooks]

Books of 2023

Book 31 of 2023

Title: A Ranger Born: A Memoir of Combat and Valor From Korea to Vietnam Authors: Robert W. Black ISBN: 9780307414434 Tags: AC-47 Spooky, AH-1 Cobra, Airborne, B-52 Stratofortress, C-119 Flying Box Car, C-82 Packet, CHN China, CHN Mao Tse Tung, CHN PLA People's Liberation Army, CHN PLAGF People's Liberation Army Ground Force, CHN PVA People's Volunteer Army, CHN Yalu River, Cold War (1946-1991), French and Indian Wars, From LAPL, GBR BA British Army, GBR BA King's Shropshire Light Infantry, GBR Capt. John Smith (Explorer), GBR LCol Robert Rogers (Ranger), GBR United Kingdom, GER Berlin, GER Brandenburg Gate, GER East Berlin, GER Germany, GER West Berlin, Gliders, KOR Battle of Hill 299 Turkey Shoot (Korean War), KOR Battle of Hill 628 (Korean War), KOR Battle of Inchon (Korean War), KOR Battle of the Ch'ongch'on River (1950) (Korean War), KOR Chinese Spring Offensive / 5th Phase (1951) (Korean War), KOR DMZ Demilitarized Zone - 38th Parallel (Korean War), KOR GBR BA British Brigade (Korean War), KOR Hill 1010 (Korean War), KOR Hill 299 (Korean War), KOR Hill 628 (Korean War), KOR Korea, KOR Korean War (1950-1953), KOR Kunu-ri-Sunchon Road, KOR Line Idaho (Korean War), KOR Line Kansas (Korean War), KOR Line No Name (Korean War), KOR Operation Ripper (1951) (Korean War), KOR Pusan, KOR Pusan Perimeter (Korean War), KOR ROK 6th ID, KOR ROK Republic of Korea Army, KOR Sangczon, KOR Seoul, Kuomintang, O-1 Bird Dog, Office of Strategic Services (OSS), PRK North Korea, PRK Yalu River, Rangers, SGP Singapore, SGP Singapore - Newton Towers Hotel, SpecOps, Stalin, UN United Nations, US CIA Central Intelligence Agency, US FL Florida, US FL Florida - Miami, US FL University of Miami, US FL University of Miami - ROTC, US FL University of Miami - ROTC Princess Corps, US MSTS Military Sea Transportation Service, US MSTS USNS General W. F. Hase (T-AP-146), US President Harry S. Truman, US SDS Students for a Democratic Society, US Secretary of State Dean Acheson, US USA 10th Mountain Division, US USA 187th Airborne Regimental Combat Team, US USA 19th Infantry Regiment, US USA 19th Infantry Regiment - I&R Platoon, US USA 21st Infantry Regiment, US USA 24th ID, US USA 2nd ID, US USA 2nd Ranger Infantry Co (Airborne) - Buffalo Rangers (Segregated), US USA 313th Infantry Regiment, US USA 325th Airborne Infantry Regiment, US USA 35th Quartermaster (Pack) Co, US USA 39th Infantry Regiment, US USA 39th Infantry Regiment - G Co, US USA 39th Infantry Regiment (Mechanized), US USA 39th Infantry Regiment (Mechanized) - 1/39, US USA 505th Parachute Infantry Regiment, US USA 50th Infantry Regiment, US USA 50th Infantry Regiment - E Co (LRP), US USA 5th Regimental Combat Team, US USA 6th Medium Tank Bn, US USA 6th Medium Tank Bn - C Co, US USA 79th ID, US USA 7th Army, US USA 7th ID, US USA 82nd Airborne Division - All American, US USA 8th Army Ranger Company (Airborne) / 8213th Army Unit, US USA 8th ID, US USA 8th ID - 3rd Brigade, US USA 8th Ranger Infantry Co (Airborne), US USA 9th ID, US USA 9th ID - 2nd Brigade, US USA 9th ID - 3rd Brigade, US USA Camp Carson CO, US USA Camp Hale CO, US USA Col Arthur "Bull" Simons, US USA Fort Benning GA, US USA Fort Benning GA - Harmony Church, US USA Fort Benning GA - Ranger Training Center, US USA Fort Dix NJ, US USA Fort Gordon GA, US USA Fort Gordon GA - Civil Affairs School, US USA Forth Benning GA - Victory Pond, US USA Forth Bragg NC, US USA General Douglas MacArthur, US USA General J. Lawton Collins, US USA General James Van Fleet, US USA General John K. Singlaub, US USA General Matthew Ridgway, US USA General Walton Walker, US USA LRRP Team (Vietnam War), US USA United States Army, US USMC 1st MarDiv, US USMC United States Marine Corps, US USN SEALS, US USN United States Navy, US USN USS General W. F. Hase (AP-146), US USN USS Pueblo (AGER 2), USAID, USAID John Paul Vann, VNM 1968 Tet Offensive (1968) (Vietnam War), VNM Battle of Dien Bien Phu (1954) (French Indochina War), VNM Ben Luc, VNM Can Duoc, VNM Can Giouc, VNM Cao Dai Religion, VNM CIA Air America (1950-1976) (Vietnam War), VNM Dien Bien Phu, VNM DRV Ho Chi Minh, VNM DRV NVA General Vo Nguyen Giap, VNM DRV NVA North Vietnamese Army, VNM DRV VC 265th Bn, VNM DRV VC 2nd Independent Bn, VNM DRV VC 506th Bn, VNM DRV VC COSVN Central Office for South Vietnam, VNM DRV VC K-3 Bn, VNM DRV VC Phu Loi Bn, VNM DRV VC Viet Cong, VNM DRV VM Viet Minh, VNM French Indochina War (1946-1954), VNM Gia Dinh, VNM Highway 4, VNM Ho Chi Minh Trail (Vietnam War), VNM Hoa Hao Religion, VNM IV Corps (Vietnam War), VNM Long An Province, VNM Me Ly, VNM Mekong Delta, VNM Operation Arc Light (1965-1973) (Vietnam War), VNM Operation Ranch Hand (1962-1971) (Vietnam War), VNM Rach Kien, VNM RVN ARVN 25th ID, VNM RVN ARVN 47th Infantry Regiment, VNM RVN ARVN 7th ID, VNM RVN ARVN Army of the Republic of Vietnam, VNM RVN ARVN RF/PF 627 RF Co (Vietnam War), VNM RVN ARVN RF/PF Regional Forces/Popular Forces (Vietnam War), VNM RVN ARVN Vietnamese Rangers - Biet Dong Quan, VNM RVN Chieu Hoi Program/Force 66 - Luc Luong 66 (Vietnam War), VNM RVN Kit Carson Scouts (Vietnam War), VNM RVN RVNP Can Sat National Police, VNM RVN RVNP CSDB PRU Provincial Reconnaissance Units (Vietnam War), VNM RVN USA CRIP Combined Reconnaissance and Intelligence Platoon (Vietnam War), VNM RVN USA CRIP Long An Province (Vietnam War), VNM RVNP CSDB Can Sat Dac Biet Special Branch Police, VNM Saigon, VNM Song Vam Co Dong, VNM Tam An, VNM Tan Tru, VNM Trach An, VNM US Agent Orange (Vietnam War), VNM US MACV Advisory Teams (Vietnam War), VNM US MACV Military Assistance Command Vietnam (Vietnam War), VNM USA MRF Mobile Riverine Force (Vietnam War), VNM USN MRF Mobile Riverine Force (Vietnam War), VNM Vietnam, VNM Vietnam War (1955-1975), Waco Glider, WW2 1st Special Service Force (1942-1944) Rating: ★★★★ (4 Stars) Subject: Books.Military.20th-21st Century.Asia.Korean War.US.Rangers, Books.Military.20th-21st Century.Asia.Vietnam War.ARVN, Books.Military.20th-21st Century.Asia.Vietnam War.US Army.Advisor, Books.Military.20th-21st Century.SpecOps.US.Rangers

Description: Even as a boy growing up amid the green hills of rural Pennsylvania, Robert W. Black knew he was destined to become a Ranger. With their three-hundred-year history of peerless courage and independence of spirit, Rangers are a uniquely American brand of soldier, one foot in the military, one in the wilderness—and that is what fired Black’s imagination. In this searing, inspiring memoir, Black recounts how he devoted himself, body and soul, to his proud service as an elite U. S. Army Ranger in Korea and Vietnam—and what those years have taught him about himself, his country, and our future.Born at the start of the Great Depression, Black grew up on a farm at a time of great hardship but also tremendous national determination. He was a kid who toughened up fast, who learned the hard way to rely on his strength and his wits, who saw the country go to war with Germany and Japan and wept because he was too young to serve. As soon as the army would take him, Black enlisted. And as soon as he could muscle his way in, he became a Ranger.As a private first class in the 82d Airborne Division headquarters, Black withstood the humiliations of enlisted service in the peacetime brown-shoe army. When the Korean War began, he volunteered and trained to be an Airborne Ranger. In Korea, this young warrior, his mind and body bursting with the lusts of adolescence, grew up fast, literally in the line of fire. In clean, vivid prose, Black describes the hell of giving his all for a country that lacked the political resolve to give its all to a war against the North Koreans and the Chinese.If Korea was frustrating, Vietnam was maddening. The heart of this book is devoted to the years of action that Black saw in Long An Province starting in 1967. Black writes of the perplexity of collaborating with South Vietnamese officers whose culture and motives he never fully understood; he conjures up the sudden shock of the Tet Offensive and the daily horror of seeing fellow soldiers and innocent civilians slaughtered—sometimes by stray bullets, often by carelessness or treachery. Vietnam challenged everything Black had come to believe in and left him totally unprepared for the hostility he would face when he returned to a war-weary America. Written with extraordinary candor and passion, A Ranger Born is the memoir of a man who dedicated the best of his life to everything that is great and enduring about America. At once intimate in its revelations and universal in its themes, it is a book with profound relevance to our own troubled time in history. From the Hardcover edition

[rielpolitik]

NARCO-POLITIK: 'Lord Of War', John K Singlaub - Criminal Merchant Of Heroin & Terrorism

NARCO-POLITIK: ‘Lord Of War’, John K Singlaub – Criminal Merchant Of Heroin & Terrorism

Source – covertactionmagazine.com “…A decorated hero in WW II, he ran death squad operations in North Korea, Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia in the Cold War; and was fired by Jimmy Carter for challenging civilian authority over the military…his cabal—which included CIA associates Theodore Shackley, Richard Secord, and Thomas Clines—used proceeds from the drug trade going back to the secret war in…

[leanpick]

John K. Singlaub, 100, General Who Clashed With Jimmy Carter, Dies

John K. Singlaub, 100, General Who Clashed With Jimmy Carter, Dies

Maj. Gen. John K. Singlaub, who waged clandestine warfare for the U.S. Army and the C.I.A. from the World War II years to Vietnam, then retired from the military under pressure after repeatedly criticizing President Jimmy Carter’s national security policies, died on Saturday. He was 100. The Special Forces Association chapter in Tampa, Fla., an organization of veterans who had waged covert…

[javierpenadea]

"John K. Singlaub, General Who Clashed With Jimmy Carter, Dies at 100" by BY RICHARD GOLDSTEIN via NYT U.S. https://ift.tt/4wFWHAYgD

[lettermen-of-the-usa-stuff]

Purple Heart Thursday  Lettermen of the U.S.A and friends of the Lettermen USA please join www.LotUSA.org today as we honor and remember United States Army Major General John K. Singlaub a recipient of the Purple Heart for wounds he received during WWII. Please help www.lotUSA.org share this post to honor and remember him for his service to the Republic.  Lettermen of the U.S.A Group  #PurpleHeart  #PurpleHeartThursday #LettermenoftheUSA  #LettermenofUSA (at Southside, Alabama) https://www.instagram.com/p/CRFyX5MrPVC/?utm_medium=tumblr

[whatisonthemoon]

The WACL and CAUSA’s Role in the Ruthless Violence of US-Philippines Counterinsurgency

On the role of WACL and CAUSA in the “anti-communist” counterinsurgency tactics used in the Philippines 

Excerpts from "Revolutionary Struggle in the Philippines" by Leonard Davis

pg. 16

A broader fact-finding mission, headed by former US Attorney General Ramsey Clark, took place from 20 to 30 May 1987. The group visited the provinces of Davao, Cebu, Negros, and Central Luzon in what was the most thorough investigation of vigilantes under the Aquino administration.

Several recommendations were made to the government of the United States:

-The CIA's role in advising, organizing, arming, financing, or otherwise supporting vigilante violence in the Philippines is nothing less than a massive campaign of murder, deceit, and manipulation attempting to protect narrowly defined US interests in a policy that is doomed to fail! The US Congress should garner all its resources to put an immediate end to this cruel and absolutely unconscionable activity. -The US government should put an immediate end to all efforts to whip up anti-communist hysteria in the Philippines, whether through the direct distribution of rightist materials, as the US Information Service (USIS) is doing in Cebu, through the activities of "private citizens" such as Causa, or through funding, advising, and providing technical assistance to the Philippine military and vigilante movement. -The US Congress should cut off all military aid to the Philippines pending an investigation into the use of US military aid and hardware in supporting vigilante violence in the Philippines. -The US should withdraw its military facilities from the Philippines, which are of questionable strategic necessity and which were used as a reason to back the ruthless Marcos dictatorship, and are currently being used as a rationale for suppressing the freedom of those who support fundamental social and political changes in their own country.

pg. 163:

In this group are found those who supported Marcos to the bitter end, many of whom were agents of or close collaborators with the CIA or the military. They identify the present status quo as an order ordained by God, and all means - including right wing terrorism - are justified in defending the system against threats which are perceived as the work of Satan. The main actors here include Causa International, which is an arm of the Unification Church of the Reverend Moon. This is closely connected with WACL - the organisation referred to in Chapter 1 - with which a retired US general, John Singlaub, is associated.

pg. 164

. . . the ultra-conservatives launch anti-communist campaigns designed to scare people and induce hysteria. This was particularly so when the ceasefire was being proposed in 1986. In March 1987, VicePresident Salvador Laurel addressed the first national convention of Causa International. He said: We must reject communism as an unmitigated evil ... Causa is conducting the convention, to arouse and galvanise the will and determination of all good men to strengthen freedom and democracy so that the country can resist and prevail over the forces of materialism and godlessness that seek to conquer it. In May 1987, an international fact-finding mission, led by former US attorney-general, Ramsey Clarke, reported that it had evidence to prove that there was 'high prob ability of a link between the CIA and vigilante groups'. One of the members, Gerald Horne, linked Causa in the same way, pointing out that Causa leaders have close connections with the Korean Central Intelligence Agency; and that, in South Korea, they own munitions fcetories. 

p. 183:

In May 1986, NDF spokesman Antonio Zummel wamed that the Philippines would be tumed into 'an Asian graveyard for American servicemen if the US persisted In meddling in the insurgency'. This was in response to W ACL visits to the Philippines by Singlaub in his efforts to organise anti-communist vigilantes. Since then, nearly 200 CIA agents have slipped into the country, while US special advisors are involved in instructing Philippine troops in counter-insurgency warfare. American combat patrols operate with local police as far as 20 kilometres from the perimeter fence around Clark Air Base in search of NP A guerrillas, with Filipino fears in some quarters that this could trigger a wider conflict in the countryside. Warning of an escalation in US interference in domestic affairs, Senator Neptali Gonzales is reported as saying: 'History teils us that just one encounter between the dissidents will lead to escalation and this might lead to further the polarisation of the people.' In his reference to 'just one encounter', perhaps Gonzales was thinking of the San Juan Bridge incident which started the Philippine-American War in 1899.  There is no doubt that the country will first move further to the right, with or without US support. With US support, the AFP will build up a supply of sophisticated weaponry and techniques and use more 'subtle' ways of repression; without US support, the AFP will immediately move into full-scale crude and brutal terrorising of the people, more on a Chilean model. Either way, a 'second' revolution will eventually take place - whether as a brief civil war in which the US plays little part (because it has acknowledged its need to seek other venues for its bases and has disappeared), or in the manner of another Vietnam. In either case, the next change will not be without bloodshed, perhaps massive bloodshed. While heartened by the Nicaraguan experience, Filipinos do not expect an early resolution of their problems. Most people believe that it will take at least three generations to overcome the legacy of more than 400 years of domination, Spanish and American.

Related links below

Death Squads in the Philippines by Doug Cunningham

Those Spared in Duterte’s “War on Drugs” May Go to Moonie Rehabilitation

Korean ‘moonies’ leave the Philippines (1996)

Right-Wing Vigilantes Spreading in Philippines (1987)

Unification Church, WACL and CAUSA Were Involved In CIA Operations

Moonies Were Brainwashed by The CIA As Soldiers In The Cold War

Missing Pieces of the Story of Sun Myung Moon by Frederick Clarkson

On the Filipina “Migrant Wives”

The Unification Church’s Role in the FBI’s Cointelpro-style Campaign Against CISPES

“The Moonies Target Europe” (1986) - on CAUSA and right-wing Moonie activity in Europe

Korean UC Reverend takes $10,000 from a farmer for finding him a Filipina wife.

Moonies Support Vigilante Violence in the Philippines Around 1986/1987

On the Post-Marcos Unification Church’s Counterinsurgency Work in the Philippines

Cardinal Sin, the Catholic Church, & the Unification Church: Partners in Organized Anti-Communist Violence

Paraguay ‘Archives of Terror’ Yield New Horrors – and links to the Unification Church of Sun Myung Moon

The Unification Church and the KCIA – ‘Privatizing’ covert action: the case of the UC

“Moon’s Law: God Is Phasing Out Democracy”

The CIA’s Secret Global War Against the Left

Sun Myung Moon organization activities in Central & South America

CIA, Moonies Cooperate in Sandinista War (1984)

Covert Operations and the CIA’s Hidden History in the Philippines

Moon’s Vision: A New Pan-Asianism - on Headwing thought, Pan-Asianism, and counterinsurgency

On the Fascist International, and WACL

CounterSpy: Moonies Move on Honduras (1983)

CounterSpy: Moonies - CARP (1981)

The U.S. is complicit in war crimes in the Philippines

US Aid Privatized

On Yamashita’s Gold, Singlaub, and the Events Following Marcos’ Departure

On How the Moonies Take Advantage of Imperialist Crises in Today’s Philippines

The Moons and the Marcoses

Biden courts son of Philippine dictator he once opposed

Harris Visit to Philippines another Example of US Prioritization of Power over Human Rights

On the UC links to intelligence

Private Groups Step Up Aid to ‘Contras’ (1985)

The Rev. Moon, the Unification Church, and the KCIA

[tomperanteau]

New article has been published on The Daily Digest

New article has been published on http://www.thedailydigest.org/2018/08/31/general-mike-flynn-to-receive-inaugural-singlaub-award-at-gateway-eagle-council/

General Mike Flynn to Receive Inaugural Singlaub Award at Gateway Eagle Council

Lt. General Michael Flynn will be honored at Phyllis Schlafly’s Gateway Eagle Council in St. Louis on September 15, 2018.

The Gateway Pundit is partnering with Phyllis Schlafly’s Eagle Council for the 47th annual event this year.

The event will bring together several top conservative leaders to this Gateway City.

** Buy your tickets today.

St. Louis, MO: There are few men in American history like Major General John K. (Jack) Singlaub, U.S. Army (ret). With over forty years of military service, Singlaub played a part in every major American conflict from World War II to the Chinese Communist Revolution in Manchuria to [READ MORE HERE]

[jamariyanews]

L’internazionale criminale: la Lega anticomunista mondiale

di Thierry Meyssan

Fondata a Taiwan da Chiang Kai-shek, Reverendo Moon e da criminali nazisti e di guerra giapponesi, la Lega anticomunista mondiale (WACL) con Nixon la prima volta estese i metodi contro-insurrezionali nel sud-est asiatico e nell’America Latina. Sette capi di Stato parteciparono alle sue riunioni. Poi, rediviva con l’era Reagan, divenne uno strumento del complesso militare-industriale degli USA e della CIA durante la Guerra Fredda. Gli furono commissionati omicidi politici e l’addestramento controinsurreazionale in tutti i conflitti, tra cui l’Afghanistan dove era rappresentata da Usama bin Ladin.

Rete Voltaire| Parigi (Francia) | 3 luglio 2016  

français  русский  Türkçe  Español  فارسى 

Alla fine della seconda guerra mondiale, i servizi segreti statunitensi utilizzarono fascisti, ustascia e nazisti per creare una rete di agenti anticomunisti: Stay-behind [1]. Se reclutati negli Stati Uniti i futuri agenti atlantici dovevano rimanere segreti, negli Stati sotto il controllo sovietico, al contrario, dovevano agire pubblicamente. Fu creata quindi, nel 1946, una sorta di ente internazionale per coordinare l’azione degli agenti orientali trasferiti in occidente: il Blocco delle Nazioni anti-bolsceviche (ABN). Fascisti ucraini, ungheresi, rumeni, croati, bulgari, slovacchi, lituani, ecc. si unirono sotto la guida di Yaroslav Stetsko. Ex-capo collaborazionista ucraino, Stetsko è considerato il responsabile del massacro di 700 persone, per lo più ebrei, a Leopoli del 2 luglio 1941.

Otto anni più tardi, alla fine della guerra di Corea, gli Stati Uniti sostituirono la Francia in Indocina [2]. Il presidente Eisenhower creò un sistema di difesa regionale diretto contro l’URSS e la Cina. L’8 settembre 1954, seguendo il modello della NATO, fu creata la SEATO che raggruppava Australia, Nuova Zelanda, Pakistan, Filippine, Thailandia, Regno Unito e Stati Uniti. Il 2 dicembre il dispositivo fu completato con un trattato di difesa bilaterale tra Stati Uniti e Taiwan [3]. In parallelo, la CIA, sotto la direzione di Allen Dulles, struttura i servizi spionistici di tali Stati e crea un’organizzazione di contatto tra i partiti anticomunisti nella regione. Quindi, viene creata attorno Chiang Kai-shek la Lega anti-comunista dei popoli dell’Asia (APACL). Oltre al presidente di Taiwan Chiang Kai-shek, l’APACL conta tra i suoi membri Paek Chun-hee, futuro presidente della Corea del Sud; Ryiochi Sasakawa, criminale di guerra divenuto milionario e benefattore del Partito liberale giapponese; e il Reverendo Sun Myung Moon [4], profeta della Chiesa dell’Unificazione. Inoltre, nelle file dell’APACL vi erano il generale Prapham Kulapichtir (Thailandia), il presidente Ferdinando Marcos (Filippine), il principe Sopasaino (Laos) [5] il colonnello Do Dang Cong, rappresentante del presidente del Vietnam Nguyen Van Thieu), ecc. L’APACL è sotto il controllo totale di Ray S. Cline, allora capo della stazione della CIA a Taiwan [6], e pubblica l’Asian Bulletin redatto da Michael Lasater, futuro capo del dipartimento dell’Asia della Heritage Foundation [7].

1967

La creazione della WACL

1976 The WACL 9th Conf. held at Seoul, Korea Dal 1958, il presidente del Blocco delle Nazioni anti-bolsceviche (ABN) presenziò a Taipei, in occasione della conferenza annuale della Lega anticomunista dei Popoli dell’Asia (APACL). Stetsko e Cline supervisionarono la fondazione della Political Warfare Cadres Academy di Taiwan, l’istituzione responsabile dell’addestramento dei quadri del regime di Chiang Kai-shek nella repressione anticomunista. L’accademia è l’equivalente asiatico del Psychological Warfare Center di Fort Bragg (Stati Uniti) e della Scuola delle Americhe a Panama [8]. Progressivamente, la CIA formò una rete di gruppi politici ed istruttori in controinsurrezione in tutto il mondo. Nel 1967, ABN e APACL si fusero denominandosi Lega anticomunista mondiale (World Anti-Communist League, WACL) estendendo le attività a tutto il “mondo libero”. Tra i nuovi membri vi erano i Los Tecos o Legione di Cristo Re, formazione fascista messicana creata durante la Seconda Guerra Mondiale. La Lega nella prima fase conobbe un boom negli anni ’73-’75, quando Richard Nixon e il consigliere per la sicurezza Henry Kissinger occupavano la Casa Bianca.

Il suo finanziamento è assicurato generosamente dalla Chiesa della Riunificazione. Tuttavia, tale realtà non è più riconosciuta pubblicamente dal 1975. Il Rev. Sun Myung Moon disse poi di aver rotto i legami con la Lega, ma continuava ad esercitare la propria leadership tramite il suo rappresentante giapponese Osami Kuboki.

Il ruolo della WACL nell’attuazione dei piani Fenice (1968-1971) e Condor (1976-1977), con l’assassinio di migliaia di sospetti simpatizzanti del comunismo nel sud-est asiatico e in America Latina, non è sufficientemente documentato. L’Operazione Phoenix fu probabilmente applicata in Vietnam dal Joint Unconventionnal Warfare Task Force del maggiore-generale John K. Singlaub, poi presidente della WACL. Tuttavia, Singlaub ha sempre negato il coinvolgimento in tale operazione. D’altra parte, il generale Hugo Banzer, che impose la sua dittatura in Bolivia nel 1971-1978, presiedette la sezione latinoamericana della WACL. Banzer organizzò un piano per eliminare fisicamente i suoi oppositori comunisti nel 1975. Il piano Banzer fu presentato come modello da seguire in un vertice latinoamericano della WACL ad Asuncion, nel 1977, alla presenza del dittatore paraguaiano Alfredo Stroessner. Una mozione diretta a procedere nello stesso modo, l’eliminazione di tutti i sacerdoti e religiosi seguaci della teologia della liberazione nell’America Latina, fu presentata dalla delegazione del Paraguay e adottata dalla Conferenza mondiale della WACL nel 1978 [9]. Non si sa con certezza il ruolo della WACL nella strategia della tensione che colpì l’Europa in quel periodo. François Duprat, fondatore di Ordine Nuovo francese; Giorgio Almirante, fondatore del MSI; lo spagnolo Jesus Palacio, fondatore di CEDADE; il belga Paul Vankerhoven, presidente del Circolo delle nazioni, e altri come loro, militarono nella WACL. La Lega esfiltrò dall’Italia Stefano delle Chiaie [10] ricercato per terrorismo, e l’inviò in Bolivia, allora sotto il regime di Hugo Banzer, dove fu nominato subito secondo di Klaus Barbie alla testa degli squadroni della morte. La documentazione è scarsa anche sul ruolo della WACL nella guerra in Libano. E’ noto, al massimo, che reclutò mercenari per le milizie cristiane del presidente Camille Chamoun nel 1975, una settimane prima dello scoppio del conflitto.

Al suo arrivo alla Casa Bianca nel 1977, Jimmy Carter volle porre fine alle pratiche sordide dei predecessori. L’Ammiraglio Stanfield Turner fu nominato capo della CIA e si dedicò ad eliminare i regimi autoritari in America Latina. Fu dura per la WACL, che non ricevette più finanziamenti dai suoi membri. Allora divenne un covo di anti-Carter, preparandosi a giorni migliori e creando spontaneamente rapporti con la principale organizzazione anti-Carter degli Stati Uniti, la Coalizione Nazionale per la Pace Attraverso la Forza (National Coalition for Peace Through Strength). Tale fronte del rifiuto promanava dal Consiglio di sicurezza nazionale statunitense, che il presidente Eisenhower designò con il termine “complesso militare-industriale” [11]. I suoi co-presidenti erano il generale Daniel O’Graham [12], che partecipò con George H. Bush alla Commissione Pipes per la rivalutazione della minaccia sovietica, denominata Team B [13], e il generale John K. Singlaub [14]. Numerosi funzionari della Lega erano legati ai comitati per l’elezione di Ronald Reagan. Per molti di loro, il governatore repubblicano della California non era un estraneo. In effetti, alla fine della seconda guerra mondiale, Reagan fu portavoce della Crociata per la libertà, la raccolta fondi per accogliere negli Stati Uniti gli immigrati dall’Europa orientale in fuga dal comunismo. Difatti si trattava di radunare nazisti, fascisti ed ustascia nel Blocco delle Nazioni anti-bolsceviche (ABN). E il vicepresidente George H. Bush era un altro amico. Da direttore della CIA fu a capo dell’Operazione Condor.

L’età d’oro della WACL

Con l’arrivo di Ronald Reagan e George H. Bush alla Casa Bianca, la WACL riacquista vigore e continua a svilupparsi. I vecchi contatti danno frutti. Il complesso militare-industriale degli Stati Uniti finanzia la creazione della sezione statunitense della WACL denominata Consiglio per la Libertà Mondiale (Council for World Freedom, USCWF). Il presidente era il generale John K. Singlaub e il vicepresidente era il generale Daniel O’Graham. Ma non solo. Il complesso militare-industriale fece della WACL lo strumento centrale della repressione anticomunista mondiale. Singlaub divenne così presidente della WACL.

La Lega agisce su tutti i fronti : Per combattere la presenza sovietica in Afghanistan, il Consiglio di Sicurezza Nazionale statunitense [15] finanziò una sezione della WACL: il Comitato per un Afghanistan Libero con sede presso la Fondazione Heritage. L’operazione inizia con la visita ufficiale di Margaret Thatcher e Lord Nicholas Bethell, capo dipartimento dell’MI6, negli Stati Uniti, e la dirige il generale J. Milnor Roberts. Il Comitato è direttamente coinvolto nel supporto logistico ai “combattenti per la libertà”, autorizzati dal direttore della CIA William Casey [16] e diretti da Usama bin Ladin [17]. Il legame tra la WACL e l’affarista saudita l’assicura un collaboratore dello sceicco, Ahmad Salah Jamjun dell’impresa di costruzioni Bin Ladin Group, e un ex-primo ministro dello Yemen del Sud [18]. Nelle Filippine, il presidente Ferdinando Marcos rappresenta la WACL. Ma quando viene estromesso nel 1986, John K. Singlaub e Ray Cline arrivano nel Paese per scegliere nuovi partner, quindi creano un gruppo paramilitare antiguerriglia e scelgono il generale Fidel Ramos [19], amico di Frank Carlucci [20], George H. Bush e Bin Ladin. Per combattere la rivoluzione sandinista in Nicaragua, la WACL crea una base logistica nella proprietà di John Hull in Costa Rica, con istruttori argentini. La Lega usa anche i servizi offerti dal Capo di Stato Maggiore dell’Honduras, generale Gustavo Alvarez Martinez, che recluta mercenari utilizzando la copertura umanitaria del Refugee Relief International. In Guatemala, la WACL conta su Mario Sandoval Alarcon, capo del Movimento di Liberazione Nazionale. Sandoval, vicepresidente nel 1974-1978, era il vero padrone del Paese, essendo il generale-presidente Romeo Lucas Garcia null’altro che un burattino. Sandoval creò gli squadroni della morte che uccisero più di 13000 persone in cinque anni. Nel Salvador, la WACL si affidò a Roberto D’Aubuisson, formatosi all’accademia di Taiwan e beneficiario degli aiuti dai guatemaltechi. D’Aubuisson divenne capo dell’ANSESAL, equivalente locale della CIA, e di un’organizzazione paramilitare di destra, il Partito Repubblicano Nazionalista (ARENA). Inoltre, creò gli squadroni della morte e fece uccidere l’arcivescovo Oscar Romero.

Harry Aderholt & John Singlaub

Ma il successo della WACL ne causò anche la caduta. Nel 1983, il sottosegretario alla Difesa Fred C. Iklé [21] creò al Pentagono un comitato segreto di otto esperti, il Consiglio per la Difesa della Libertà, guidato dal generale John K. Singlaub [22]. E’ noto che la commissione decise che l’intervento segreto in Afghanistan fosse un modello da seguire anche in Nicaragua, Angola, Salvador, Cambogia e Vietnam, ma non vi sono abbastanza documenti sui dettagli delle loro operazioni. Nel 1984 Ronald Reagan lasciò alla Lega in generale e in particolare a John Singlaub, il finanziamento congiunto dell’Irangate sotto la diretta autorità del colonnello Oliver North del Consiglio di Sicurezza Nazionale. Lo scandalo scoppiò nel 1987, svelando tutto e distruggendo la WACL.

Thierry Meyssan

Traduzione Alessandro Lattanzio (Sito Aurora)

[1] « Stay-behind : les réseaux d’ingérence américains », par Thierry Meyssan, Réseau Voltaire, 20 août 2001. [2] L’esercito francese perse la battaglia di Dien Bien Phu il 7 maggio 1954. [3] D’altra parte, il 29 gennaio 1955, il Congresso diede carta bianca al presidente Eisenhower autorizzandolo ad entrare in guerra per difendere Taiwan se attaccata dai comunisti. [4] « Révérend Moon : le retour », Réseau Voltaire, 26 mars 2001. [5] Il principe Sopasaino, vicepresidente dell’Assemblea Nazionale del Laos, fu intercettato dalle autorità francesi nell’aeroporto Orly di Parigi, il 23 aprile 1971. Aveva nei bagagli 60 kg di eroina pura. [6] Ray S. Cline fu l’analista più ascoltato allo scoppio della guerra di Corea. Fu capo della stazione della CIA a Taipei dal 1958 al 1962. La sua copertura era direttore dell’US Naval Auxiliary Communications Center. Divenne vicedirettore della CIA grazie al cambio del personale causato dal fiasco della Baia dei Porci. Pubblicò un libro di memorie, Secrets, Spies and Scholars, Editorial Acropolis Books, 1976. [7] Michael Laseter era il principale responsabile della Chiesa universale e trionfante (CUT) di Elizabeth Claire. A metà degli anni ’70, la setta fu al centro di uno scandalo quando un arsenale militare fu scoperto presso la sede in California. Uno dei suoi capi fu nominato direttore esecutivo della rappresentanza della WACL in Afghanistan, negli anni ’80. [8] La Scuola delle Americhe (SOA) fu poi trasferita a Fort Benning negli Stati Uniti. La nostra biblioteca elettronica offre una guida completa agli studenti della scuola nel 1947-1996. [9] Questa operazione sembra essere stata condotta in coordinamento con monsignor Alfonso Lopez Trujillo, allora Segretario Generale della Conferenza Episcopale Latinoamericana (CELAM). [10] « 1980 : carnage à Bologne, 85 morts », Réseau Voltaire, 12 mars 2004. [11] La Coalizione Nazionale per la Pace attraverso la Forza ebbe fino a 257 congressisti. [12] Il tenente-generale Daniel O’Graham fu vice direttore della CIA incaricato delle relazioni con le altre agenzie d’intelligence (1973-1974) e successivamente direttore della DIA (1974-1976). Direttore esecutivo del Consiglio di Sicurezza Nazionale degli USA, fu uno dei principali fautori della proposta “Star Wars”. Fondò High Frontier che presiedette fino alla morte nel 1995. [13] Nel 1975, l’estrema destra accusò la CIA di essere stata penetrata da infiltrati comunisti e di minimizzare il pericolo rosso. Il presidente Ford quindi nominò George H. Bush direttore dell’Agenzia ed autorizzò il completamento di una contro-verifica. Richard Pipes creò “Team B” che pubblicò un rapporto allarmista per giustificare la ripresa della corsa agli armamenti. Oggi è noto che la Commissione Pipes travisò deliberatamente i dati per aprire mercati al complesso militare-industriale. Su questo argomento, vedasi: « Les marionnettistes de Washington », par Thierry Meyssan, Réseau Voltaire, 13 novembre 2002. “Daniel Pipes, esperto dell’odio”, Traduzione di Franco Cilli, Rete Voltaire, 5 maggio 2004. [14] John K. Singlaub fu un ufficiale dell’OSS durante la seconda guerra mondiale. Creò la guerriglia del Kuomintang di Chiang Kai-shek contro i giapponesi. Durante la guerra di Corea fu a capo della stazione della CIA, e più tardi, durante la guerra del Vietnam, diresse i Berretti Verdi. Fu istruttore di controinsurrezione a Fort Benning. Andato in pensione, divenne il direttore della formazione presso il Consiglio di Sicurezza Nazionale degli USA. Fu in quella posizione che divenne co-presidente della Coalizione e, in seguito presidente della Lega. [15] La National Endowment for Democracy finanzia il Comitato dal 1984. Questi poi trasmetteva parte dei fondi ricevuti a organizzazioni umanitarie per i propri scopi politici in Afghanistan, in particolare Medici senza frontiere, Bernard Kouchner e Assistenza medica internazionale. [16] Gli Stati Uniti destabilizzarono deliberatamente l’Afghanistan, ma non si aspettarono l’entità della reazione militare di Mosca. Washington quindi mobilitò gli alleati nella guerra, non per “liberare” gli afgani, ma esplicitamente per evitare che l’URSS avanzasse verso il Mare Arabico. [17] Nel 1983, la WACL stampò T-shirt con l’effige di Usama bin Ladin e la scritta “Sostieni i combattenti per la libertà afgani. Combattono per te!“. [18] Usama bin Ladin non veniva presentato come un musulmano credente, ma come affarista anticomunista scelto dal principe Turqi, capo dei servizi segreti sauditi, per partecipare alla guerra degli Stati Uniti contro i sovietici. Bin Ladin fu prima responsabile della direzione della costruzione delle infrastrutture necessarie ai “combattenti per la libertà”, dopo gestì i rifornimenti ai mujahidin stranieri che li raggiunsero. Usama Bin Ladin divenne solo alla fine un credente musulmano per imporre la sua autorità. [19] Il generale Fidel Ramos fu eletto presidente nel 1992. Alla fine del mandato, nel 1998, entrò nel Gruppo Carlyle. Vedasi: « Le Carlyle Group, une affaire d’initiés », Réseau Voltaire, 9 février 2004. [20] « L’honorable Frank Carlucci », par Thierry Meyssan, Réseau Voltaire, 11 février 2004. [21] Fred C. Iklé era il secondo di Caspar Weinberger al Pentagono. Questo storico guerriero freddo è attualmente membro di Center for Security Policy (CSP) e di Progetto per il Nuovo Secolo Americano (PNAC), ed amministratore della Smith Richardson Foundation. [22] Tale comitato comprende i generali Harry Aderholt e Edward Lansdale, il colonnello John Waghelstein, Seale Doss, Edward Luttwak, il maggiore F. Andy Messing Jr. e Sam Sarkessian. Preso da: http://www.voltairenet.org/article192711.html

https://ift.tt/2rRBjus

[whatisonthemoon]

Don Diligent’s Notes on Moon’s Theocracy, Plus Fascism and Terrorism

▲ John K. Singlaub

An archived WIOTM post from “Don Diligent” on July 21, 2016, “Mr. Moon! You did mean autocratic theocracy! Plus fascism & terrorism! Just ask Gary Jarmin & Neil Salonen!” Significance Of The Training Session Reverend Sun Myung Moon May 17, 1973

My dream is to organize a Christian political party including the Protestant denominations, Catholics and all the religious sects. Then, the communist power will be helpless before ours…when it comes to our age, we must have an automatic theocracy[*] to rule the world. So, we cannot separate the political field from the religious…We have to purge the corrupted politicians, and the sons of God must rule the world. The separation between religion and politics is what Satan likes most.

United States Council for World Freedom - Militarist Monitor 

The U.S. Council for World Freedom (USCWF) is the United States affiliate of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL). The first WACL branch in the U.S., the American Council for World Freedom (ACWF), was founded in 1970 by Lee Edwards. Edwards had worked with the Young Americans for Freedom.

In 1980, retired Major General John K. Singlaub went to Taiwan to speak at the WACL annual convention. A year later he was asked to start a new U.S. chapter…Joining Singlaub from the ACWF board were John Fisher, Stefan Possony, Lev Dobriansky, J. A. (Jay) Parker, and Fred Schlafly.

Report from Neil Salonen about FLF November 1969 Page 27

Because Vietnam is now America’s most crucial national issue, we felt that FLF must take a clear and decisive stand, to be responsible to our created mission. Our campus program has been geared toward uniting the efforts of as many students as possible, to create a coordinated response to the radical activities of the violent revolutionists. In a meeting of all those student groups who were interested in supporting our policy of PEACE WITH FREEDOM, a broad coalition was formed with the Student Coordinating Committee for Peace with Freedom in Vietnam; the Washington, D. C., Young Republicans; and the Young Americans for Freedom. The coalition adopted the name STUDENT FAST FOR FREEDOM and formed a steering committee for all planning. Over 40 students in Washington alone joined in the three days of fasting to demonstrate their willingness to sacrifice for the freedom of all people. For all those Family members who participated, the Fast had an even deeper, more symbolic meaning.

The opening rally was held in Copley Lounge at Georgetown University on Thursday, October 10, at 8:00 p.m. The Fast Coordinators, Neil Salonen (FLF) and Charlie Stephens (SCC), opened the press conference with a statement of the goals of the Fast, a briefing to all the participants of the mechanics of the three days, and an appeal to all of America to join in supporting this demonstration of commitment to the revitalization of the American nation. The assembled group was then addressed by Mr. Neil Staebler, Democratic National Committeeman from Michigan, considered one of the senior statesmen of the Democratic Party; Dr. Walter Judd, former Congressman from Minnesota, with 30 years service as a medical missionary in China; His Excellency, Bui Diem, Ambassador to the United States from Vietnam; and Mr. Bernard Yoh, a veteran of a lifetime of guerrilla warfare against communist aggression in Southeast Asia.

ACWF - American Council For World Freedom

1977 OFFICERS

Dr. Walter H. Judd, Honorary President

Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky, President

Dr. Stefan T. Possony, First Vice President

Mr. David Keene, Second Vice President

Mr. Lee Edwards, Secretary

Mr. J.A. Parker, Treasurer

BOARD OF DIRECTORS

Mr. Paul Bethel

Rev. Raymond de Jaegher

Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky

Mr. Ronald F. Docksai

Dr. Joseph Dunner

Dr. Walter Dushnyck

Lt. Gen. Daniel Graham (USA Ret.)

Mr. Lee Edwards

Dr. Walter H. Judd

Mr. David Keene

Mr. Marx Lewis

Adm. John McCain (USN Ret.)

Dr. Robert Morris

Mr. J.A. Parker

Mr. Ron Pearson

Dr. Stefan Possony

Dr. David Rowe

Dr. Edward Rozek

Mr. Neil A. Salonen

Mr. Fred Schlafly

FLF Celebrates Fourth Anniversary - Neil Salonen - August 5, 1973

Receiving the guests prior to the dinner were FLF President and Mrs. Neil Salonen, Congressman and Mrs. Richard Ichord, and FLF Secretary-General Gary Jarmin.

Mr. Salonen completed the program by giving surprise birthday gifts to four people who have been with FLF since its beginning. Honored were Accuracy in Media head Reed Irvine, Congressional assistant David Martin, Committee for Free China representative Lee Edwards, and Bernard Yoh.

Conservative Foreign Policy - CSPAN

Gary Jarmin moderated a discussion, “What Is a Conservative Foreign Policy?” The speakers discussed topics such as protecting U.S. interests, maintaining peace through strength, and the legacy of President Ronald Reagan.

MY COMMENTS:Gary Jarmin introduces David Keene (35:45 - 50:25) and after his talk Jarmin mentions (50:33 - 50:41) that he was the Legislative Director of the American Conservative Union from 1975 - 1979. It is quite apparent then, that when Gary Jarmin “broke his Blessing” in early 1975 and left the UC, he landed on his feet not only with a “new job” but was given a high level position working under David Keene who had strong ties to the World Anti Communist League. By the way, Gary Jarmin also founded the American Service Council.

Related

On the 1962 Reorganization of the Unification Church as a Political Tool of Japan, South Korea, and USA Rev. Moon, the Bushes & Donald Rumsfeld

Moonstruck: The Reverend and His Newspaper Briefly on Moonies Organizing Against Miners, Workers, Communists, etc. On Arnaud de Borchgrave, Editor-in-Chief of the Washington Times and Friend of Gladio Terrorists

Rev. Moon Buys а College, Hires Spooks & Moonies (1992) Moonies offered to pay leaders of the Contras The Reinvention of the Latin American Right VOC, CAUSA & Moonie Anti-Communism in Central America in Bo Hi Pak’s Own Words

[whatisonthemoon]

On Moon’s Political Network and their Deep Connections to Global Terrorism

Excerpted from The "Terrorism" Industry: The Experts and Institutions that Shape Our View of Terror by Edward Herman and Gerry O'Sullivan

Foreign governments within the Free World are also regularly engaged in the manufacture and distribution of information and propaganda on "terrorism," and they all take essentially the same Free World line as that outlined by Shultz in 1984. All of them sponsor and covertly support private sector terrorism institutes, security firms, and experts. Some of these will be reviewed below in connection with our discussion of the private-sector institutions in Great Britain, Canada, Israel, and South Africa.

At this juncture we want to stress the international linkages and solidarity of the Western governments in their concern with terrorism. This is of special interest because many of the governmental participants and their individual agents are themselves notorious terrorists. We will see that the Reverend Sun Myung Moon’s Unification Church and its subsidiary organization, the Confederation of Associations for the Unification of the Americas (CAUSA), and the closely affiliated World Anti-Communist League (WACL), which are sponsored by and are sponsors of terrorist governments, organizations, and individuals, have numerous interlocks and other relationships with the U .S. and Israeli institutes and experts of the terrorism industry.

The Moon system is closely linked to the South Korean government and its intelligence agency, the KCIA, and the system is properly regarded as "an agent for the South Korean government. The Fraser Committee report of 1978 cited a CIA analysis which claimed that the longtime head of the KCIA, Kim Tong Pil, had "organized" the Unification Church and used it "as a political tool," and the report itself details the mutually supportive relations between the Moon system and Kim Tong Pil and the KCIA. Moon's longtime chief aide has been Colonel Bo Hi Pak, a former high official of the KCIA, while the church's political arm, CAUSA, was founded in 1980 by Pak and Kim Sang In, who had been the KCIA's station chief in Mexico. Moon's funding has come in part from his share In state-controlled Korean businesses, including the Tong-il armaments company (which has done business with the Pentagon as well as serving the South Korean government).

The Moon organizations have cultivated ties with a large number of the world's most notorious anti-Semites, terrorists, and regimes of terror. The executive director of CAUSA in 1981 was Warren Richardson, formerly general counsel for the anti-Semitic Liberty Lobby. CAUSA has held "anticommunist" seminars and established warm relations with military and death squad leaders in Paraguay, Chile, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Argentina (before 1983), and Mexico, among others. During the height of state terror in Uruguay, in 1977-80, the Moon system invested heavily in hotels, newspapers, and the printing business in that country. After the fascist military putsch in Bolivia in July 1980, one of the first foreign "dignitaries" to arrive with greetings for the newly installed president, General Garda Meza, was CAUSA's Bo Hi Pak. Nine months after the coup, on May 31, 1981, CAUSA held a celebratory conference in La Paz's Sheraton Hotel where Pak declared that God had chosen Bolivia as the nation destined to "conquer communism" in Latin America. In 1983, after the ouster of Garda Meza, the Bolivian Ministry of the Interior claimed that the Unification Church had contributed $4 million to help plan and execute the coup. The church's representative in Bolivia, Tom Ward, had maintained close and ongoing ties to Klaus Barbie, and served as a middleman for CIA payments to an Argentinian intelligence agent named Alfredo Mingolla in 1981.

Moon himself is openly contemptuous of democracy, and his organizations support repressive legislation and help fascists on a global basis, from Le Pen in France to the death squad leaders of Latin America. Within the United States, the Moon organizations have been important financial backers of Richard Viguerie, whose service in organizing the New Right was an important contribution to the rightward political drift of this country in the 1970s and 1980s. Clarkson makes a convincing case that "in coalition with right-wing secular and religious groups the Moon organization is attempting to create a broad-based mainstream fascist movement in America." Moon's dedicated anticommunism and enormous resources have given him a free hand to buy allies, subsidize right-wing causes, and acquire (and operate at a loss) newspapers and magazines in the United States and elsewhere in the Free World.

The forerunner of W ACL, the Asian People's Anticommunist League, was organized in 1954 by the secret police of Taiwan and South Korea. At that time, Ray Cline was CIA station chief in Taiwan, and the league was very possibly a CIA project. The WACL itself, established in 1966, has always been a locus of activity of the extreme right. In addition to being founded by the right-wing regimes of Taiwan and South Korea, it has always included a very strong Nazi, fascist, and anti-Semitic contingent. The semifascist Moon system and CA USA have been important constituent members, and WACL has accommodated the "death squad right" of Latin America. The WACL power base in Japan centers in the Unification Church, two ex-fascists-Ryouchi Sasakawa and Yoshio Kodama, both class I Japanese war criminals of World War II-and organized crime.

The Latin American Anticommunist Confederation (CAL), organized in 1972 by the Political Warfare Department of Taiwan as a regional chapter of WACL, included the violently anti-Semitic neo-Nazi Mexican organization, the Tecos, and "within a short time some of the most notorious killers, sadists, drug traffickers, and terrorists in Latin America could be found under the CAL umbrella." The 1975 Banzer Plan - named for Hugo Banzer, Bolivia's right-wing dictator - to harass and murder activist and progressive laity, clergy, and bishops throughout Latin America, was put into effect in ten different countries through CAL initiatives, and scores of religious were murdered in the years that followed. In September 1980, the annual CAL conference was held in Argentina, presided over by General Suarez Mason, a central figure in the ongoing mass murder of the "Dirty War." Also in attendance were Mario Sandoval Alarcon (who once declared, "I am a fascist"), the Guatemalan death squad leader, who was as well a guest at the 1980 Republican convention in Dallas; Garda Meza, the Bolivian dictator sponsored by the Argentinian junta and the Bolivian drug cartel; Salvadoran death squad leader Roberto D'Aubuisson; Stefano delle Chiaie, Italy's most 'wanted terrorist; and John Carbaugh, an aide to Senator Jesse Helms (and in 1984 an official U .S. observer testifying to the fairness of the Guatemalan election).

In 1984, WACL came under the leadership of retired U .S. Major General John Singlaub. Singlaub, who had been pushed into retirement during the Carter years for insubordination in opposing policies of which he disapproved, was a veteran of counterinsurgency warfare and a simpleminded exponent of holy war against the infidel. He has extensive ties within the organized right, is close to the Soldier of Fortune magazine adventurers and mercenaries (he attended their conference on terrorism in Puerto Rico in 1979), and has long been affiliated with the American Security Council (ASC) and its right-wing network. Singlaub is an old friend and ally of Ray Cline, who is also a veteran participant in WACL affairs, along with Roger Fontaine, an official of Reagan's National Security Council, Alex Alexiev of Rand, William Mazzocco, formerly of AID, and numerous other V.S. intelligence, military, and other government figures, past and present.

Singlaub was also close to the Reagan White House. From April 1983 until October 1984 he chaired an official Pentagon panel established to design V.S. policies toward developing countries. The panel also included Brigadier General Heine Aderholt, a contributing editor to Soldier of Fortune, and another half dozen extreme right¬wing military officers and academicians. In April 1984, Singlaub met with President Reagan and National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane and was named "the chief fund-raising contact" to the contra army in Central America. With this choice, the president plucked from the world of the paramilitary/neo-Nazi fringe a man who had spent the six years since his forced retirement from the army in some of the most powerful and dangerous organizations on the U.S. and international extreme right, where his associates included former Nazis, Nazi collaborators, anti-Semites, leaders of death squads, and a motley crew of mercenaries. Reagan honored these with a warm greeting to WACL at its 1984 gathering, asserting that the organization was playing a "leadership role" in the "gallant struggle being waged by the true freedom fighters of our day." Within a year, at Bitburg, Reagan would pay his respects to the Waffen-SS.

The spectacle of the "antiterrorist" administration contracting with a set of right-wing terrorists to underwrite illegal terrorist attacks on a small neighboring country should have raised some questions in the press about the locus of terrorism. The arrangement with Singlaub and WACL was made two months before the Jonathan Institute conference of 1984, at which Shultz located international terrorism in Moscow and spoke about the V.S. devotion to the rule of law and civilized conduct. But the press reported his line without raising questions (see chapter 8). As we will see, the W ACL is linked extensively to the V.S. terrorism industry, including the experts of the Hoover Institution, CSIS, and other groups. These linkages to real terrorists add poignancy to the media's heavy dependence on these authorities to identify "terrorists."

There is, in short, a continuity and solidarity between the extreme right and right-wing regimes, including many individuals and gov¬ernments who are major terrorists, and the governments and the more respectable elements of the West concerned with the subject of terrorism. Taiwan, South Korea, Reverend Moon, Botha, Shamir and Rabin, Reinhard Gehlen, the death squad leaders of Argentina, Guatemala, and El Salvador, Ray Cline, and Ronald Reagan have all been fighting "terrorism" together, and they mean the same thing in their use of the word. Each of these parties has had a role to play. The governments protect their agents as best they can. Thus in the midst of the murder of thousands of Indian peasants in Guatemala in 1982, Reagan visited Rios Montt and found him to be a devoted democrat getting a "bum rap." Reagan found Botha's regime to be "reformist" and deserving of "constructive engagement." The Italian terrorist Stefano delle Chiaie wandered through Latin America for years, serving various terror regimes, with an impunity that led the head of the Italian secret service organization SISDE to admit to the Italian Parliament in 1984 that (in a journalist's paraphase) "the fascist leader is evidently given great protection first of all by the South American secret services. [But furthermore] he pointed out that the American secret services had given very inadequate help to their Italian counterparts in attempting to capture delle Chiaie. Delle Chiaie even entered the United States on a plane from South America on September 9, 1982, and was not apprehended by U.S. authorities, nor were the Italian police informed of his visit. This parallels V.S. lack of interest in and even use of the major Cuban refugee terrorists, Orlando Bosch and Luis Posada.

A further major responsibility of the prestigious and respectable elements of the terrorism industry is to enhance the credibility of its working agencies and operatives by favorable association. Reagan's warm greeting to WACL gave it an aura of respectability as well as favorable publicity. The extreme right-wing Heritage Foundation") gained the same benefits by the regular participation of high Reagan administration officials in its affairs. The CSIS acquired respectability: by the association of former government officials Henry Kissinger James Schlesinger, and Anne Armstrong, and board members from the corporate elite such as Louis Gerstner of American Express and John Gutfreund of Salomon Brothers. The credentials of the less savory elements of the industry who serve as experts, like Francis and Moss at Heritage, and Alexander, de Borchgrave, Henze, Sterling, and Ledeen at CSIS, are thereby elevated. These can then push extreme right-wing positions on the "MacNeil/Lehrer News-hour," other TV network news shows, and papers such as the New York Times as members of respectable establishment institutions.

Other members of the counterterrorism network have the responsibility of instructing Third World military personnel and police on the nature of communism and subversion and the need to stand ready to displace weak elected governments with regimes of law and order (e.g., at the Pentagon's School of the Americas in Panama). Others train them in the techniques of law and order, including the interrogation and control of unruly peasants and the tracking down and dispatch of subversives (Panama, Taiwan, Fort Benning, various police academies). The CIA also supplied training for the security forces of Egypt in the 1950s, using numerous Nazi killers obtained through the Gehlen network, including SS Sturmbannfuhrer Alois Brunner.Brunner, Eichmann's top trouble-shooter, estimated by the Simon Wiesenthal Center to have been personally responsible for the murder of 128,500 people, had explained to Berlin Lawyer Kurt Schendel that French Jewish orphans must be killed, too, as they were "future terrorists."

At least since the 1960s, such instruction has been extended to paramilitary security forces like ORDEN, in El Salvador, trained by U .S. and Argentinian personnel.  The vice-president's task force of 1986 records as a continuing responsibility of U .S. counterterrorism forces the need to provide "training and assistance to civilian security forces of friendly governments." The "civilian security forces" of the friendly countries of El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, the Philippines, and at various times Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, are more commonly known as death squads. They and the affiliated military forces in Latin America and South Africa are assigned the task of killing "terrorists." The different roles within the terrorism industry illustrate the familiar case of "distributed functions."

The solidarity of the Western government counterterrorism network is shown not only in linkages and a common viewpoint and line on terrorism, it is also displayed in exchanges of information, friendly intelligence relationships, and the toleration of intelligence, political, and propaganda activities on the part of friendly powers. The warm relation between the CIA and South Africa's BOSS (Bureau of State Security), noted earlier, illustrates a general pattern. The CIA helped organize the Taiwan and South Korean intelligence agencies, and relations between all three have been close. The CIA was also a sponsor of and adviser to the intelligence agencies of the national security states in Latin America, such as Chile's DINA, and information exchanges and friendly relations have continued up to the present. The United States tried hard "to facilitate the coordinated employment of internal security forces within and among the Latin American countries," as General Robert Porter explained in 1968. One of the products of this effort was Operation Condor, a cooperative endeavor of Argentina, Chile, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay to collectively monitor and murder dissidents who had taken refuge in neighboring countries. Hundreds were killed in this Free World terrorist operation.

This cooperative spirit also enabled South Korea to engage in extensive bribery of U.S. politicians from the 1950s onward, and through the agency of Reverend Moon's organizations, to own newspapers and subsidize numerous right-wing organizations in the, United States and throughout the Free World. Similarly, South Africa was able to acquire and invest in newspapers and magazines and to subsidize institutions in Great Britain, France, and the United States to help it propagandize Western audiences. In Great Britain, where South Africa has close links to the business community and Tory party, the South African Department of Information secretly sponsored and financed the Foreign Affairs Research Institute (FARI) in 1976 and thereafter, to disseminate its propaganda through books, other publications, and conferences. Of course, the United States itself was able to do the same thing even more extensively in its allied and client countries, mobilizing resources and manipulating elections on a very large scale in the Philippines and Italy, for example. In England, the CIA organized and subsidized Brian Crozier's Forum World Features (FWF), which was transformed later into the Institute for the Study of Conflict, a British right-wing think tank and propaganda agency operating much the same way as CSIS and Heritage, though on a smaller scale. Money flows easily within the Free World to sustain right-wing ideological institutions.

Related links below

CIA Used Sun Myung Moon and the Anti-Communist League as Proxy Forces to Liquidate Communists

Death Squads in the Philippines by Doug Cunningham

CARP Members were Paid by FBI for Spying on Americans

Unification Church, WACL and CAUSA Were Involved In CIA Operations

Radio Free Asia (and Radio of Free Asia)

On Banco de Crédito

Chicago Tribune: Unification Church Invests Heavily Uruguay (December 1994)

On the UC links to intelligence

The NY Times: Uruguay is fertile soil for Moon Church money (1984)

Ratlines, NATO, and the Fourth Reich: How (some) Nazis won World War II

Parapolitics and being an ex-Moonie on the Left

“The Moonies Target Europe” (1986)

US Aid Privatized

How the CIA backed research on mind control

Two Segment Episode(s) on Religious, Spiritual, and Fascist Psychological Operations

Drugs and death squads: The CIA connection (1989)

Black Propaganda under Fujimori: A Note on “The Shining Path”

Covert Operations and the CIA’s Hidden History in the Philippines

[whatisonthemoon]

Covert Operations and the CIA's Hidden History in the Philippines

By Roland G. Simbulan, Convenor/Coordinator, Manila Studies Program University of the Philippines (Lecture at the University of the Philippines-Manila, Rizal Hall, Padre Faura, Manila, August 18, 2000.)

For a long time, Manila has been the main station, if not the regional headquarters, of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) for Southeast Asia. This is perhaps so because the Philippines has always been regarded as a stronghold of US imperial power in Asia. Since the Americanized Filipinos were under the spell of American culture, they were easy to recruit without realizing they were committing treason to their own people and country. And from the beginning of the 20th century to 1992, there were the US military bases, the mighty symbols and infrastructure of American power.

CIA human intelligence assets in Manila are said to have provided vital information at crucial times. According to declassified documents under the Freedom of Information Act, on Sept. 17, 1972, a CIA asset in the Philippines who was in the inner circle of Marcos informed the CIA station in Manila that Ferdinand Marcos was planning to proclaim martial law on Sept. 21,1972. The CIA station in Manila was also provided in advance a copy of Proclamation 1081--the proclamation that declared martial law in the country--and a list of the individuals whom Marcos planned to arrest and imprison upon the declaration of military rule.

I would like to mention --without going into any conclusions--that, so accurate was the CIA's assessment about the Sept. 21, 1972 declaration of martial rule that it boosted the prestige of the CIA station in Manila. Upon his retirement a few years later, Henry Byroade, the American ambassador to Manila when martial law was declared, was honored by the CIA headquarters in Langley,Virginia--a tribute that is said to be very rarely given to any retiring ambassador. Also, in 1982, the CIA was able to verify from a high-ranking Philippine immigration officer the names of the two doctors who visited the Philippines to treat Marcos for kidney failure, giving the CIA a clear picture of Marcos's health problems.(Richelson, 1999).

It is important to expose US imperialism's clandestine apparatus in the Philippines. If the activities of this sinister agency are not meticulously documented, there is a tendency to mythologize, or even Hollywood-ize, its notoriety and crimes against the Filipino people and Philippine national sovereignty. The CIA is the covert overseas intelligence agency of the United States government and is likewise an "action-oriented " vehicle of American foreign and military policy. The 1975 Church Committee Report of the US congressional investigations into the CIA's covert activities abroad revealed how countless foreign governments were overthrown by the CIA; how the CIA instigated a military coup d'etat and assassinated foreign political leaders like Chilean President Salvador Allende, who merely tried to safeguard the interests of their own country; and how "special ops" and paramilitary campaigns contributed to the death, directly or indirectly, of millions of people, as a result of those actions.

The 1974-75 US congressional investigations also uncovered CIA intervention in the domestic politics of target countries--from the overthrow of governments, attempted assassinations, to subsidies and financial support for the media, political parties, trade unions, universities and business associations--all designed "to clandestinely influence foreign governments, events, organizations or persons in support of US foreign policy." (Robinson, 1996; Richelson,1999). The CIA has gone beyond its original mission of gathering intelligence and was conducting Mafia-type operations not only in its own territory but against foreign governments and their leaders.

Doing covert action that undermines Philippine national sovereignty and genuine democracy in order to prop up the tiny pro-US oligarchical minority that has cornered most of the wealth in their poor country is what the CIA is all about and is the real reason for its existence. It is no longer just the collection and analysis of foreign intelligence which is officially its mandate under the US National Security Act of 1947 that created the CIA.

The CIA in the Philippines has engaged in countless covert operations for intervention and dirty tricks particularly in Philippine domestic politics. On top of all this is the US diplomatic mission, especially the political section that is a favorite cover for many CIA operatives. CIA front companies also provide an additional but convenient layer of cover for operatives assigned overseas. In general, wherever you find US big business interests (like Coca-Cola, Ford, Citicorp, United Fruit, Nike, etc.), you also find a very active CIA. But the covers often used are diversified.

Desmond Fitzgerald, for instance, a former CIA chief of station in Manila was said to have fronted as a legitimate businessman of an American multinational company. Joseph Smith, a top CIA agent assigned to the Philippines in the early 1960s, posed as a "civilian employee" of the Clark Airforce Base's 13th Air Force Southeast Asia Regional Survey Unit .On the other hand, CIA operative Gabriel Kaplan's initial cover was really more "civilian"--with the CIA-created Asia Foundation (formerly the Committee for a Free Asia), then later as resident director of another CIA creation, the COMPADRE both of which we shall be dealing with more extensively later.

On the other hand, CIA operative David Sternberg fronted as a foreign correspondent for an American newspaper based in Boston, the Christian Science Monitor, when he assisted Gabriel Kaplan in managing the presidential campaign of Ramon Magsaysay in the '50s.

The Agency's assets and technical infrastructure in Manila have been drastically affected by the withdrawal of the bases by 1992 because, before this, the CIA operated jointly with the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) major listening posts into most of Indochina and southern China. The joint CIA/DIA structure called the Strategic Warning Staff, is headquartered in the US Department of Defense (Pentagon) and operated a number of similar posts as the one in Manila. The Manila station includes very sizeable logistical capabilities for a wide range of clandestine operations against Asian governments.

The loss of the bases in the Philippines was a tremendous blow to the CIA's Asian infrastructure, if not a major setback. From the mid-50s, the US bases in the Philippines served as operational headquarters for "Operation Brotherhood" which operated in Indochina under the direct supervision of the CIA's Col. Edward Lansdale and Lucien Conien, and it involved several Filipinos who were recruited and trained by the CIA. Lansdale was the classic CIA operative in Southeast Asia who was romanticized in Graham Greene's novel, The Quiet American. Lansdale was even appointed by former President Ramon Magsaysay as his "military adviser" but was, in fact, his speechwriter as well, who determined Magsaysay's foreign and military policy. So successful was the CIA in pulling the strings thru Lansdale that in 1954, a high-level US committee reported that, "American policy in Southeast Asia was most effectively represented in the Philippines, where any expanded program of Western influence may best be launched."

Examples of such programs were the Freedom Company of the Philippines, Eastern Construction Co. and "Operation Brotherhood," which provided "a mechanism to permit the deployment of Filipino personnel in other Asian countries, for unconventional operations covertly supported by the Philippines." (Shalom, 1986). The CIA also actively used Philippine territory, particularly Clark Air Base, for the training and launching of operatives and logistics in the late 1950s, where the US covertly supported dissident Indonesian colonels in the failed armed overthrow of Indonesian President Sukarno. The CIA then established supply, training and logistical bases on several islands in the Philippines, including an airstrip in the Tawi-Tawi Island of Sanga-Sanga. A CIA-owned proprietary company, the Civil Air Transport, was actively used by the CIA from Philippine territory to give direct assistance to Indonesian military rebel groups attempting to overthrow Indonesian President Sukarno in the late 1950s.

Manila was also the center of operations for the Trans-Asiatic Airlines Inc., a CIA outfit operating along the Burma-China border against the People's Republic of China. Using the Trans-Asiatic Airlines Inc. as a front company, the CIA recruited for this operation in the early 1950s several Filipino aviators who were World War II veterans, including operatives of the Armed Forces of the Philippines' Military Intelligence Service (MIS) who were still in active service.

In his memoirs, former Philippine Ambassador to Burma Narciso G. Reyes narrates that one of these Filipino "undercover" MIS agents posed as the labor attache at the Philippine embassy in Rangoon even before this was formally established. The Filipino CIA undercover agent was also reporting to the American ambassador to Burma from whom he was also getting paid! (Reyes, 1995).

Side by side with CIA proprietary companies Civil Air Transport, Sea Supply Co. and Western Enterprises Co., the agency used Trans-Asiatic Airlines Inc. in an attempt to invade the People's Republic of China in the early 1950s, using the mercenary Chinese warlord Gen. Li Mi as leader of the invasion force. After a few skirmishes with the People's Liberation Army (PLA), Gen. Li Mi later on "retired" and pocketed the US financial and military assistance for an invasion against China and concentrated on the lucrative opium trade along the Burmese-Thai border.

US military advisers of the Joint US Military Advisory Group (JUSMAG) and the CIA station in Manila designed and led the bloody suppression of the nationalist Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng Bayan (HMB) which was vehemently opposed to the post-war Parity Rights amendment and the onerous military agreements with the United States. The CIA's success in crushing the peasant-based Huk rebellion in the 1950s made this operation the model for future counterinsurgency operations in Vietnam and Latin America. Colonel Lansdale and his Filipino sidekick, Col. Napoleon Valeriano were later to use their counterguerrilla experience in the Philippines for training covert operatives in Vietnam and in the US-administered School of the Americas, which trained counterguerrilla assassins for Latin America. Thus, the Philippines had become the CIA's prototype in successful covert operations and psychological warfare.

After his stint in the Philippines using propaganda, psywar and deception against the Huk movement, Lansdale was then assigned in Vietnam to wage military, political and psychological warfare. It was Lansdale's view that the tactics that he used to solve the problem in the Philippines were applicable to Vietnam. He was wrong. In 1975, after two decades of protracted warfare, the Vietnamese people defeated the strongest superpower on earth.

The CIA's actions and activities in its Manila station have never been limited to information gathering. Information gathering is but a part of an offensive strategy to attack, neutralize and undermine any organization, institution, personality or activity they consider a danger to the stability and power of the United States. The late Senator Claro M. Recto was believed to have been a victim of the CIA's dirty tricks department because of his staunch crusade against the US military bases in the Philippines. It is now a well-documented fact that General Ralph B. Lovett, then the CIA station chief in Manila and the US ambassador, Admiral Raymond A. Spruance, had discussed a plan to assassinate Recto using a vial of poison. A few years later, Recto was to die mysteriously of heart attack (though he had no known heart ailment) in Rome after an appointment with two Caucasians in business suits. Before this, the CIA had made every effort to assure the defeat of Recto in the 1957 presidential election wherein the CIA manufactured and distributed defective condoms with a label that said, "Courtesy of Claro M. Recto--the People's Friend." Could it be that Recto was a victim of the CIA's covert operations, or what they call "executive action" against those perceived as dangerous enemies of the United States?

It was also during the time of Recto and the Huks that the CIA covertly sponsored the Security Training Center as a "countersubversion, counterguerrilla and psychological warfare school" on the outskirts of Manila. CIA funds concentrated on the sensitive area of "rural development" and funds were channeled to the National Movement for Free Elections' (Namfrel) community centers, the Philippine Rural Reconstruction Movement (PRRM) and a rural development project called Committee for Philippine Action in Development, Reconstruction and Education (COMPADRE) thru CIA fronts and conduits like the Catherwood Foundation and the "Committee for a Free Asia (CFA), later renamed the Asia Foundation." (Shalom, 1986).

In the late 1980s, the CIA assigned Vietnam veteran U.S. General John Singlaub to organize anti-communist vigilante groups all over the country for mass terror, particularly as part of the Philippine government's "total war policy" against people's movements. General Singlaub posed as an American "treasure hunter" and even secured all the necessary official permits for treasure hunting in the Philippines. Another operative active in the "total war" operations in the Philippines was Vietnam counterinsurgency specialist Col. James Rowe, Joint US Military Advisory Group (JUSMAG) adviser, whose cover was blown off when he was ambushed in 1989 by urban guerrillas of the New People's Army in Timog Avenue, Quezon City. Rowe was clandestinely involved in the organization of anti-communist death squads like Alsa Masa and vigilante groups patterned after "Operation Phoenix" in Vietnam which had the objective of eliminating legal and semi-legal mass activists and their political sympathizers that constituted the political infrastructure of the insurgency movement.

The CIA lost its huge telecommunications installation at Clark Air Base--the Regional Relay Station when the Philippine Senate rejected on Sept. 16, 1991, the proposed treaty for the bases' renewal. Before 1970, according to a former CIA operative, the sprawling Subic Naval Base was the site of a China operations group of the CIA and "the agency even constructed 100 expensive modern homes, a large two-story office building and a big warehouse at Subic Bay." (Smith, 1976)

There is, however, a vital covert installation that the CIA was able to retain and maintain: the "Regional Service Center" (RSC). Located along Roxas Boulevard in Manila at the Seafront Compound about a mile south from the US Embassy, the RSC fronts as a facility of the United States Information Service (USIS), formerly called the US International Communications Agency. This ultra-modern printing facility functions as a secret CIA propaganda plant. It has the ability to produce large quantities of high-quality color offset magazines, posters, leaflets and the like in at least 14 Asian languages.

During the Vietnam War, the RSC was ceaselessly involved in economic sabotage against the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) or North Vietnam. The RSC was involved in counterfeiting North Vietnamese currency which were airdropped all over the DRV to sabotage the economy and weaken the country's resistance. The CIA's Technical Services Division maintains close liaison with the RSC, which still actively operates within the Seafront Compound along Roxas Boulevard. The post-Vietnam War and later on, the post-bases era has only increased the importance of Manila as a major listening post and regional headquarters of the Agency.

A former junior case officer of the CIA, Janine Brookner, who was stationed in Manila described the capital city of the Philippines as "a wild place" for CIA operatives who spent a lot of time in bars, sex shows and brothels. This was because, according to her, the standard CIA procedure for recruiting targets was to "get him drunk, get him laid, and then get him on the Agency's dole." Brookner was an attractive but determined blonde who claimed to have developed assets in both the government and the Communist Party during her assignment to the Philippines. Brookner was also a very productive recruiter who, as a handler of important assets and as a CIA case officer, claims to be able to make her targets confess everything. "You take care of them," Brookner recalls, "and they tell you their fears and nightmares...I'm good at people depending on me." In fact, her targets, especially high-ranking Philippine government officials, often propositioned her. (Starobin, 1997)

Cultural Fronts

The CIA has long utilized in the Philippines sophisticated or subtle means for clandestine propaganda, such as the manipulation of trade unions and cultural organizations, rather than heavy-handed activities such as paramilitary operations, political assassinations and coups as they had done extensively in Africa, Latin America and Vietnam. During my interview in 1996 with Ralph McGehee, a former CIA agent, and other former CIA operatives assigned to the Manila station, I was told that the CIA had many unheralded successes in the Philippines such as the manipulation of the trade union movement through the Asian-American Free Labor Institute (AAFLI) and through funds which were channeled thru the USAID, Asia Foundation and National Endowment for Democracy.

In a recent article in the Journal of Contemporary Asia, American sociologist James Petras describes how progressive non-government organizations can be neutralized, if not coopted, thru US government, big business-backed funding agencies or CIA fronts and conduits masquerading as foundations. The purpose, according to Petras, is "to mystify and deflect discontent away from direct attacks on the corporate/banking power structure and profits toward local micro-projects ...that avoids class analysis of imperialism and capitalist exploitation." Neo-liberalism today, according to Petras, encourages NGOs to "emphasize projects, not movements; they 'mobilize' people to produce at the margins, not to struggle to control the means of production and wealth; they focus on the technical financial aspects of projects not on structural conditions that shape the everyday lives of people." While using the language of the Left such as "people empowerment," "gender equality," "sustainable development" etc., these NGOs funded by USAID, the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), Asia Foundation, etc. have become linked to a framework of collaboration with donors and even with government agencies with whom they have partnerships that subordinate activity to nonconfrontational politics, rather than militant mass mobilization. (Petras, 1999)

It must be emphasized that the US places high premium on the ideological legitimation of its continuing neo-colonial domination over the Philipines and, as such, depends heavily on US-financed and US-sponsored institutions, especially on the ideological front. Thus, grants are generously poured in by such agencies like USAID, NED, Asia Foundation and the big business-sponsored Ford Foundation. The objective is to constantly lure and lull the masses into the elite-dominated electoral process, thus legitimizing the neo-liberal economic system and its political apparatus, producing a fragile social peace and a "peaceful" mechanism for competition among the Filipino elite and oligarchy. In his book on French colonialism in Algeria titled, The Wretched of the Earth, Frantz Fanon wrote:

"Colonialism is not satisfied merely with holding a people in itsgrip, and emptying the native's brain of all form and content.By a kind of perverted logic, it turns to the past of the people, and distorts, disfigures and destroys it."

One of the most critical moments of the CIA station in Manila was the immediate post-Marcos years when they tried to dissociate US links with the Marcoses and politically influence the contours of the post-Marcos era. Financial, technical and political support for the pro-US "agents of influence" assured the dominance of pro-US local elites and institutions as a counterweight to the progressive anti-imperialist, anti-Marcos forces that threatened to define and restructure the architecture of the post-Marcos neo-colonial regime.

USAID was directed to grant the Trade Union Congress of the Philippines (TUCP) with a generous financing so it could formulate a position paper on an economic program anchored on "the partnership between labor and capital." USAID even temporarily set up an agrarian reform office, working closely at TUCP offices. Political analysts of the CIA and USAID wanted to design an agrarian reform program that would not disrupt the agro-export sector and one which could be synchronized with the counterinsurgency program and defuse peasant unrest. The CIA and US military advisers also wanted a deeper role in the design and command of counterinsurgency. These funds were supplemented by the so-called "democracy promotion" initiatives of the NED which poured in heavy funding for TUCP, Namfrel, the Women's Movement for the Nurturing of Democracy (KABATID) and the Philippine Chamber of Commerce and Industry (PCCI). The NED gave a total of $9 million from 1984-1990 to these institutions and organizations.

Following the ouster of Marcos, the US set about to transform the "new" Armed Forces of the Philippines into an effective counterinsurgency force that would integrate military, political, economic and social initiatives, including broad "civic action" campaigns, psychological operations, military aid and training. It was a massive comeback of the low-intensity conflict years of the Magsaysay-Lansdale era! Between 1987-1990, Washington reportedly authorized stepped-up clandestine CIA operations against the Left in the Philippines, including a $10 million allocation to the AFP for enhanced intelligence-gathering operations. There was also an increase in the number of CIA personnel, from 115 to 127, mostly attached as "diplomats" to the US embassy in Manila. (Oltman and Bernstein, 1992)

In general, US military and economic aid are used quite effectively and they remain key elements of US policy in the Philippines. The CIA station handles political aid and political matters. This means, according to the CIA's Intelligence Memorandum on the 1965 Philippine presidential elections for instance, assuring that the victorious national candidates who are acceptable to the US should be "western-oriented and pledge to continue close and equitable relations with the US and the West on matters of mutual interest." (Bonner, 1987) The CIA station also conducts widespread covert operations, among them: stage-managed national elections to assure preferred US outcome; payoffs to government officials under the guise of grants; financing for favored business and civic groups and pro-US propaganda campaigns among the population; the supply of intelligence information on activists and dissidents to the Armed Forces of the Philippines and so on. (Robinson, 1996)

Among the most prominent CIA fronts in Manila is the Asia Foundation with offices at Magallanes Village, Makati. According to a former US State Department bureaucrat William Blum in a recent book, the "Asia Foundation is the principal CIA front" and funding conduit in Asia. The Asia Foundation funds and supports known anti-communist groups or influential personalities, i.e. academics, journalists, local officials, etc. and institutions. (Blum, 1999) According to the former executive assistant to the CIA's Deputy Director for Operations Victor Marchetti in his book, The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence, the Asia Foundation had the objective "to disseminate throughout Asia a negative vision of Mainland China, North Vietnam, and North Korea." (Marchetti and Marks, 1980 edition). New York Times investigative journalist Raymond Bonner has also identified the Asia Foundation as "a CIA creation" and "front" in one of his books, Waltzing with a Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy (1987). My interviews with former CIA operatives in the Philippines in 1996 confirm the active use of this foundation for the "Agency."

But the most credible and authoritative source that I have come across identifying the Asia Foundation as a CIA front and conduit is Marchetti's book where the CIA-Asia Foundation link is defined in no uncertain terms:

"Another organization heavily subsidized by the CIA was the Asia Foundation. Established by the agency (CIA) in 1956, with a carefully chosen board of directors, the foundation was designed to promote academic and private interest in the East. It sponsored scholarly research, supported conferences and symposia, and ran academic exchange programs, a CIA subsidy that reached $88 million dollars a year. While most of the foundation's activities were legitimate, the CIA also used it...to recruit foreign agents and new officers. Although the foundation often served as a cover for clandestine operations, its main purpose was to promote the spread of ideas which were anti-communist and pro-American--sometimes subtly and stridently...Designed--and justified at budget time--as an overseas propaganda operation, the Asia Foundation also was regularly guilty of propagandizing the American people with agency views on Asia. The Agency's connection with the Asia Foundation came to light just after the 1967 exposure of CIA subsidies to the (American) National Student Association. The foundation clearly was one of the organizations that the CIA was banned from financing and, under the recommendations of the Katzenbach committee, the decision was made to end CIA funding. A complete cut-off after 1967, however, would have forced the foundation to shut down, so the agency made it the beneficiary of a large 'severance payment' in order to give it a couple of years to develop alternative sources of funding. Assuming the CIA has not resumed covert funding, the Asia Foundation has apparently made itself self-sufficient now.... during the 1960s, the CIA developed proprietary companies for use in propaganda operations. These proprietaries are more compact proprietaries and more covert than the now exposed fronts like Asia Foundation and Radio Free Europe." (Marchetti and Marks, pp.157-158)

The CIA-linked Asia Foundation has long been active in the Philippines. It has generously funded academic seminars, researches, study tours, and conferences in most of the leading Philippine universities, most especially among many colleagues and programs at the University of the Philippines (UP).

You name it, they have their fingers stuck into it! Many nongovernment organizations, journalists, local governments and civic organizations have had their projects funded by Asia Foundation. This is what makes it strategic and well-placed, thus naturally, a matter of great concern and alarm to friends and colleagues in both the academe and the NGO sector who may be very upset by this information on the origins and CIA links of the Asia Foundation. But I did not invent this issue about the CIA-created Asia Foundation. I merely documented the previous testimonies from mostly open sources. It is part of the CIA's history in this country, which I have documented from the accounts of former CIA agents and operatives. Many recipients of Asia Foundation grants as well as the Filipino staff of the Asia Foundation in Manila may not even be aware of its notorious history. But now we know a little better.

It is important to note that in 1961, the chief of the CIA's Covert Action Staff wrote that books were "the most important weapon of strategic propaganda." Tens of thousands of books have been produced, subsidized or sponsored by the CIA and its conduits such as the Asia Foundation in support of US foreign and military policy.

Project Echelon

Together with the National Security Agency, the CIA also maintains "Project Echelon," the most sophisticated and the most technologically advanced eavesdropping system that has ever been devised. Through a relay system of satellites and spook stations in Australia, New Zealand, United Kingdom, Canada and United States, the US intelligence system is able to intercept all telephone, fax, e-mail, Internet and cellphone transmissions worldwide. Its nerve center is located at Fort Meade in Maryland where the NSA maintains its headquarters. This has grave implications for both our public and private security.

The National Security Agency (NSA) of the United States has developed a global surveillance system, Echelon, which is a powerful electronic net operated by super-computers that intercept, monitor and process all phone, fax, e-mail and modem signals. The European Parliament in a 1998 report entitled, "An Appraisal of Technologies of Political Control" has listed serious concerns and has recommended an intensive investigation of US-NSA operations. The NSA Echelon system provides awesome potential for abuse against civilian targets and governments worldwide, even against allies of the United States.

It can be recalled that under the 1999 Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), the coverage for special privileges and criminal immunity includes not only US armed forces personnel but also "civilian personnel who are employed by the US armed forces and who are accompanying the US armed forces." These US "civilians" include technicians of the secretive US National Security Agency which, during the existence of the US bases here, operated the spy communications facilities at Clark, Subic and Camp John Hay, among others. (Simbulan, 1985) All private citizens' and government communications are intercepted and monitored by the Echelon System.

According to Nicky Hager's book, Secret Power (1986) which deals with the international electronic spy network, the US has not only been using its NSA Echelon system to collect political, military and economic intelligence against its enemies, but it also targets its own allies. According to Hager:

"...there is extensive interception of the ASEAN countries, including the Philippines....ASEAN meetings receive special attention with both public and private communications of these countries being intercepted to reveal the topics discussed, positions being taken and policy being considered."

Through the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), the US plans to fully restore its Echelon system in the Philippines which was greatly interrupted by the pullout of US military facilities and bases in 1992. The CIA heavily relies on the Echelon Project for its technologically advanced Signal Intelligence or SIGNIT, which is managed by the US National Security Agency (NSA).

Conclusion

Every CIA station is virtually an infrastructure for political, military, cultural and even economic intervention. In the Philippines, the CIA has not only functioned as a listening post but has been actively used to engage in covert operations, sabotage and political intervention to undermine Philippine sovereignty and self-determined national policies. Former CIA operatives in the Philippines confirm the use of official "diplomatic covers," especially in the political section of the US Embassy where they are given secure communications, protected files and diplomatic immunity. They have also used "non-official covers," disguised as businessmen in US firms. Covers under the guise of US naval or air force personnel are now minimal after the US bases and military facilities in the Philipines were dismantled. But as we can now see, the CIA has long been operating with virtual impunity and has always gotten away with its deep involvement in Philippine domestic affairs. Shall we allow this continued intervention in Philippine political and economic life?

Bibliography

Books

Blum, William. Killing Hope: U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II. Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press,1995.

Hager, Nicky. Secret Power. New Zealand: Craig Porton Publishing, 1996.

McGehee, Ralph. Deadly Deceits: My 25 years in the CIA. New York: Sheridan Square Publications, 1983.

Reyes, Narciso G. Memories of Diplomacy:A Life in the Philippine Foreign Service. Pasig City: Anvil Publishing Inc.,1995.

Richelson, Jeffrey T. The US Intelligence Community. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1999.

Robinson, William I. Promoting Polyarchy: Globalization, US Intervention and Hegemony. Great Britain: Cambridge University Press, 1996.

Shalom, Stephen. The United States and the Philippines: A Study of Neo-colonialism. Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1986.

Simbulan, Roland. The Bases of Our Insecurity: A Study of the US Military Bases in the Philippines. Quezon City: Balai Foundation, 1983.

Smith, Joseph Burkholder. Portrait of a Cold Warrior. Toronto: Longman Canada, Ltd., 1976.

Articles

Petras ,James. "NGOs in the Service of Imperialism," Journal of Contemporary Asia. Vol. 29, No. 4 (1999).

Oltman J. and Bernstein, R. "Counter-insurgency in the Philippines," Covert Action Information Bulletin. No. 4, 1992, pp. 18-21

Starobin, Paul. "Agent Provocateur," George Magazine. Oct. 1997, pp.86-91.

Interviews

Ralph McGehee, former CIA operative assigned to the Philippines, Vietnam and Thailand; Herndon, Virginia, April-May 1996.

Interviews with former CIA operatives in the Philippines at McLean and Herndon,Virginia, April-May 1996.

Highly Recommended Websites:

CIABASE (use alltheweb.com or dogpile.com as search engines)

http://www.fas.org/sgp/index.html

http://www.pir.org (click Freedom of Information Act documents)

http://www.boondocksnet.com (click U.S. as a World Power)

http://www.Heavens-above.com (for U.S. spy satellites)

http://www.dtic.mil/defenselink/ (U.S. Department of Defense)

http://www.Nuclear Files.org (FOIA documents on nuclear issues)

http://www.odci.gov (the CIA's World Factbook)

http://www.bullatomsci.org