#john k. singlaub

[carbone14]

Lieutenant John K. Singlaub de l'OSS – 1940's

John K. Singlaub est un des membres fondateurs de la CIA. Pendant la seconde guerre mondiale il fut officier de l'OSS et participa à l'opération Jedburgh qui consistait à coordonner l'action des maquis de la résistance en vue de désordonner l'action des allemands pendant le débarquement de Normandie.

[casbooks]

Books of 2023

Book 31 of 2023

Title: A Ranger Born: A Memoir of Combat and Valor From Korea to Vietnam Authors: Robert W. Black ISBN: 9780307414434 Tags: AC-47 Spooky, AH-1 Cobra, Airborne, B-52 Stratofortress, C-119 Flying Box Car, C-82 Packet, CHN China, CHN Mao Tse Tung, CHN PLA People's Liberation Army, CHN PLAGF People's Liberation Army Ground Force, CHN PVA People's Volunteer Army, CHN Yalu River, Cold War (1946-1991), French and Indian Wars, From LAPL, GBR BA British Army, GBR BA King's Shropshire Light Infantry, GBR Capt. John Smith (Explorer), GBR LCol Robert Rogers (Ranger), GBR United Kingdom, GER Berlin, GER Brandenburg Gate, GER East Berlin, GER Germany, GER West Berlin, Gliders, KOR Battle of Hill 299 Turkey Shoot (Korean War), KOR Battle of Hill 628 (Korean War), KOR Battle of Inchon (Korean War), KOR Battle of the Ch'ongch'on River (1950) (Korean War), KOR Chinese Spring Offensive / 5th Phase (1951) (Korean War), KOR DMZ Demilitarized Zone - 38th Parallel (Korean War), KOR GBR BA British Brigade (Korean War), KOR Hill 1010 (Korean War), KOR Hill 299 (Korean War), KOR Hill 628 (Korean War), KOR Korea, KOR Korean War (1950-1953), KOR Kunu-ri-Sunchon Road, KOR Line Idaho (Korean War), KOR Line Kansas (Korean War), KOR Line No Name (Korean War), KOR Operation Ripper (1951) (Korean War), KOR Pusan, KOR Pusan Perimeter (Korean War), KOR ROK 6th ID, KOR ROK Republic of Korea Army, KOR Sangczon, KOR Seoul, Kuomintang, O-1 Bird Dog, Office of Strategic Services (OSS), PRK North Korea, PRK Yalu River, Rangers, SGP Singapore, SGP Singapore - Newton Towers Hotel, SpecOps, Stalin, UN United Nations, US CIA Central Intelligence Agency, US FL Florida, US FL Florida - Miami, US FL University of Miami, US FL University of Miami - ROTC, US FL University of Miami - ROTC Princess Corps, US MSTS Military Sea Transportation Service, US MSTS USNS General W. F. Hase (T-AP-146), US President Harry S. Truman, US SDS Students for a Democratic Society, US Secretary of State Dean Acheson, US USA 10th Mountain Division, US USA 187th Airborne Regimental Combat Team, US USA 19th Infantry Regiment, US USA 19th Infantry Regiment - I&R Platoon, US USA 21st Infantry Regiment, US USA 24th ID, US USA 2nd ID, US USA 2nd Ranger Infantry Co (Airborne) - Buffalo Rangers (Segregated), US USA 313th Infantry Regiment, US USA 325th Airborne Infantry Regiment, US USA 35th Quartermaster (Pack) Co, US USA 39th Infantry Regiment, US USA 39th Infantry Regiment - G Co, US USA 39th Infantry Regiment (Mechanized), US USA 39th Infantry Regiment (Mechanized) - 1/39, US USA 505th Parachute Infantry Regiment, US USA 50th Infantry Regiment, US USA 50th Infantry Regiment - E Co (LRP), US USA 5th Regimental Combat Team, US USA 6th Medium Tank Bn, US USA 6th Medium Tank Bn - C Co, US USA 79th ID, US USA 7th Army, US USA 7th ID, US USA 82nd Airborne Division - All American, US USA 8th Army Ranger Company (Airborne) / 8213th Army Unit, US USA 8th ID, US USA 8th ID - 3rd Brigade, US USA 8th Ranger Infantry Co (Airborne), US USA 9th ID, US USA 9th ID - 2nd Brigade, US USA 9th ID - 3rd Brigade, US USA Camp Carson CO, US USA Camp Hale CO, US USA Col Arthur "Bull" Simons, US USA Fort Benning GA, US USA Fort Benning GA - Harmony Church, US USA Fort Benning GA - Ranger Training Center, US USA Fort Dix NJ, US USA Fort Gordon GA, US USA Fort Gordon GA - Civil Affairs School, US USA Forth Benning GA - Victory Pond, US USA Forth Bragg NC, US USA General Douglas MacArthur, US USA General J. Lawton Collins, US USA General James Van Fleet, US USA General John K. Singlaub, US USA General Matthew Ridgway, US USA General Walton Walker, US USA LRRP Team (Vietnam War), US USA United States Army, US USMC 1st MarDiv, US USMC United States Marine Corps, US USN SEALS, US USN United States Navy, US USN USS General W. F. Hase (AP-146), US USN USS Pueblo (AGER 2), USAID, USAID John Paul Vann, VNM 1968 Tet Offensive (1968) (Vietnam War), VNM Battle of Dien Bien Phu (1954) (French Indochina War), VNM Ben Luc, VNM Can Duoc, VNM Can Giouc, VNM Cao Dai Religion, VNM CIA Air America (1950-1976) (Vietnam War), VNM Dien Bien Phu, VNM DRV Ho Chi Minh, VNM DRV NVA General Vo Nguyen Giap, VNM DRV NVA North Vietnamese Army, VNM DRV VC 265th Bn, VNM DRV VC 2nd Independent Bn, VNM DRV VC 506th Bn, VNM DRV VC COSVN Central Office for South Vietnam, VNM DRV VC K-3 Bn, VNM DRV VC Phu Loi Bn, VNM DRV VC Viet Cong, VNM DRV VM Viet Minh, VNM French Indochina War (1946-1954), VNM Gia Dinh, VNM Highway 4, VNM Ho Chi Minh Trail (Vietnam War), VNM Hoa Hao Religion, VNM IV Corps (Vietnam War), VNM Long An Province, VNM Me Ly, VNM Mekong Delta, VNM Operation Arc Light (1965-1973) (Vietnam War), VNM Operation Ranch Hand (1962-1971) (Vietnam War), VNM Rach Kien, VNM RVN ARVN 25th ID, VNM RVN ARVN 47th Infantry Regiment, VNM RVN ARVN 7th ID, VNM RVN ARVN Army of the Republic of Vietnam, VNM RVN ARVN RF/PF 627 RF Co (Vietnam War), VNM RVN ARVN RF/PF Regional Forces/Popular Forces (Vietnam War), VNM RVN ARVN Vietnamese Rangers - Biet Dong Quan, VNM RVN Chieu Hoi Program/Force 66 - Luc Luong 66 (Vietnam War), VNM RVN Kit Carson Scouts (Vietnam War), VNM RVN RVNP Can Sat National Police, VNM RVN RVNP CSDB PRU Provincial Reconnaissance Units (Vietnam War), VNM RVN USA CRIP Combined Reconnaissance and Intelligence Platoon (Vietnam War), VNM RVN USA CRIP Long An Province (Vietnam War), VNM RVNP CSDB Can Sat Dac Biet Special Branch Police, VNM Saigon, VNM Song Vam Co Dong, VNM Tam An, VNM Tan Tru, VNM Trach An, VNM US Agent Orange (Vietnam War), VNM US MACV Advisory Teams (Vietnam War), VNM US MACV Military Assistance Command Vietnam (Vietnam War), VNM USA MRF Mobile Riverine Force (Vietnam War), VNM USN MRF Mobile Riverine Force (Vietnam War), VNM Vietnam, VNM Vietnam War (1955-1975), Waco Glider, WW2 1st Special Service Force (1942-1944) Rating: ★★★★ (4 Stars) Subject: Books.Military.20th-21st Century.Asia.Korean War.US.Rangers, Books.Military.20th-21st Century.Asia.Vietnam War.ARVN, Books.Military.20th-21st Century.Asia.Vietnam War.US Army.Advisor, Books.Military.20th-21st Century.SpecOps.US.Rangers

Description: Even as a boy growing up amid the green hills of rural Pennsylvania, Robert W. Black knew he was destined to become a Ranger. With their three-hundred-year history of peerless courage and independence of spirit, Rangers are a uniquely American brand of soldier, one foot in the military, one in the wilderness—and that is what fired Black’s imagination. In this searing, inspiring memoir, Black recounts how he devoted himself, body and soul, to his proud service as an elite U. S. Army Ranger in Korea and Vietnam—and what those years have taught him about himself, his country, and our future.Born at the start of the Great Depression, Black grew up on a farm at a time of great hardship but also tremendous national determination. He was a kid who toughened up fast, who learned the hard way to rely on his strength and his wits, who saw the country go to war with Germany and Japan and wept because he was too young to serve. As soon as the army would take him, Black enlisted. And as soon as he could muscle his way in, he became a Ranger.As a private first class in the 82d Airborne Division headquarters, Black withstood the humiliations of enlisted service in the peacetime brown-shoe army. When the Korean War began, he volunteered and trained to be an Airborne Ranger. In Korea, this young warrior, his mind and body bursting with the lusts of adolescence, grew up fast, literally in the line of fire. In clean, vivid prose, Black describes the hell of giving his all for a country that lacked the political resolve to give its all to a war against the North Koreans and the Chinese.If Korea was frustrating, Vietnam was maddening. The heart of this book is devoted to the years of action that Black saw in Long An Province starting in 1967. Black writes of the perplexity of collaborating with South Vietnamese officers whose culture and motives he never fully understood; he conjures up the sudden shock of the Tet Offensive and the daily horror of seeing fellow soldiers and innocent civilians slaughtered—sometimes by stray bullets, often by carelessness or treachery. Vietnam challenged everything Black had come to believe in and left him totally unprepared for the hostility he would face when he returned to a war-weary America. Written with extraordinary candor and passion, A Ranger Born is the memoir of a man who dedicated the best of his life to everything that is great and enduring about America. At once intimate in its revelations and universal in its themes, it is a book with profound relevance to our own troubled time in history. From the Hardcover edition

[rielpolitik]

NARCO-POLITIK: 'Lord Of War', John K Singlaub - Criminal Merchant Of Heroin & Terrorism

NARCO-POLITIK: ‘Lord Of War’, John K Singlaub – Criminal Merchant Of Heroin & Terrorism

Source – covertactionmagazine.com “…A decorated hero in WW II, he ran death squad operations in North Korea, Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia in the Cold War; and was fired by Jimmy Carter for challenging civilian authority over the military…his cabal—which included CIA associates Theodore Shackley, Richard Secord, and Thomas Clines—used proceeds from the drug trade going back to the secret war in…

[leanpick]

John K. Singlaub, 100, General Who Clashed With Jimmy Carter, Dies

John K. Singlaub, 100, General Who Clashed With Jimmy Carter, Dies

Maj. Gen. John K. Singlaub, who waged clandestine warfare for the U.S. Army and the C.I.A. from the World War II years to Vietnam, then retired from the military under pressure after repeatedly criticizing President Jimmy Carter’s national security policies, died on Saturday. He was 100. The Special Forces Association chapter in Tampa, Fla., an organization of veterans who had waged covert…

[javierpenadea]

"John K. Singlaub, General Who Clashed With Jimmy Carter, Dies at 100" by BY RICHARD GOLDSTEIN via NYT U.S. https://ift.tt/4wFWHAYgD

[lettermen-of-the-usa-stuff]

Purple Heart Thursday  Lettermen of the U.S.A and friends of the Lettermen USA please join www.LotUSA.org today as we honor and remember United States Army Major General John K. Singlaub a recipient of the Purple Heart for wounds he received during WWII. Please help www.lotUSA.org share this post to honor and remember him for his service to the Republic.  Lettermen of the U.S.A Group  #PurpleHeart  #PurpleHeartThursday #LettermenoftheUSA  #LettermenofUSA (at Southside, Alabama) https://www.instagram.com/p/CRFyX5MrPVC/?utm_medium=tumblr

[tomperanteau]

New article has been published on The Daily Digest

New article has been published on http://www.thedailydigest.org/2018/08/31/general-mike-flynn-to-receive-inaugural-singlaub-award-at-gateway-eagle-council/

General Mike Flynn to Receive Inaugural Singlaub Award at Gateway Eagle Council

Lt. General Michael Flynn will be honored at Phyllis Schlafly’s Gateway Eagle Council in St. Louis on September 15, 2018.

The Gateway Pundit is partnering with Phyllis Schlafly’s Eagle Council for the 47th annual event this year.

The event will bring together several top conservative leaders to this Gateway City.

** Buy your tickets today.

St. Louis, MO: There are few men in American history like Major General John K. (Jack) Singlaub, U.S. Army (ret). With over forty years of military service, Singlaub played a part in every major American conflict from World War II to the Chinese Communist Revolution in Manchuria to [READ MORE HERE]

[jamariyanews]

L’internazionale criminale: la Lega anticomunista mondiale

di Thierry Meyssan

Fondata a Taiwan da Chiang Kai-shek, Reverendo Moon e da criminali nazisti e di guerra giapponesi, la Lega anticomunista mondiale (WACL) con Nixon la prima volta estese i metodi contro-insurrezionali nel sud-est asiatico e nell’America Latina. Sette capi di Stato parteciparono alle sue riunioni. Poi, rediviva con l’era Reagan, divenne uno strumento del complesso militare-industriale degli USA e della CIA durante la Guerra Fredda. Gli furono commissionati omicidi politici e l’addestramento controinsurreazionale in tutti i conflitti, tra cui l’Afghanistan dove era rappresentata da Usama bin Ladin.

Rete Voltaire| Parigi (Francia) | 3 luglio 2016  

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Alla fine della seconda guerra mondiale, i servizi segreti statunitensi utilizzarono fascisti, ustascia e nazisti per creare una rete di agenti anticomunisti: Stay-behind [1]. Se reclutati negli Stati Uniti i futuri agenti atlantici dovevano rimanere segreti, negli Stati sotto il controllo sovietico, al contrario, dovevano agire pubblicamente. Fu creata quindi, nel 1946, una sorta di ente internazionale per coordinare l’azione degli agenti orientali trasferiti in occidente: il Blocco delle Nazioni anti-bolsceviche (ABN). Fascisti ucraini, ungheresi, rumeni, croati, bulgari, slovacchi, lituani, ecc. si unirono sotto la guida di Yaroslav Stetsko. Ex-capo collaborazionista ucraino, Stetsko è considerato il responsabile del massacro di 700 persone, per lo più ebrei, a Leopoli del 2 luglio 1941.

Otto anni più tardi, alla fine della guerra di Corea, gli Stati Uniti sostituirono la Francia in Indocina [2]. Il presidente Eisenhower creò un sistema di difesa regionale diretto contro l’URSS e la Cina. L’8 settembre 1954, seguendo il modello della NATO, fu creata la SEATO che raggruppava Australia, Nuova Zelanda, Pakistan, Filippine, Thailandia, Regno Unito e Stati Uniti. Il 2 dicembre il dispositivo fu completato con un trattato di difesa bilaterale tra Stati Uniti e Taiwan [3]. In parallelo, la CIA, sotto la direzione di Allen Dulles, struttura i servizi spionistici di tali Stati e crea un’organizzazione di contatto tra i partiti anticomunisti nella regione. Quindi, viene creata attorno Chiang Kai-shek la Lega anti-comunista dei popoli dell’Asia (APACL). Oltre al presidente di Taiwan Chiang Kai-shek, l’APACL conta tra i suoi membri Paek Chun-hee, futuro presidente della Corea del Sud; Ryiochi Sasakawa, criminale di guerra divenuto milionario e benefattore del Partito liberale giapponese; e il Reverendo Sun Myung Moon [4], profeta della Chiesa dell’Unificazione. Inoltre, nelle file dell’APACL vi erano il generale Prapham Kulapichtir (Thailandia), il presidente Ferdinando Marcos (Filippine), il principe Sopasaino (Laos) [5] il colonnello Do Dang Cong, rappresentante del presidente del Vietnam Nguyen Van Thieu), ecc. L’APACL è sotto il controllo totale di Ray S. Cline, allora capo della stazione della CIA a Taiwan [6], e pubblica l’Asian Bulletin redatto da Michael Lasater, futuro capo del dipartimento dell’Asia della Heritage Foundation [7].

1967

La creazione della WACL

1976 The WACL 9th Conf. held at Seoul, Korea Dal 1958, il presidente del Blocco delle Nazioni anti-bolsceviche (ABN) presenziò a Taipei, in occasione della conferenza annuale della Lega anticomunista dei Popoli dell’Asia (APACL). Stetsko e Cline supervisionarono la fondazione della Political Warfare Cadres Academy di Taiwan, l’istituzione responsabile dell’addestramento dei quadri del regime di Chiang Kai-shek nella repressione anticomunista. L’accademia è l’equivalente asiatico del Psychological Warfare Center di Fort Bragg (Stati Uniti) e della Scuola delle Americhe a Panama [8]. Progressivamente, la CIA formò una rete di gruppi politici ed istruttori in controinsurrezione in tutto il mondo. Nel 1967, ABN e APACL si fusero denominandosi Lega anticomunista mondiale (World Anti-Communist League, WACL) estendendo le attività a tutto il “mondo libero”. Tra i nuovi membri vi erano i Los Tecos o Legione di Cristo Re, formazione fascista messicana creata durante la Seconda Guerra Mondiale. La Lega nella prima fase conobbe un boom negli anni ’73-’75, quando Richard Nixon e il consigliere per la sicurezza Henry Kissinger occupavano la Casa Bianca.

Il suo finanziamento è assicurato generosamente dalla Chiesa della Riunificazione. Tuttavia, tale realtà non è più riconosciuta pubblicamente dal 1975. Il Rev. Sun Myung Moon disse poi di aver rotto i legami con la Lega, ma continuava ad esercitare la propria leadership tramite il suo rappresentante giapponese Osami Kuboki.

Il ruolo della WACL nell’attuazione dei piani Fenice (1968-1971) e Condor (1976-1977), con l’assassinio di migliaia di sospetti simpatizzanti del comunismo nel sud-est asiatico e in America Latina, non è sufficientemente documentato. L’Operazione Phoenix fu probabilmente applicata in Vietnam dal Joint Unconventionnal Warfare Task Force del maggiore-generale John K. Singlaub, poi presidente della WACL. Tuttavia, Singlaub ha sempre negato il coinvolgimento in tale operazione. D’altra parte, il generale Hugo Banzer, che impose la sua dittatura in Bolivia nel 1971-1978, presiedette la sezione latinoamericana della WACL. Banzer organizzò un piano per eliminare fisicamente i suoi oppositori comunisti nel 1975. Il piano Banzer fu presentato come modello da seguire in un vertice latinoamericano della WACL ad Asuncion, nel 1977, alla presenza del dittatore paraguaiano Alfredo Stroessner. Una mozione diretta a procedere nello stesso modo, l’eliminazione di tutti i sacerdoti e religiosi seguaci della teologia della liberazione nell’America Latina, fu presentata dalla delegazione del Paraguay e adottata dalla Conferenza mondiale della WACL nel 1978 [9]. Non si sa con certezza il ruolo della WACL nella strategia della tensione che colpì l’Europa in quel periodo. François Duprat, fondatore di Ordine Nuovo francese; Giorgio Almirante, fondatore del MSI; lo spagnolo Jesus Palacio, fondatore di CEDADE; il belga Paul Vankerhoven, presidente del Circolo delle nazioni, e altri come loro, militarono nella WACL. La Lega esfiltrò dall’Italia Stefano delle Chiaie [10] ricercato per terrorismo, e l’inviò in Bolivia, allora sotto il regime di Hugo Banzer, dove fu nominato subito secondo di Klaus Barbie alla testa degli squadroni della morte. La documentazione è scarsa anche sul ruolo della WACL nella guerra in Libano. E’ noto, al massimo, che reclutò mercenari per le milizie cristiane del presidente Camille Chamoun nel 1975, una settimane prima dello scoppio del conflitto.

Al suo arrivo alla Casa Bianca nel 1977, Jimmy Carter volle porre fine alle pratiche sordide dei predecessori. L’Ammiraglio Stanfield Turner fu nominato capo della CIA e si dedicò ad eliminare i regimi autoritari in America Latina. Fu dura per la WACL, che non ricevette più finanziamenti dai suoi membri. Allora divenne un covo di anti-Carter, preparandosi a giorni migliori e creando spontaneamente rapporti con la principale organizzazione anti-Carter degli Stati Uniti, la Coalizione Nazionale per la Pace Attraverso la Forza (National Coalition for Peace Through Strength). Tale fronte del rifiuto promanava dal Consiglio di sicurezza nazionale statunitense, che il presidente Eisenhower designò con il termine “complesso militare-industriale” [11]. I suoi co-presidenti erano il generale Daniel O’Graham [12], che partecipò con George H. Bush alla Commissione Pipes per la rivalutazione della minaccia sovietica, denominata Team B [13], e il generale John K. Singlaub [14]. Numerosi funzionari della Lega erano legati ai comitati per l’elezione di Ronald Reagan. Per molti di loro, il governatore repubblicano della California non era un estraneo. In effetti, alla fine della seconda guerra mondiale, Reagan fu portavoce della Crociata per la libertà, la raccolta fondi per accogliere negli Stati Uniti gli immigrati dall’Europa orientale in fuga dal comunismo. Difatti si trattava di radunare nazisti, fascisti ed ustascia nel Blocco delle Nazioni anti-bolsceviche (ABN). E il vicepresidente George H. Bush era un altro amico. Da direttore della CIA fu a capo dell’Operazione Condor.

L’età d’oro della WACL

Con l’arrivo di Ronald Reagan e George H. Bush alla Casa Bianca, la WACL riacquista vigore e continua a svilupparsi. I vecchi contatti danno frutti. Il complesso militare-industriale degli Stati Uniti finanzia la creazione della sezione statunitense della WACL denominata Consiglio per la Libertà Mondiale (Council for World Freedom, USCWF). Il presidente era il generale John K. Singlaub e il vicepresidente era il generale Daniel O’Graham. Ma non solo. Il complesso militare-industriale fece della WACL lo strumento centrale della repressione anticomunista mondiale. Singlaub divenne così presidente della WACL.

La Lega agisce su tutti i fronti : Per combattere la presenza sovietica in Afghanistan, il Consiglio di Sicurezza Nazionale statunitense [15] finanziò una sezione della WACL: il Comitato per un Afghanistan Libero con sede presso la Fondazione Heritage. L’operazione inizia con la visita ufficiale di Margaret Thatcher e Lord Nicholas Bethell, capo dipartimento dell’MI6, negli Stati Uniti, e la dirige il generale J. Milnor Roberts. Il Comitato è direttamente coinvolto nel supporto logistico ai “combattenti per la libertà”, autorizzati dal direttore della CIA William Casey [16] e diretti da Usama bin Ladin [17]. Il legame tra la WACL e l’affarista saudita l’assicura un collaboratore dello sceicco, Ahmad Salah Jamjun dell’impresa di costruzioni Bin Ladin Group, e un ex-primo ministro dello Yemen del Sud [18]. Nelle Filippine, il presidente Ferdinando Marcos rappresenta la WACL. Ma quando viene estromesso nel 1986, John K. Singlaub e Ray Cline arrivano nel Paese per scegliere nuovi partner, quindi creano un gruppo paramilitare antiguerriglia e scelgono il generale Fidel Ramos [19], amico di Frank Carlucci [20], George H. Bush e Bin Ladin. Per combattere la rivoluzione sandinista in Nicaragua, la WACL crea una base logistica nella proprietà di John Hull in Costa Rica, con istruttori argentini. La Lega usa anche i servizi offerti dal Capo di Stato Maggiore dell’Honduras, generale Gustavo Alvarez Martinez, che recluta mercenari utilizzando la copertura umanitaria del Refugee Relief International. In Guatemala, la WACL conta su Mario Sandoval Alarcon, capo del Movimento di Liberazione Nazionale. Sandoval, vicepresidente nel 1974-1978, era il vero padrone del Paese, essendo il generale-presidente Romeo Lucas Garcia null’altro che un burattino. Sandoval creò gli squadroni della morte che uccisero più di 13000 persone in cinque anni. Nel Salvador, la WACL si affidò a Roberto D’Aubuisson, formatosi all’accademia di Taiwan e beneficiario degli aiuti dai guatemaltechi. D’Aubuisson divenne capo dell’ANSESAL, equivalente locale della CIA, e di un’organizzazione paramilitare di destra, il Partito Repubblicano Nazionalista (ARENA). Inoltre, creò gli squadroni della morte e fece uccidere l’arcivescovo Oscar Romero.

Harry Aderholt & John Singlaub

Ma il successo della WACL ne causò anche la caduta. Nel 1983, il sottosegretario alla Difesa Fred C. Iklé [21] creò al Pentagono un comitato segreto di otto esperti, il Consiglio per la Difesa della Libertà, guidato dal generale John K. Singlaub [22]. E’ noto che la commissione decise che l’intervento segreto in Afghanistan fosse un modello da seguire anche in Nicaragua, Angola, Salvador, Cambogia e Vietnam, ma non vi sono abbastanza documenti sui dettagli delle loro operazioni. Nel 1984 Ronald Reagan lasciò alla Lega in generale e in particolare a John Singlaub, il finanziamento congiunto dell’Irangate sotto la diretta autorità del colonnello Oliver North del Consiglio di Sicurezza Nazionale. Lo scandalo scoppiò nel 1987, svelando tutto e distruggendo la WACL.

Thierry Meyssan

Traduzione Alessandro Lattanzio (Sito Aurora)

[1] « Stay-behind : les réseaux d’ingérence américains », par Thierry Meyssan, Réseau Voltaire, 20 août 2001. [2] L’esercito francese perse la battaglia di Dien Bien Phu il 7 maggio 1954. [3] D’altra parte, il 29 gennaio 1955, il Congresso diede carta bianca al presidente Eisenhower autorizzandolo ad entrare in guerra per difendere Taiwan se attaccata dai comunisti. [4] « Révérend Moon : le retour », Réseau Voltaire, 26 mars 2001. [5] Il principe Sopasaino, vicepresidente dell’Assemblea Nazionale del Laos, fu intercettato dalle autorità francesi nell’aeroporto Orly di Parigi, il 23 aprile 1971. Aveva nei bagagli 60 kg di eroina pura. [6] Ray S. Cline fu l’analista più ascoltato allo scoppio della guerra di Corea. Fu capo della stazione della CIA a Taipei dal 1958 al 1962. La sua copertura era direttore dell’US Naval Auxiliary Communications Center. Divenne vicedirettore della CIA grazie al cambio del personale causato dal fiasco della Baia dei Porci. Pubblicò un libro di memorie, Secrets, Spies and Scholars, Editorial Acropolis Books, 1976. [7] Michael Laseter era il principale responsabile della Chiesa universale e trionfante (CUT) di Elizabeth Claire. A metà degli anni ’70, la setta fu al centro di uno scandalo quando un arsenale militare fu scoperto presso la sede in California. Uno dei suoi capi fu nominato direttore esecutivo della rappresentanza della WACL in Afghanistan, negli anni ’80. [8] La Scuola delle Americhe (SOA) fu poi trasferita a Fort Benning negli Stati Uniti. La nostra biblioteca elettronica offre una guida completa agli studenti della scuola nel 1947-1996. [9] Questa operazione sembra essere stata condotta in coordinamento con monsignor Alfonso Lopez Trujillo, allora Segretario Generale della Conferenza Episcopale Latinoamericana (CELAM). [10] « 1980 : carnage à Bologne, 85 morts », Réseau Voltaire, 12 mars 2004. [11] La Coalizione Nazionale per la Pace attraverso la Forza ebbe fino a 257 congressisti. [12] Il tenente-generale Daniel O’Graham fu vice direttore della CIA incaricato delle relazioni con le altre agenzie d’intelligence (1973-1974) e successivamente direttore della DIA (1974-1976). Direttore esecutivo del Consiglio di Sicurezza Nazionale degli USA, fu uno dei principali fautori della proposta “Star Wars”. Fondò High Frontier che presiedette fino alla morte nel 1995. [13] Nel 1975, l’estrema destra accusò la CIA di essere stata penetrata da infiltrati comunisti e di minimizzare il pericolo rosso. Il presidente Ford quindi nominò George H. Bush direttore dell’Agenzia ed autorizzò il completamento di una contro-verifica. Richard Pipes creò “Team B” che pubblicò un rapporto allarmista per giustificare la ripresa della corsa agli armamenti. Oggi è noto che la Commissione Pipes travisò deliberatamente i dati per aprire mercati al complesso militare-industriale. Su questo argomento, vedasi: « Les marionnettistes de Washington », par Thierry Meyssan, Réseau Voltaire, 13 novembre 2002. “Daniel Pipes, esperto dell’odio”, Traduzione di Franco Cilli, Rete Voltaire, 5 maggio 2004. [14] John K. Singlaub fu un ufficiale dell’OSS durante la seconda guerra mondiale. Creò la guerriglia del Kuomintang di Chiang Kai-shek contro i giapponesi. Durante la guerra di Corea fu a capo della stazione della CIA, e più tardi, durante la guerra del Vietnam, diresse i Berretti Verdi. Fu istruttore di controinsurrezione a Fort Benning. Andato in pensione, divenne il direttore della formazione presso il Consiglio di Sicurezza Nazionale degli USA. Fu in quella posizione che divenne co-presidente della Coalizione e, in seguito presidente della Lega. [15] La National Endowment for Democracy finanzia il Comitato dal 1984. Questi poi trasmetteva parte dei fondi ricevuti a organizzazioni umanitarie per i propri scopi politici in Afghanistan, in particolare Medici senza frontiere, Bernard Kouchner e Assistenza medica internazionale. [16] Gli Stati Uniti destabilizzarono deliberatamente l’Afghanistan, ma non si aspettarono l’entità della reazione militare di Mosca. Washington quindi mobilitò gli alleati nella guerra, non per “liberare” gli afgani, ma esplicitamente per evitare che l’URSS avanzasse verso il Mare Arabico. [17] Nel 1983, la WACL stampò T-shirt con l’effige di Usama bin Ladin e la scritta “Sostieni i combattenti per la libertà afgani. Combattono per te!“. [18] Usama bin Ladin non veniva presentato come un musulmano credente, ma come affarista anticomunista scelto dal principe Turqi, capo dei servizi segreti sauditi, per partecipare alla guerra degli Stati Uniti contro i sovietici. Bin Ladin fu prima responsabile della direzione della costruzione delle infrastrutture necessarie ai “combattenti per la libertà”, dopo gestì i rifornimenti ai mujahidin stranieri che li raggiunsero. Usama Bin Ladin divenne solo alla fine un credente musulmano per imporre la sua autorità. [19] Il generale Fidel Ramos fu eletto presidente nel 1992. Alla fine del mandato, nel 1998, entrò nel Gruppo Carlyle. Vedasi: « Le Carlyle Group, une affaire d’initiés », Réseau Voltaire, 9 février 2004. [20] « L’honorable Frank Carlucci », par Thierry Meyssan, Réseau Voltaire, 11 février 2004. [21] Fred C. Iklé era il secondo di Caspar Weinberger al Pentagono. Questo storico guerriero freddo è attualmente membro di Center for Security Policy (CSP) e di Progetto per il Nuovo Secolo Americano (PNAC), ed amministratore della Smith Richardson Foundation. [22] Tale comitato comprende i generali Harry Aderholt e Edward Lansdale, il colonnello John Waghelstein, Seale Doss, Edward Luttwak, il maggiore F. Andy Messing Jr. e Sam Sarkessian. Preso da: http://www.voltairenet.org/article192711.html

https://ift.tt/2rRBjus

[whatisonthemoon]

Covert Operations and the CIA's Hidden History in the Philippines

By Roland G. Simbulan, Convenor/Coordinator, Manila Studies Program University of the Philippines (Lecture at the University of the Philippines-Manila, Rizal Hall, Padre Faura, Manila, August 18, 2000.)

For a long time, Manila has been the main station, if not the regional headquarters, of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) for Southeast Asia. This is perhaps so because the Philippines has always been regarded as a stronghold of US imperial power in Asia. Since the Americanized Filipinos were under the spell of American culture, they were easy to recruit without realizing they were committing treason to their own people and country. And from the beginning of the 20th century to 1992, there were the US military bases, the mighty symbols and infrastructure of American power.

CIA human intelligence assets in Manila are said to have provided vital information at crucial times. According to declassified documents under the Freedom of Information Act, on Sept. 17, 1972, a CIA asset in the Philippines who was in the inner circle of Marcos informed the CIA station in Manila that Ferdinand Marcos was planning to proclaim martial law on Sept. 21,1972. The CIA station in Manila was also provided in advance a copy of Proclamation 1081--the proclamation that declared martial law in the country--and a list of the individuals whom Marcos planned to arrest and imprison upon the declaration of military rule.

I would like to mention --without going into any conclusions--that, so accurate was the CIA's assessment about the Sept. 21, 1972 declaration of martial rule that it boosted the prestige of the CIA station in Manila. Upon his retirement a few years later, Henry Byroade, the American ambassador to Manila when martial law was declared, was honored by the CIA headquarters in Langley,Virginia--a tribute that is said to be very rarely given to any retiring ambassador. Also, in 1982, the CIA was able to verify from a high-ranking Philippine immigration officer the names of the two doctors who visited the Philippines to treat Marcos for kidney failure, giving the CIA a clear picture of Marcos's health problems.(Richelson, 1999).

It is important to expose US imperialism's clandestine apparatus in the Philippines. If the activities of this sinister agency are not meticulously documented, there is a tendency to mythologize, or even Hollywood-ize, its notoriety and crimes against the Filipino people and Philippine national sovereignty. The CIA is the covert overseas intelligence agency of the United States government and is likewise an "action-oriented " vehicle of American foreign and military policy. The 1975 Church Committee Report of the US congressional investigations into the CIA's covert activities abroad revealed how countless foreign governments were overthrown by the CIA; how the CIA instigated a military coup d'etat and assassinated foreign political leaders like Chilean President Salvador Allende, who merely tried to safeguard the interests of their own country; and how "special ops" and paramilitary campaigns contributed to the death, directly or indirectly, of millions of people, as a result of those actions.

The 1974-75 US congressional investigations also uncovered CIA intervention in the domestic politics of target countries--from the overthrow of governments, attempted assassinations, to subsidies and financial support for the media, political parties, trade unions, universities and business associations--all designed "to clandestinely influence foreign governments, events, organizations or persons in support of US foreign policy." (Robinson, 1996; Richelson,1999). The CIA has gone beyond its original mission of gathering intelligence and was conducting Mafia-type operations not only in its own territory but against foreign governments and their leaders.

Doing covert action that undermines Philippine national sovereignty and genuine democracy in order to prop up the tiny pro-US oligarchical minority that has cornered most of the wealth in their poor country is what the CIA is all about and is the real reason for its existence. It is no longer just the collection and analysis of foreign intelligence which is officially its mandate under the US National Security Act of 1947 that created the CIA.

The CIA in the Philippines has engaged in countless covert operations for intervention and dirty tricks particularly in Philippine domestic politics. On top of all this is the US diplomatic mission, especially the political section that is a favorite cover for many CIA operatives. CIA front companies also provide an additional but convenient layer of cover for operatives assigned overseas. In general, wherever you find US big business interests (like Coca-Cola, Ford, Citicorp, United Fruit, Nike, etc.), you also find a very active CIA. But the covers often used are diversified.

Desmond Fitzgerald, for instance, a former CIA chief of station in Manila was said to have fronted as a legitimate businessman of an American multinational company. Joseph Smith, a top CIA agent assigned to the Philippines in the early 1960s, posed as a "civilian employee" of the Clark Airforce Base's 13th Air Force Southeast Asia Regional Survey Unit .On the other hand, CIA operative Gabriel Kaplan's initial cover was really more "civilian"--with the CIA-created Asia Foundation (formerly the Committee for a Free Asia), then later as resident director of another CIA creation, the COMPADRE both of which we shall be dealing with more extensively later.

On the other hand, CIA operative David Sternberg fronted as a foreign correspondent for an American newspaper based in Boston, the Christian Science Monitor, when he assisted Gabriel Kaplan in managing the presidential campaign of Ramon Magsaysay in the '50s.

The Agency's assets and technical infrastructure in Manila have been drastically affected by the withdrawal of the bases by 1992 because, before this, the CIA operated jointly with the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) major listening posts into most of Indochina and southern China. The joint CIA/DIA structure called the Strategic Warning Staff, is headquartered in the US Department of Defense (Pentagon) and operated a number of similar posts as the one in Manila. The Manila station includes very sizeable logistical capabilities for a wide range of clandestine operations against Asian governments.

The loss of the bases in the Philippines was a tremendous blow to the CIA's Asian infrastructure, if not a major setback. From the mid-50s, the US bases in the Philippines served as operational headquarters for "Operation Brotherhood" which operated in Indochina under the direct supervision of the CIA's Col. Edward Lansdale and Lucien Conien, and it involved several Filipinos who were recruited and trained by the CIA. Lansdale was the classic CIA operative in Southeast Asia who was romanticized in Graham Greene's novel, The Quiet American. Lansdale was even appointed by former President Ramon Magsaysay as his "military adviser" but was, in fact, his speechwriter as well, who determined Magsaysay's foreign and military policy. So successful was the CIA in pulling the strings thru Lansdale that in 1954, a high-level US committee reported that, "American policy in Southeast Asia was most effectively represented in the Philippines, where any expanded program of Western influence may best be launched."

Examples of such programs were the Freedom Company of the Philippines, Eastern Construction Co. and "Operation Brotherhood," which provided "a mechanism to permit the deployment of Filipino personnel in other Asian countries, for unconventional operations covertly supported by the Philippines." (Shalom, 1986). The CIA also actively used Philippine territory, particularly Clark Air Base, for the training and launching of operatives and logistics in the late 1950s, where the US covertly supported dissident Indonesian colonels in the failed armed overthrow of Indonesian President Sukarno. The CIA then established supply, training and logistical bases on several islands in the Philippines, including an airstrip in the Tawi-Tawi Island of Sanga-Sanga. A CIA-owned proprietary company, the Civil Air Transport, was actively used by the CIA from Philippine territory to give direct assistance to Indonesian military rebel groups attempting to overthrow Indonesian President Sukarno in the late 1950s.

Manila was also the center of operations for the Trans-Asiatic Airlines Inc., a CIA outfit operating along the Burma-China border against the People's Republic of China. Using the Trans-Asiatic Airlines Inc. as a front company, the CIA recruited for this operation in the early 1950s several Filipino aviators who were World War II veterans, including operatives of the Armed Forces of the Philippines' Military Intelligence Service (MIS) who were still in active service.

In his memoirs, former Philippine Ambassador to Burma Narciso G. Reyes narrates that one of these Filipino "undercover" MIS agents posed as the labor attache at the Philippine embassy in Rangoon even before this was formally established. The Filipino CIA undercover agent was also reporting to the American ambassador to Burma from whom he was also getting paid! (Reyes, 1995).

Side by side with CIA proprietary companies Civil Air Transport, Sea Supply Co. and Western Enterprises Co., the agency used Trans-Asiatic Airlines Inc. in an attempt to invade the People's Republic of China in the early 1950s, using the mercenary Chinese warlord Gen. Li Mi as leader of the invasion force. After a few skirmishes with the People's Liberation Army (PLA), Gen. Li Mi later on "retired" and pocketed the US financial and military assistance for an invasion against China and concentrated on the lucrative opium trade along the Burmese-Thai border.

US military advisers of the Joint US Military Advisory Group (JUSMAG) and the CIA station in Manila designed and led the bloody suppression of the nationalist Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng Bayan (HMB) which was vehemently opposed to the post-war Parity Rights amendment and the onerous military agreements with the United States. The CIA's success in crushing the peasant-based Huk rebellion in the 1950s made this operation the model for future counterinsurgency operations in Vietnam and Latin America. Colonel Lansdale and his Filipino sidekick, Col. Napoleon Valeriano were later to use their counterguerrilla experience in the Philippines for training covert operatives in Vietnam and in the US-administered School of the Americas, which trained counterguerrilla assassins for Latin America. Thus, the Philippines had become the CIA's prototype in successful covert operations and psychological warfare.

After his stint in the Philippines using propaganda, psywar and deception against the Huk movement, Lansdale was then assigned in Vietnam to wage military, political and psychological warfare. It was Lansdale's view that the tactics that he used to solve the problem in the Philippines were applicable to Vietnam. He was wrong. In 1975, after two decades of protracted warfare, the Vietnamese people defeated the strongest superpower on earth.

The CIA's actions and activities in its Manila station have never been limited to information gathering. Information gathering is but a part of an offensive strategy to attack, neutralize and undermine any organization, institution, personality or activity they consider a danger to the stability and power of the United States. The late Senator Claro M. Recto was believed to have been a victim of the CIA's dirty tricks department because of his staunch crusade against the US military bases in the Philippines. It is now a well-documented fact that General Ralph B. Lovett, then the CIA station chief in Manila and the US ambassador, Admiral Raymond A. Spruance, had discussed a plan to assassinate Recto using a vial of poison. A few years later, Recto was to die mysteriously of heart attack (though he had no known heart ailment) in Rome after an appointment with two Caucasians in business suits. Before this, the CIA had made every effort to assure the defeat of Recto in the 1957 presidential election wherein the CIA manufactured and distributed defective condoms with a label that said, "Courtesy of Claro M. Recto--the People's Friend." Could it be that Recto was a victim of the CIA's covert operations, or what they call "executive action" against those perceived as dangerous enemies of the United States?

It was also during the time of Recto and the Huks that the CIA covertly sponsored the Security Training Center as a "countersubversion, counterguerrilla and psychological warfare school" on the outskirts of Manila. CIA funds concentrated on the sensitive area of "rural development" and funds were channeled to the National Movement for Free Elections' (Namfrel) community centers, the Philippine Rural Reconstruction Movement (PRRM) and a rural development project called Committee for Philippine Action in Development, Reconstruction and Education (COMPADRE) thru CIA fronts and conduits like the Catherwood Foundation and the "Committee for a Free Asia (CFA), later renamed the Asia Foundation." (Shalom, 1986).

In the late 1980s, the CIA assigned Vietnam veteran U.S. General John Singlaub to organize anti-communist vigilante groups all over the country for mass terror, particularly as part of the Philippine government's "total war policy" against people's movements. General Singlaub posed as an American "treasure hunter" and even secured all the necessary official permits for treasure hunting in the Philippines. Another operative active in the "total war" operations in the Philippines was Vietnam counterinsurgency specialist Col. James Rowe, Joint US Military Advisory Group (JUSMAG) adviser, whose cover was blown off when he was ambushed in 1989 by urban guerrillas of the New People's Army in Timog Avenue, Quezon City. Rowe was clandestinely involved in the organization of anti-communist death squads like Alsa Masa and vigilante groups patterned after "Operation Phoenix" in Vietnam which had the objective of eliminating legal and semi-legal mass activists and their political sympathizers that constituted the political infrastructure of the insurgency movement.

The CIA lost its huge telecommunications installation at Clark Air Base--the Regional Relay Station when the Philippine Senate rejected on Sept. 16, 1991, the proposed treaty for the bases' renewal. Before 1970, according to a former CIA operative, the sprawling Subic Naval Base was the site of a China operations group of the CIA and "the agency even constructed 100 expensive modern homes, a large two-story office building and a big warehouse at Subic Bay." (Smith, 1976)

There is, however, a vital covert installation that the CIA was able to retain and maintain: the "Regional Service Center" (RSC). Located along Roxas Boulevard in Manila at the Seafront Compound about a mile south from the US Embassy, the RSC fronts as a facility of the United States Information Service (USIS), formerly called the US International Communications Agency. This ultra-modern printing facility functions as a secret CIA propaganda plant. It has the ability to produce large quantities of high-quality color offset magazines, posters, leaflets and the like in at least 14 Asian languages.

During the Vietnam War, the RSC was ceaselessly involved in economic sabotage against the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) or North Vietnam. The RSC was involved in counterfeiting North Vietnamese currency which were airdropped all over the DRV to sabotage the economy and weaken the country's resistance. The CIA's Technical Services Division maintains close liaison with the RSC, which still actively operates within the Seafront Compound along Roxas Boulevard. The post-Vietnam War and later on, the post-bases era has only increased the importance of Manila as a major listening post and regional headquarters of the Agency.

A former junior case officer of the CIA, Janine Brookner, who was stationed in Manila described the capital city of the Philippines as "a wild place" for CIA operatives who spent a lot of time in bars, sex shows and brothels. This was because, according to her, the standard CIA procedure for recruiting targets was to "get him drunk, get him laid, and then get him on the Agency's dole." Brookner was an attractive but determined blonde who claimed to have developed assets in both the government and the Communist Party during her assignment to the Philippines. Brookner was also a very productive recruiter who, as a handler of important assets and as a CIA case officer, claims to be able to make her targets confess everything. "You take care of them," Brookner recalls, "and they tell you their fears and nightmares...I'm good at people depending on me." In fact, her targets, especially high-ranking Philippine government officials, often propositioned her. (Starobin, 1997)

Cultural Fronts

The CIA has long utilized in the Philippines sophisticated or subtle means for clandestine propaganda, such as the manipulation of trade unions and cultural organizations, rather than heavy-handed activities such as paramilitary operations, political assassinations and coups as they had done extensively in Africa, Latin America and Vietnam. During my interview in 1996 with Ralph McGehee, a former CIA agent, and other former CIA operatives assigned to the Manila station, I was told that the CIA had many unheralded successes in the Philippines such as the manipulation of the trade union movement through the Asian-American Free Labor Institute (AAFLI) and through funds which were channeled thru the USAID, Asia Foundation and National Endowment for Democracy.

In a recent article in the Journal of Contemporary Asia, American sociologist James Petras describes how progressive non-government organizations can be neutralized, if not coopted, thru US government, big business-backed funding agencies or CIA fronts and conduits masquerading as foundations. The purpose, according to Petras, is "to mystify and deflect discontent away from direct attacks on the corporate/banking power structure and profits toward local micro-projects ...that avoids class analysis of imperialism and capitalist exploitation." Neo-liberalism today, according to Petras, encourages NGOs to "emphasize projects, not movements; they 'mobilize' people to produce at the margins, not to struggle to control the means of production and wealth; they focus on the technical financial aspects of projects not on structural conditions that shape the everyday lives of people." While using the language of the Left such as "people empowerment," "gender equality," "sustainable development" etc., these NGOs funded by USAID, the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), Asia Foundation, etc. have become linked to a framework of collaboration with donors and even with government agencies with whom they have partnerships that subordinate activity to nonconfrontational politics, rather than militant mass mobilization. (Petras, 1999)

It must be emphasized that the US places high premium on the ideological legitimation of its continuing neo-colonial domination over the Philipines and, as such, depends heavily on US-financed and US-sponsored institutions, especially on the ideological front. Thus, grants are generously poured in by such agencies like USAID, NED, Asia Foundation and the big business-sponsored Ford Foundation. The objective is to constantly lure and lull the masses into the elite-dominated electoral process, thus legitimizing the neo-liberal economic system and its political apparatus, producing a fragile social peace and a "peaceful" mechanism for competition among the Filipino elite and oligarchy. In his book on French colonialism in Algeria titled, The Wretched of the Earth, Frantz Fanon wrote:

"Colonialism is not satisfied merely with holding a people in itsgrip, and emptying the native's brain of all form and content.By a kind of perverted logic, it turns to the past of the people, and distorts, disfigures and destroys it."

One of the most critical moments of the CIA station in Manila was the immediate post-Marcos years when they tried to dissociate US links with the Marcoses and politically influence the contours of the post-Marcos era. Financial, technical and political support for the pro-US "agents of influence" assured the dominance of pro-US local elites and institutions as a counterweight to the progressive anti-imperialist, anti-Marcos forces that threatened to define and restructure the architecture of the post-Marcos neo-colonial regime.

USAID was directed to grant the Trade Union Congress of the Philippines (TUCP) with a generous financing so it could formulate a position paper on an economic program anchored on "the partnership between labor and capital." USAID even temporarily set up an agrarian reform office, working closely at TUCP offices. Political analysts of the CIA and USAID wanted to design an agrarian reform program that would not disrupt the agro-export sector and one which could be synchronized with the counterinsurgency program and defuse peasant unrest. The CIA and US military advisers also wanted a deeper role in the design and command of counterinsurgency. These funds were supplemented by the so-called "democracy promotion" initiatives of the NED which poured in heavy funding for TUCP, Namfrel, the Women's Movement for the Nurturing of Democracy (KABATID) and the Philippine Chamber of Commerce and Industry (PCCI). The NED gave a total of $9 million from 1984-1990 to these institutions and organizations.

Following the ouster of Marcos, the US set about to transform the "new" Armed Forces of the Philippines into an effective counterinsurgency force that would integrate military, political, economic and social initiatives, including broad "civic action" campaigns, psychological operations, military aid and training. It was a massive comeback of the low-intensity conflict years of the Magsaysay-Lansdale era! Between 1987-1990, Washington reportedly authorized stepped-up clandestine CIA operations against the Left in the Philippines, including a $10 million allocation to the AFP for enhanced intelligence-gathering operations. There was also an increase in the number of CIA personnel, from 115 to 127, mostly attached as "diplomats" to the US embassy in Manila. (Oltman and Bernstein, 1992)

In general, US military and economic aid are used quite effectively and they remain key elements of US policy in the Philippines. The CIA station handles political aid and political matters. This means, according to the CIA's Intelligence Memorandum on the 1965 Philippine presidential elections for instance, assuring that the victorious national candidates who are acceptable to the US should be "western-oriented and pledge to continue close and equitable relations with the US and the West on matters of mutual interest." (Bonner, 1987) The CIA station also conducts widespread covert operations, among them: stage-managed national elections to assure preferred US outcome; payoffs to government officials under the guise of grants; financing for favored business and civic groups and pro-US propaganda campaigns among the population; the supply of intelligence information on activists and dissidents to the Armed Forces of the Philippines and so on. (Robinson, 1996)

Among the most prominent CIA fronts in Manila is the Asia Foundation with offices at Magallanes Village, Makati. According to a former US State Department bureaucrat William Blum in a recent book, the "Asia Foundation is the principal CIA front" and funding conduit in Asia. The Asia Foundation funds and supports known anti-communist groups or influential personalities, i.e. academics, journalists, local officials, etc. and institutions. (Blum, 1999) According to the former executive assistant to the CIA's Deputy Director for Operations Victor Marchetti in his book, The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence, the Asia Foundation had the objective "to disseminate throughout Asia a negative vision of Mainland China, North Vietnam, and North Korea." (Marchetti and Marks, 1980 edition). New York Times investigative journalist Raymond Bonner has also identified the Asia Foundation as "a CIA creation" and "front" in one of his books, Waltzing with a Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy (1987). My interviews with former CIA operatives in the Philippines in 1996 confirm the active use of this foundation for the "Agency."

But the most credible and authoritative source that I have come across identifying the Asia Foundation as a CIA front and conduit is Marchetti's book where the CIA-Asia Foundation link is defined in no uncertain terms:

"Another organization heavily subsidized by the CIA was the Asia Foundation. Established by the agency (CIA) in 1956, with a carefully chosen board of directors, the foundation was designed to promote academic and private interest in the East. It sponsored scholarly research, supported conferences and symposia, and ran academic exchange programs, a CIA subsidy that reached $88 million dollars a year. While most of the foundation's activities were legitimate, the CIA also used it...to recruit foreign agents and new officers. Although the foundation often served as a cover for clandestine operations, its main purpose was to promote the spread of ideas which were anti-communist and pro-American--sometimes subtly and stridently...Designed--and justified at budget time--as an overseas propaganda operation, the Asia Foundation also was regularly guilty of propagandizing the American people with agency views on Asia. The Agency's connection with the Asia Foundation came to light just after the 1967 exposure of CIA subsidies to the (American) National Student Association. The foundation clearly was one of the organizations that the CIA was banned from financing and, under the recommendations of the Katzenbach committee, the decision was made to end CIA funding. A complete cut-off after 1967, however, would have forced the foundation to shut down, so the agency made it the beneficiary of a large 'severance payment' in order to give it a couple of years to develop alternative sources of funding. Assuming the CIA has not resumed covert funding, the Asia Foundation has apparently made itself self-sufficient now.... during the 1960s, the CIA developed proprietary companies for use in propaganda operations. These proprietaries are more compact proprietaries and more covert than the now exposed fronts like Asia Foundation and Radio Free Europe." (Marchetti and Marks, pp.157-158)

The CIA-linked Asia Foundation has long been active in the Philippines. It has generously funded academic seminars, researches, study tours, and conferences in most of the leading Philippine universities, most especially among many colleagues and programs at the University of the Philippines (UP).

You name it, they have their fingers stuck into it! Many nongovernment organizations, journalists, local governments and civic organizations have had their projects funded by Asia Foundation. This is what makes it strategic and well-placed, thus naturally, a matter of great concern and alarm to friends and colleagues in both the academe and the NGO sector who may be very upset by this information on the origins and CIA links of the Asia Foundation. But I did not invent this issue about the CIA-created Asia Foundation. I merely documented the previous testimonies from mostly open sources. It is part of the CIA's history in this country, which I have documented from the accounts of former CIA agents and operatives. Many recipients of Asia Foundation grants as well as the Filipino staff of the Asia Foundation in Manila may not even be aware of its notorious history. But now we know a little better.

It is important to note that in 1961, the chief of the CIA's Covert Action Staff wrote that books were "the most important weapon of strategic propaganda." Tens of thousands of books have been produced, subsidized or sponsored by the CIA and its conduits such as the Asia Foundation in support of US foreign and military policy.

Project Echelon

Together with the National Security Agency, the CIA also maintains "Project Echelon," the most sophisticated and the most technologically advanced eavesdropping system that has ever been devised. Through a relay system of satellites and spook stations in Australia, New Zealand, United Kingdom, Canada and United States, the US intelligence system is able to intercept all telephone, fax, e-mail, Internet and cellphone transmissions worldwide. Its nerve center is located at Fort Meade in Maryland where the NSA maintains its headquarters. This has grave implications for both our public and private security.

The National Security Agency (NSA) of the United States has developed a global surveillance system, Echelon, which is a powerful electronic net operated by super-computers that intercept, monitor and process all phone, fax, e-mail and modem signals. The European Parliament in a 1998 report entitled, "An Appraisal of Technologies of Political Control" has listed serious concerns and has recommended an intensive investigation of US-NSA operations. The NSA Echelon system provides awesome potential for abuse against civilian targets and governments worldwide, even against allies of the United States.

It can be recalled that under the 1999 Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), the coverage for special privileges and criminal immunity includes not only US armed forces personnel but also "civilian personnel who are employed by the US armed forces and who are accompanying the US armed forces." These US "civilians" include technicians of the secretive US National Security Agency which, during the existence of the US bases here, operated the spy communications facilities at Clark, Subic and Camp John Hay, among others. (Simbulan, 1985) All private citizens' and government communications are intercepted and monitored by the Echelon System.

According to Nicky Hager's book, Secret Power (1986) which deals with the international electronic spy network, the US has not only been using its NSA Echelon system to collect political, military and economic intelligence against its enemies, but it also targets its own allies. According to Hager:

"...there is extensive interception of the ASEAN countries, including the Philippines....ASEAN meetings receive special attention with both public and private communications of these countries being intercepted to reveal the topics discussed, positions being taken and policy being considered."

Through the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), the US plans to fully restore its Echelon system in the Philippines which was greatly interrupted by the pullout of US military facilities and bases in 1992. The CIA heavily relies on the Echelon Project for its technologically advanced Signal Intelligence or SIGNIT, which is managed by the US National Security Agency (NSA).

Conclusion

Every CIA station is virtually an infrastructure for political, military, cultural and even economic intervention. In the Philippines, the CIA has not only functioned as a listening post but has been actively used to engage in covert operations, sabotage and political intervention to undermine Philippine sovereignty and self-determined national policies. Former CIA operatives in the Philippines confirm the use of official "diplomatic covers," especially in the political section of the US Embassy where they are given secure communications, protected files and diplomatic immunity. They have also used "non-official covers," disguised as businessmen in US firms. Covers under the guise of US naval or air force personnel are now minimal after the US bases and military facilities in the Philipines were dismantled. But as we can now see, the CIA has long been operating with virtual impunity and has always gotten away with its deep involvement in Philippine domestic affairs. Shall we allow this continued intervention in Philippine political and economic life?

Bibliography

Books

Blum, William. Killing Hope: U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II. Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press,1995.

Hager, Nicky. Secret Power. New Zealand: Craig Porton Publishing, 1996.

McGehee, Ralph. Deadly Deceits: My 25 years in the CIA. New York: Sheridan Square Publications, 1983.

Reyes, Narciso G. Memories of Diplomacy:A Life in the Philippine Foreign Service. Pasig City: Anvil Publishing Inc.,1995.

Richelson, Jeffrey T. The US Intelligence Community. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1999.

Robinson, William I. Promoting Polyarchy: Globalization, US Intervention and Hegemony. Great Britain: Cambridge University Press, 1996.

Shalom, Stephen. The United States and the Philippines: A Study of Neo-colonialism. Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1986.

Simbulan, Roland. The Bases of Our Insecurity: A Study of the US Military Bases in the Philippines. Quezon City: Balai Foundation, 1983.

Smith, Joseph Burkholder. Portrait of a Cold Warrior. Toronto: Longman Canada, Ltd., 1976.

Articles

Petras ,James. "NGOs in the Service of Imperialism," Journal of Contemporary Asia. Vol. 29, No. 4 (1999).

Oltman J. and Bernstein, R. "Counter-insurgency in the Philippines," Covert Action Information Bulletin. No. 4, 1992, pp. 18-21

Starobin, Paul. "Agent Provocateur," George Magazine. Oct. 1997, pp.86-91.

Interviews

Ralph McGehee, former CIA operative assigned to the Philippines, Vietnam and Thailand; Herndon, Virginia, April-May 1996.

Interviews with former CIA operatives in the Philippines at McLean and Herndon,Virginia, April-May 1996.

Highly Recommended Websites:

CIABASE (use alltheweb.com or dogpile.com as search engines)

http://www.fas.org/sgp/index.html

http://www.pir.org (click Freedom of Information Act documents)

http://www.boondocksnet.com (click U.S. as a World Power)

http://www.Heavens-above.com (for U.S. spy satellites)

http://www.dtic.mil/defenselink/ (U.S. Department of Defense)

http://www.Nuclear Files.org (FOIA documents on nuclear issues)

http://www.odci.gov (the CIA's World Factbook)

http://www.bullatomsci.org

[whatisonthemoon]

'School Of The Americas' School For Training Assassins

Watch on YouTube: https://youtu.be/qtKHiqaQwN4

Related sites and notes below

Moonies offered to pay leaders of the Contras The Reinvention of the Latin American Right VOC, CAUSA & Moonie Anti-Communism in Central America in Bo Hi Pak’s Own Words On Albert Fujimori, Peru, and Puerto Rico: On Sterilization as a Tool of [Anti-Communist] Fascism and Neo-Colonialism John K. Singlaub, WACL Death Squad Leader, Dies at 100 CIA Used Sun Myung Moon and the Anti-Communist League as Proxy Forces to Liquidate Communists

The Magnificast podcast talks about the political Left and Christianity. Here’s their newest episode:

This week we’re back to talk through another of Tricontinental’s dossiers. This time we’re talking about fundamentalism and evangelicalism and how those theologies are connected to imperialism in Latin America. Read the dossier here: https://thetricontinental.org/dossier-59-religious-fundamentalism-and-imperialism-in-latin-america/

Bo Hi Pak - Did you join the Unification Church in February 1957 or February 1958?

In this text it is written that he received training at the U.S. Army Infantry School at Fort Benning, Georgia, future home of the School of the Americas, from 1956 to 1957. He also writes that soon after returning to Korea, in September 1957, he was invited into the staff of Maj. Gen. Willis S. Matthews, chief of the Korea Military Advisory Group. According to Pak, from September ‘57 to ‘59, he worked as the Special Assistant to Chief of U.S. Military Advisory Group in Seoul.   Though this mismatched timeline may seem like an innocent mistake, 1957-1958 was a huge year of development and growth for the Unification Church, and a pivotal time for Pak. If he had in fact joined the Unification Church in February 1957, a date he has often cited, including in court, he would have already been a member of the Unification Church by the time he was invited to work for KMAG. 

A glimpse into Bo Hi Pak’s military career

On Moon’s Political Network and their Deep Connections to Global Terrorism

[whatisonthemoon]

Death Squads in the Philippines by Doug Cunningham

From CovertAction Information Bulletin Number 29

All bolded text below is emphasis added by WIOTM

Since the arrival of vigilante squads in Manila last year, the movement has spread throughout the Philippines. From the remnants of a gang formed by a corrupt local politician and a few fanatical religious sects that were part of the Marcos counterinsurgency program, the vigilantes have become a well-coordinated national movement of more than 70 groups comprising tens of thousands of members.

Vigilantes are purportedly civilians who fight against the "communists." In practice, "communists" can be anything from the New People's Army (NPA) to labor unions, Basic Christian Communities, or Bishop Antonio Fortich, a liberal Catholic bishop who was the target of a vigilante grenade attack last April. Some of these groups are "unarmed," meaning they have no weapons at all or they use bolo knives or other homemade weapons. Most of the groups are heavily armed with M-16's and other automatic weapons supplied by the Philippine military.

It is significant to note that there are many similarities between the various vigilante groups. One is the way the groups are formed. A military officer (Major Bermudez for the towns in South Cotabato province) conducted an all-day seminar in which he argued that the main problem in the Philippines was "communism," a problem which the military alone could not combat. The attendance of all city and neighborhood officials was required, and at the end of the seminar, the officials were encouraged to set up "Rondas" or all-night patrols, requiring barrio residents to participate one night a week.

In barrios where the NPA has established a stronghold, the purpose of the vigilante group is to expel or kill anyone who is a member, a suspected member, or a suspected supporter of the NPA. In barrios where the NPA is not present, the vigilantes target labor unions, farmers' organizations, or Basic Christian Communities. Other targets include those who refuse to join the vigilante groups. A wealthy fisherman who refused their offer found the words "You are just one bullet" (away from death) painted on his front gate. Less socially prominent resisters have been dealt with more harshly.

There is ample evidence to show that the Philippine military plays a significant role in organizing, supplying, and training vigilante groups. Col. Franco Calida, the Commander of the Davao City metropolitan district police, has admitted that the military supports Alsa Masa (Rising Masses), the largest armed vigilante group. Another notorious vigilante squad organizer is U. Coi. Jun Alcover, who has ties to many far-right groups in the Philippines.

Evidence also points to other supporters. The first national conference of vigilante groups, held last February to form the National Coalition Against Communism, was hosted in the Manila office of the AFL-CIO-affiliated Trade Union Congress of the Philippines (TUCP). The second national gathering, held in March, was hosted by CAUSA International. The CAUSA gathering brought a wide spectrum of leaders from business, academia, the media, and the military together to hear Jun Pala, a Davao City radio commentator who has become well-known as the "Voice of the Alsa Masa," declare that "Communists are believers of Satan, and between God and devil, we must not compromise." At the end of the conference, new CAUSA chapters were formed for nine regions of the Philippines, and organizers were given free manuals, slides, and tapes.

There is also speculation that the CIA is involved in organizing the vigilantes. In March 1987, Newsweek and the San Francisco Examiner reported that President Reagan had approved $10 million and a dozen new agents for stepped-up CIA covert operations in the Philippines. The Examiner reported that the new authorization "opens the door for the use of CIA field advisers and is general enough to allow for the implementation of political 'dirty tricks.' " The increased funding came at a time when the vigilantes were rapidly developing into a national movement and needed funding and support. As one U.S. official remarked about CIA complicity in the murders by Salvadoran death squads, "The CIA didn't care what was going on so long as they were killing communists."

A Canadian documentary film, which will air this spring, provides an interesting piece of supporting evidence. The film crew walked into the recording studio of Jun Pala, with their cameras rolling, and discovered an American meeting with the vigilante leader. The American identified himself as a development worker, but later Jun Pala, with the audio still on, said the American was really a CIA agent.

Many vigilante groups have been organized in support of the U.S. military bases in the Philippines. A U.S. fact-finding mission headed by former Attorney General Ramsey Clark found evidence that ex-CIA operative and former World Anti-Communist League (WACL) chairman John Singlaub helped organize vigilante groups in both Angeles City, the home of Clark Air Force Base, and Olongapo, the site of the Subic Bay Naval Station. It is also interesting to note that support of the U.S. bases has come from vigilante groups in the southern Philippines, a region that has in the past displayed little concern for the bases. Yet members of the Alsa Masa in Mindanao have carried placards that say "We Need U.S. Bases." Members of the Koronadal Movement of Unity and Tranquility (KOMUT), in a remote area of South Cotabato province, created a banner in which there is a symbol deifying the U.S. and the military bases.

President Aquino, at first being careful to endorse only the "unarmed" groups, finally gave her endorsement even to the Alsa Masa, when she attended a carefully arranged meeting of Alsa Masa supporters in Davao City in October 1987. She was heavily criticized for this endorsement by the National Movement to Disband Vigilantes and the Philippine Alliance for Human Rights Advocates, and was forced to retract slightly, but she is clearly under heavy pressure to go along with vigilantism.

In Washington, State Department representatives have downplayed vigilante human rights violations. Secretary of State George Shultz remarked in a New York Times article, "they (the vigilante squads) are being organized within the framework of Government authority... and President Aquino has supported that approach and we support what she is standing for."

As the vigilante groups become more and more accepted by official Manila and Washington policy, one begins to see the role they play in the overall counterinsurgency strategy. As Philippine Defense Minister Rafael Ileto said in an interview in June, "Alsa Masa is not part of the military-so we're not accountable for them.'' But as the tie between government and vigilante grows closer, not many will be fooled by Ileto's logic.

The vigilante movement, along with U.S. intervention, has escalated counterinsurgency to a new level, once again pushing the Philippines to the brink of civil war.

[whatisonthemoon]

Chun Doo-hwan’s Pushed WACL?

Chun’s visit to Reagan is said to have followed a period of intense involvement in Latin American WACL intrigue by CAUSA, the political arm of the South Korean Unification Church. The links between Moon’s church and the South Korean Central Intelligence Agency are so overt that a decade ago they provoked a U.S. Senate investigation. CAUSA officials are reported to have offered $4 million for the García Meza Bolivian coup of July 17, 1980; and one of them is said to have worked directly with Klaus Barbie in organizing the coup. When Congress ordered a cutoff of military aid to the contras in 1984, CAUSA worked with Refugee Relief International, a creation of Singlaub and of WACL, to ferry nonmilitary supplies to the same contra camps. An informed observer said that “the ‘big three’ countries that were expected to aid the contras [militarily] were Israel, South Korea, and Taiwan”. Robert Owen, said to have served with Singlaub as a cut-out contact between the National Security Council and the contras, is a former registered lobbyist for South Korea.

Quoted from Contragate: Reagan, Foreign Money, and the Contra Deal by Peter Dale Scott

*It was during this visit that Moonies counter-protested all those Korean-American, human rights, and socialist organizations that protested Chun’s visit to the US, and were known to have gotten physical, even starting brawls

[whatisonthemoon]

Private Groups Step Up Aid to 'Contras' (1985)

By Peter H. Stone The Washington Post Joanne Omang contributed to this report May 3, 1985

Whether President Reagan ever wins congressional approval of funds for rebels fighting Nicaragua's leftist Sandinista government, a private-sector campaign involving well-known conservatives is intensifying its efforts to keep the insurgents well-supplied.

The rebels continue to claim that they are well-funded, though it is impossible to establish precisely where the money is coming from. The two most prominent and active support groups identified so far are the World Anti-Communist League (WACL) and its U.S. chapter, the United States Council for World Freedom (USCWF). The head of both organizations is retired Army major general John K. Singlaub, who was ousted as chief of staff of U.S. forces in South Korea in 1977 when he publicly criticized President Jimmy Carter.

Singlaub apparently is an informal link among several other organizations raising money and political support for the "contra" rebels, whom they call "freedom fighters." The boards, donors and membership lists of these groups overlap, often reading like a "Who's Who" of the right. They say that in the wake of congressional refusal to provide U.S. aid to the rebels, it is up to private citizens to show U.S. support for democratic efforts worldwide.

Adolfo Calero, political chief of the Nicaraguan Democratic Force, the largest rebel group, said in an interview that "a substantial part" of his arms funds have come through Singlaub. He said his cash flow has improved recently, and estimated his total receipts at "close to $10 million," of which 40 percent is arms and the rest nonlethal help.

Many organizations send humanitarian aid to refugees in the area and try to avoid supplying any of the various armed groups. The Connecticut-based Americares Foundation, for example, dispatched $14 million in medical aid last year, mostly to El Salvador, and plans $20 million this year, distributed through Knights of Malta groups regionwide. About $3 million of that has gone to refugees in Honduras, where many of the families of Nicaraguan contras are living.

The president of the Americares Foundation, Robert C. Macauley, acknowledged that there is no way to guarantee that recipients are apolitical. Other aid donors, such as Singlaub, openly are helping the "contras" fight the Sandinistas.

In a recent interview, Singlaub said that he has raised almost $2 million outside the United States for arms for the Nicaraguan rebels, primarily through the World Anti-Communist League. (U.S. law bans fund raising inside U.S. borders for weapons to be sent overseas.) He and Calero said they were seeking military and financial help from WACL chapters in South America, noting that the chapters in Brazil and Argentina are large and active.

The humanitarian side of Singlaub's drive -- collecting medicine, food, clothing and other nonlethal aid -- has focused on domestic donors. This effort, he said, "has the support of the White House, the Pentagon and the Department of State."

Singlaub works actively for the Nicaraguan rebels' cause. Six weeks ago he was at a contra training camp with Calero offering advice and encouragement and promising to do more fund-raising. Within days, the general was seeking donations at a Palm Springs meeting of the conservative, 400-member Council for National Policy, made up of business, religious and political leaders, of which he is a board member.

Singlaub also is a board member of Western Goals, a conservative educational group founded by the late Rep. Larry McDonald (D-Ga.), and is on the advisory board of Refugee Relief International, an organization that has aided Salvadoran refugees that was established by editors of Soldier of Fortune magazine, a journal specializing in stories about mercenaries. Singlaub has said he has helped raise funds for Friends of the Americas, a Louisiana-based group chaired by Louisiana state Rep. Woody Jenkins, a conservative Democrat.

Jenkins said in an interview that his group has sent $1.5 million in medical aid to refugee groups in Honduras, including some Miskito Indians. His wife, Diane, a group director, said the aid includes 25,000 "shoeboxes" from private donors.

"They're like little CARE packages with a pound of beef, rice, soap, vitamins, candles and salt," she said, and sometimes include fishing lines, hooks and a mirror or photographs of the donors. She said they are worth $25 to $30 each.

Imposition of U.S. economic sanctions against Nicaragua, announced Wednesday by President Reagan, will lead to "thousands of people fleeing out of Nicaragua, and we hope to increase our efforts," especially on the Pacific Coast near the Nicaraguan border, Jenkins said.

Singlaub said the U.S. drive by USCWF and its allies is bringing in just under $500,000 a month, one third to one half of it from a group of wealthy Texas conservatives. They include Bert Hurlbut, president of First Texas Royalty and Exploration Co., prominent conservative donor Ellen St. John Garwood and Mr. and Mrs. John Howell of Howell Instruments. All confirmed that they had made donations.

Singlaub set up the U.S. Council for World Freedom in Phoenix, Ariz., in late 1981 with a loan of about $20,000 from Taiwan, according to retired Air Force lieutenant colonel Albert Koen, who was USCWF treasurer until May 1984. Koen said conservative Colorado businessman Joseph Coors was one of the group's few early backers and remains a staunch supporter.

The USCWF board includes several prominent conservatives: Retired lieutenant general Daniel O. Graham of High Frontier, the "Star Wars" lobby, as vice chairman; Anna Chennault, president of Transportation and Communications (TAC) International; John Fisher of the American Security Council; former U.S. representative John LeBoutillier (R-N.Y.), and Sammy Y. Jung, a Korean business consultant.

Hurlbut, who sits on the advisory board of the USCWF, said he heard about Singlaub through High Frontier while helping it raise funds. Since he joined in 1982, "the general and I have been working the fund-raising side of the street," Hurlbut said. He has traveled around the world with Singlaub and said the general is "treated like royalty by resistance forces everywhere."

Hurlbut has been heading the private drive in Texas with Singlaub. He said he and Mrs. Garwood have contributed more than $100,000, but emphasized that the money is used for medicine, food and clothing for the contras, their families and refugees.

"None of the funds from this country go for hardware. We've solicited funds elsewhere for that. The entire WACL board is trying to help out with arms," Hurlbut said.

The WACL chapter in France "has been very good in helping out" and the one in Britain "has been getting more involved," he said, referring to arms purchases. Chapters in Taiwan, South Korea and Saudi Arabia are among the most active and generous, each contributing more than $100,000 a year for WACL general operating purposes and more for emergencies or special projects, Hurlbut said. His statements could not be independently confirmed.

The World Anti-Communist League was formed in Taiwan in 1967 as an outgrowth of the Asian Peoples Anti-Communist League, a regional alliance against communism launched at the behest of Chiang Kai-shek after the Korean war. WACL board member and honorary chairman Dr. Ku Cheng-kang, head of the Taiwan chapter, has been a high level member of the ruling Nationalist Party in Taiwan for almost 50 years.

Hurlbut maintained that the Taiwan and South Korea chapters are sending $50,000 per month each to the contras. But Singlaub said that was "wishful thinking" and that Hurlbut was not in a position to know the figures.

Some WACL chapters have close ties to the Unification Church of the Rev. Sun Myung Moon. The Japanese chapter of WACL was founded in the late 1960s by Ryoichi Sasakawa, a wealthy conservative businessman who now heads the Japanese Shipbuilding Industry Foundation. He was jailed as a war criminal after World War II and subsequently helped start the Unification Church in Japan.

An arm of the Unification Church called Causa has run media seminars around Latin America for several years in the "cause" of anti-communism. Its director, retired general E. David Woellner, said the group has "set up our own channels of shipment and programs" to aid refugee groups in Honduras with food, clothing, toys, blankets and canvas for tents. He said the estimated $1 million in aid the group has sent since mid-1984 included a field kitchen, and that former U.S. ambassador John Negroponte had provided "cooperation."

"This program has been coordinated by the Honduran president's wife, the ambassador's wife and my wife," Woellner said. Former U.S. ambassador to Honduras Philip Sanchez is now head of Causa's U.S. branch, and its board of directors includes Daniel Graham of High Frontier and Lloyd Bucher, commander of the USS Pueblo when it was captured by North Korea.

WACL's most visible annual activities have been its conventions and its World Freedom Day rallies. Since the early 1970s, WACL conventions in Europe, Latin America and Asia have drawn delegates from 100 member countries and international groups. Recently they have included representatives from the anti-Castro Cuban terrorist group Alpha 66 and the far right Italian political party Italian Social Movement. The Italian terrorist group Ordine Novo, Croatian terrorist organizations and the Argentine AAA death squads also were represented, according to freelance writer Henrik Kruger, author of the book "The Great Heroin Coup."

Calero mentioned that he attended the WACL convention last September in San Diego and discussed contra needs with two WACL board members: Ku and Belgian Sen. Robert Close, a retired general who heads the European branch. "They said they were going to help and my understanding is that they have come through," Calero said.

Hurlbut said some USCWF board members have helped in innovative ways. Sammy Jung, the Korean consultant to American, Korean and Taiwanese firms, has obtained a large quantity of clothing for the contras at reduced rates. Hurlbut said he is trying to get a wealthy clothing manufacturer in Taiwan to provide similarly inexpensive clothing for the rebels, and said he has approached the Mormon church about providing seed packages in large quantities.

In the past month, Singlaub has made fund-raising trips to Fort Worth and Palm Springs, Fla., where he said he obtained about $100,000 in commitments from fellow members of the Council for National Policy. The 400 or so members of this group, headed until recently by Woody Jenkins, are religious, business and political conservatives including oil magnate Nelson Bunker Hunt, Christian Broadcasting Network chief Pat Robertson, singer Pat Boone and Robert J. Perry of Perry Homes.

An aide to Hunt confirmed that he has donated funds to aid Miskito Indians; Hurlbut said Perry was a contributor to refugee aid, but Perry could not be reached.

Much of Singlaub's 35-year military career involved classified programs and covert operations, starting with the Office of Strategic Services in World War II and then as a CIA station chief in Mukden, China. He was deputy CIA station chief in South Korea during the war there, and during the Vietnam war he ran a classified covert operation from 1966 to 1968 known as the Studies and Observation Group, or SOG. Using about 10,000 men, SOG ran secret raids, sabotage and psychological operations in North Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos.

His deputy during that program was Brig. Gen. Harry C. Aderholt, who now runs the Florida-based Air Commando Association that transports donated medical and other supplies to refugees, primarily in El Salvador.

Another transport organization, the Civilian Military Assistance Group, headed by Tom Posey and based in Alabama, claims more than 1,000 members nationwide and has sent several volunteer teams to fight with the contras. Two of its men were killed Sept. 1 when their helicopter was shot down over Nicaragua.

Last year, Singlaub headed a panel for Fred C. Ikle, the undersecretary of defense for policy, which recommended the use of more unconventional warfare tactics in Central America. Also last year, Singlaub set up a private center in Boulder, Colo., called the Institute for Regional and International Studies. He said it will "recruit people" with intelligence-gathering and psychological operations skills to train the Salvador police and perhaps the Nicaraguan rebels.

Singlaub is now planning this year's USCWF conference in Dallas this September. The final night's schedule is set: it will be a "Freedom Fighters Ball and Banquet" to support the contras.

[whatisonthemoon]

John K. Singlaub, WACL Death Squad Leader, Dies at 100

A decorated hero in WWII, John K. Singlaub ran death squad operations in North Korea, Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia in the Cold War, and was fired by Jimmy Carter for challenging civilian authority over the military. From 1966 to 1968, John Singlaub led secret CIA kill-and-capture missions into North Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos, the latter in violation of the 1962 Geneva Accords mandating Laos neutrality. Singlaub and his associates represent the very epitome of organized crime, but on an international scale. They deal wholesale in narcotic drugs, illegal weapons, and violence. They do not hesitate to murder and destroy anyone or anything that gets in their way. By any definition these merchants of heroin and terrorism are organized criminals on a scale larger than life. Following the disclosure of the Iran-Contra scandal, Singlaub acknowledged to Congressional investigators in the summer 1987 that, through his position with the World Anti-Communist League, he had worked to support anti-communist resistance fighters in five countries in addition to Nicaragua. A former president of the Anti-Communist League, Singlaub was closely allied to the Rev. Sun Myung Moon organization, the Korean CIA and elements of South Africa’s security forces, as well as with reputed Guatemalan and Salvadoran death squad leaders, including Roberto D’Aubuisson. https://covertactionmagazine.com/2022/02/09/cia-bad-boy-john-k-singlaub-virtual-director-of-contra-war-dies-at-100/