#dwight mullen

[cinader]

L&BH Radio, Wed. Aug 16, on WPVMfm.org

Tony Robles' interview of Dr. Dwight Mullen about his role in reparations negotiations, and several books about the case for reparations, is part of a montage of spoken word curated by Martha Cinader.

Talking Reparations Listen & Be Heard airs on Wednesday afternoons from 3-5pm, EST, hosted live by Martha Cinader from WPVMfm 103.7fm in Asheville, NC and at WPVMfm.org to the world. Tony Robles’ interview of Dr. Dwight Mullen about his role in reparations negotiations, and several books about the case for reparations, is part of a montage of spoken word curated by Martha Cinader. Dr. Dwight…

[digzmania]

Karen and I at the FZN Class of 1989, 30 Year Reunion. https://www.instagram.com/p/B2dNY_vjyYz/?igshid=8zpipr4uczch

[casbooks]

Book Review: Under the Big Black Sun

I grew up constantly bouncing between the San Fernando Valley and Orange County in SoCal during the 80s and 90s at a time when punk, post punk, and new wave were deeply entrenched in the landscape thanks to the efforts of DJ Rodney Bingenheimer and KROQ. It was a time of change, with Alternative and Grunge coming onto the scene with Nirvana and Sonic Youth, but at the same time bands like X were held in a state of godlike reference. 

This was before the internet, before spotify, before even cds! I would bum rides from anyone and everyone to go to all ages shows, even managing to convince a friends older brother to take us all the way up to Gilman st in the bay area!

But the thing is... there was another story ... a story about the scene before my experiences... the scene in the late 70s and early 80s where anything went, where art, and music, and style all merged and began. I’d heard people talk about those days, the days of the Masque club and Brendan Mullen, and the Canterbury Apartments... I was lucky enough to go to the Hong Kong Cafe a few times when it reopened in the 90s, and I heard tales of how it USED to be and we all watched The Decline of Western Civilization (on vhs!) which had been shot there! 

I had bootlegs and tapes from bands that no longer existed, stuff from the Germs, The Screamers, and The Minutemen. I knew D.Boon was from Pedro and that he was dead, but that was all I knew... and yet I fucking LOVED their songs. 

So when I grabbed this book, I sat down to read it hoping to find an enjoyable overview of who was who and what was what. Instead what I found was a history book, an academic primary source of how the LA Punk scene was, how it began, who the major players were, and how it changed over time thanks to the influx of violent OC punks and heroin.

Instead of a single author, you have differing experiences and viewpoints from the people who were there. People like John Doe and Exene Cervenka from X, Jane Wiedlin from the Go-Gos, Pleasant Gehman, El Vez, Henry Rollins, Mike Watt, and more. 

Some chapters are better than others, Mike Watt’s is an homage to D.Boon in the most loving way, as well as a history of the scene from their San Pedro perspective. Jane Wiedlin’s chapter is probably the best written and most informative. Together with Charlotte Caffery, you get a real experience of what that time was like and how things all happened from the drugs, to the fashion, to just who was who. Jack Grisham’s chapter, in contrast is barely worth inclusion, and I’m saying that as someone who really does love a lot of T.S.O.L songs... he’s just a big piece of shit. Dave Alvin digs into Cowpunk and the Blasters experiences playing with bands like Black Flag which is really good, but I was disappointed in Henry Rollins addition to the book. I’ve heard him speak, and read his words elsewhere and expected a lot more. 

If you have any interest in the bands, the music, the scene, or in Los Angeles culture at all, you’ll love this book, hands down. It’s the only book on the topic that really captures the geographical divides that exist here, and that punk overcame. Where you had bands from Chula Vista/San Diego, San Pedro, Hollywood, the Valley, the beach cities, as well as East L.A’s unique chicano/latino contributions to early punk. 

The thing you hear over and over is how art and inclusion of all sorts of outcasts is how it began, but then it became corporate and overrun by violence and anger and exclusion. How women were a major force in the beginning, and how they became excluded and pushed out later. 

This was not my generation... I came after.... but it is because of all of these people, the music they made, the clothes and style they created, and all that they did in a fuel of alcohol and drugs that laid the foundation for what I was able to experience. This is their history, this is their story, this is what happened from their own mouths. Too many of their friends and bandmates are dead, but they lived and thanks to this book, we have their stories. 

5 out of 5 stars

===========

Title: Under the Big Black Sun

Authors: John Doe

ISBN: 9780306824098

Tags: Agent Orange (band), Alice Bag (musician), Alley Cats (band), Art, Avengers (band), Belinda Carlisle (musician), Bill Bateman, Billy Joe Armstrong (musician), Billy Zoom (musician), Black Flag (band), Black Randy and the Metro Squad(band), Blondie (Band), Bomp! Records, Brendan Mullen, Charlotte Caffey (musician), Chris Desjardins (musician), Chris Morris, Circle Jerks (band), Circus (Magazine), Claude Bessy (musician), Club 88, Crass (band), Creem (Magazine), Dangerhouse Records, Darby Crash (musician), Dead Kennedys (band), Dennes D. Boon (musician), Devo (band), DJ Bonebrake (musician), Dwight Yoakam (musician), Exene Cervenka (musician), Farrah Fawcett Minor (musician), Fear (band), Glitter Rock, Green Day (band), Greg Ginn (musician), Hal Negro and the Satin Tones (band), Hellin Killer (musician), Henry Rollins (musician), Hong Kong Cafe, Iggy Pop (musician), Jack Grisham (musician), Jane Wiedlin (musician), Jeffery Lee Pierce (Ranking Jeffery Lee) (musician), Jenny lens, Joan Jett (musician), John Belushi, John Doe (musician), K.K Barrett (musician), Kickboy Face (musician), Kid Congo Power (musician), KROQ, Lee Ving (musician), Lorna Doom (musician), Los Angeles, Los Illegals (band), Los Lobos (band), Matt Watt (musician), Max's Kansas City, Minutemen (band), Music, New York Dolls (band), Odd Squad (band), Orpheum Theater, Pat Smear (musician), Photography, Pleasant Gehman (musician), Punk Rock, Regan Youth (band), Rhino Records, Rik L Rik (musician), Roberto Lopez (El Vez) (musician), Rockabilly, Rodney Bingenheimer, Rolling Stone (Magazine), Ruby Records, Saccharine Trust (band), Self Help Graphics and Art, Sex Pistols (band), Slash (Magazine), Slash (records), SST Records, Stardust Ballroom, Stiff Records, Suburban Lawns (band), T.S.O.L (band), Teresa Covarrubias (musician), The Bags (band), The Blasters (band), The Brat (band), The Canterbury Apartments, The Clash (band), The Controllers (band), The Cramps (band), The Damned (band), The Deadbeats (band), The Dickies (band), The Dils (band), The Elks Lodge, The Eyes (band), The Flesh Eaters (band), The Germs (band), The Go-Go's (band), The Gun Club (band), The Masque, The Plugz (band), The Ramones (band), The Runaways (band), The Screamers (band), The Stains (band), The Starwood, The Stooges (band), The Subhumans (band), The Vex Club, The Weirdos (band), The Zeros (band), Tito Larriva (musician), Tom DeSavia, Tomata du Plenty (musician), Trudie Arguelles (musician), Upsetter Records, Velvet Underground (band), Whiskey A Go Go, Wilton Hilton (musician), X (band), Zero Zero Club

Subject: Books.General Non-Fiction.Music.Punk

Description: Under the Big Black Sun explores the nascent Los Angeles punk rock movement and its evolution to hardcore punk as it's never been told before. Authors John Doe and Tom DeSavia have woven together an enthralling story of the legendary West Coast scene from 1977 to 1982 by enlisting the voices of people who were there. The book shares chapter-length tales from the authors along with personal essays from famous (and infamous) players in the scene. Additional authors include: Exene Cervenka (X), Henry Rollins (Black Flag), Mike Watt (The Minutemen), Jane Wiedlin and Charlotte Caffey (The Go-Go's), Dave Alvin (The Blasters), Chris D. (Flesh Eaters), Jack Grisham (T.S.O.L.), Teresa Covarrubias (The Brat), and Robert Lopez (The Zeros, El Vez) as well as scenesters and journalists Pleasant Gehman, Kristine McKenna, and Chris Morris. Through interstitial commentary, John Doe "narrates" this journey through the land of film noir sunshine, Hollywood back alleys, and suburban sprawl - the place where he met his artistic counterparts, Exene, DJ Bonebrake, and Billy Zoom - and formed X, the band that became synonymous with and in many ways defined L.A. punk. Under the Big Black Sun shares stories of friendship and love, ambition and feuds, grandiose dreams and cultural rage, all combined with the tattered, glossy sheen of pop culture weirdness that epitomized the operations of Hollywood's underbelly. Listeners will travel to the clubs that defined the scene as well as to the street corners, empty lots, apartment complexes, and squats that served as de facto salons for the musicians, artists, and fringe players that hashed out what would become punk rock in Los Angeles. 

[kwebtv]

Lightfields  -   ITV STV UTV  -  February 27, 2013 - March 27, 2013

Drama (5 episodes)

Running Time:  60 minutes

Stars:

1944

Antonia Clarke as Lucy Felwood

Dakota Blue Richards as Eve Traverse

Leilah de Meza as Vivien Traverse

Jill Halfpenny) as Martha Felwood

Sam Hazeldine as Albert Felwood

Neil Jackson as Dwight Lawson

Danny Miller as Tom

Luke Newberry as Harry Dunn

Larry Mills as Pip Felwood

1975

Lucy Cohu as Older Vivien Mullen (née Traverse)

Karla Crome as Clare Mullen

Wayne Foskett as Older Tom

Chris Mason as Nick

2012

Michael Byrne as Older Pip Felwood

Danny Webb as Barry Felwood

Sophie Thompson as Lorna Felwood

Alexander Aze as Luke Fenner

Kris Marshall as Paul Fenner

Lynn Farleigh as Older Vivien Mullen (née Traverse)

[tkmedia]

For Popovich and USA it's gold or nothing

After their first Olympic defeat since 2004 in their opening game against France and without many of their best players, the US men's basketball team face an uphill struggle to leave Tokyo with the gold medal. Gregg Popovich knows better than anyone that nothing less will do

By Huw Hopkins Last Updated: 26/07/21 4:44pm

Kevin Durant and Gregg Popovich during the USA's opening defeat to France on Sunday The last time Gregg Popovich worked with Team USA at an Olympics was 2004. He was an assistant coach for the men’s team that won bronze, and his first foray at the Olympics as head coach might be heading towards a similar outcome. In 2004, his superstar power forward Tim Duncan for the San Antonio Spurs was a leader on the USA roster. Duncan was also one of the few top Americans to have not dropped out of representing the country after the FIBA Americas Cup, where the team had romped to an undefeated championship a year earlier. So if Team USA go out sad are we finally going to have to have a conversation that maybe it was just Tim Duncan’s greatness and not Coach Pop that made San Antonio so great for so long? 👀— Mo Mooncey (@TheHoopGenius) July 25, 2021 But without Jason Kidd, Tracy McGrady, Jermaine O’Neal, Vince Carter, Mike Bibby, Ray Allen and Elton Brand - all top players at the time in the NBA - or other elite players such as Kobe Bryant, Shaquille O’Neal, Kevin Garnett or Chauncey Billups, the USA fielded a group of young men without much professional experience and only B-grade talent.When you look back at the names that joined Team USA, it’s not a terrible list: rookies LeBron James, Dwyane Wade and Carmelo Anthony were there, as was sophomore Amar'e Stoudemire. But so too was Emeka Okafor, who hadn’t played a minute of professional basketball. They were joined by Shawn Marion, Richard Jefferson, Lamar Odom, Carlos Boozer - none of whom were ever the best guy on a good team - and a pair of dominant ball handlers in Stephon Marbury and Allen Iverson. And of course Duncan, who was arguably the best player in the NBA.Had all these players been brought in at their peak this could have been a gold medal team, but the mix of inexperience and lesser talent wasn’t enough to support the duelling superstars that represented chalk and cheese on the hardwood, Iverson and Duncan.The Dream was over

Allen Iverson and Tim Duncan at the 2004 Athens Olympics It was the worst iteration of what some were still calling the ‘Dream Team’. The moniker came from the 1992 Olympics when professional basketball players from the NBA were first allowed to suit up for their nation. The men’s USA team comprised Michael Jordan, Larry Bird, Magic Johnson, Charles Barkley, John Stockton, Karl Malone, David Robinson, Patrick Ewing, Chris Mullen, Clyde Drexler, Scottie Pippen, and, in a nod to the college athletes that previously represented the USA at the Olympics, Christian Laettner. Aside from the latter, there had never been a better collection of basketball talent put together.Vice-President of NBA Europe Ralph Rivera believes it was this moment that acted as a catalyst for the rest of the world catching up to the USA in terms of talent. “It was pivotal,” he told Sky Sports earlier this year.“I think you can trace back the big bang of the NBA to the Dream Team in 1992. Pau Gasol talked about the fact that it happened in his hometown and inspired him and a generation of kids like him to follow the players and the league. In fact, that was the impetus as well for opening the European office two years later in 1994.”The Dream Team nickname had probably worn off by 1996, but there were still top players on each incarnation, and some still used the term going into the 2004 Olympics, when the talent had taken an undeniable dip.

The 1992 USA Men's Basketball Team The NBA had also seen an influx of internationals as a result of the first Dream Team inspiring other nations to pick up the orange ball. Detlef Schrempf became the first European All-Star in 1993, and his fellow German Dirk Nowitzki had become a good player in the early 2000s. Serbia’s Peja Stojakovic as one of the NBA’s leading scorers in the mid-2000s, China's Yao Ming had become an international sensation and Tony Parker and Manu Ginobili had joined Tim Duncan and Gregg Popovich's Spurs from France and Argentina, respectively.These days, the floodgates of international NBA talent are well and truly open with around a fifth of the NBA’s roster spots being taken by players overseas.There hasn’t been an American Most Valuable Player since James Harden in 2018, and the Defensive Player of the Year Award hasn’t been presented to someone from the USA since 2017.With the likes of Luka Doncic, Giannis Antetokounmpo, Nikola Jokic, Rudy Gobert and Joel Embiid cementing their status as All-Stars, as well as leading their respective teams to top seeds - and Giannis leading his to an NBA championship - during a season when 107 NBA players were born outside of the USA, the growth and influence of overseas talent within the league is clear.Even so, several top international players are now finding they can make more money as a star in a league in their home country rather than accepting a similar amount to play limited minutes in the NBA.Simply put, the USA needs its best players to turn up year after year if they want to compete for gold.Get worse before you get better

Stephon Marbury and Allen Iverson are awarded their bronze medals in Athens It almost seems like the USA needs to lose an Olympics before the country reworks its international programme. After missing out on a gold medal in 1988, then NBA Commissioner David Stern worked closely with USA Basketball and the Olympic Committee to bring in professionals. It took three Summer Games of succeeding before gold eluded them again in 2004.Many complained that the players had stopped taking it seriously when Tim Duncan’s team settled for bronze, as there was a mentality for some to rock up one year before the Olympics took place, play a tournament to get used to FIBA rules, then win the big one.After 2004, the USA scrapped the coaching staff and started from scratch with the players. That meant assistant coach Gregg Popovich was out of the fold - he was considered for the top job but apparently didn’t show enough hunger for the position - and Duke University coach Mike Krzyzewski took over on the proviso that he would stick around to set up a pathway.Players were also told that they have to commit to multiple summers, attend training camps, compete in tournaments and be part of a wider group that would be selected on merit closer to the time. There was no guarantee they would be selected and they would have to give up their time.

LeBron James, Dwyane Wade, Carmelo Anthony with their gold medals at the 2008 Beijing Olympics LeBron James, Carmelo Anthony and Dwyane Wade were NBA veterans in 2008. They had become the best players (or certainly on the top tier) and they returned to Team USA to avenge their rookie-year embarrassment on the national stage. The big guns were brought in: Kobe Bryant and Jason Kidd were now elder statesmen in the league but they set the tone for a ‘gold or nothing’ mentality. And a few younger players - such as Chris Paul, Deron Williams and Dwight Howard - learned from the best.This is when the Dream Team was officially retired. In came the Redeem Team.It ushered in three more Olympic gold medals, but when Krzyzewski retired from international commitments after Rio, Gregg Popovich finally got his run as head coach.The problem? The top players were beginning to tire of giving up their free time.Wade and James completed their third Olympic cycle and stepped away from 2016. Anthony stayed on but that would prove to be his last. That team successfully ushered in a new generation that included Kevin Durant, Kyrie Irving, Klay Thompson, Paul George and Jimmy Butler, but after the Rio Games, some of the top stars had lost motivation to attend training camps and tournaments each summer.At the FIBA World Cup in 2019, in his first major tournament, Popovich was left without much star power and a lot of youth. The result was a defeat to France in the quarter-finals and a miserable seventh-place finish.No LeBron James, Stephen Curry, Damian Lillard, Kawhi Leonard, Anthony Davis, James Harden, nor Kevin Durant. The scoring was instead falling onto the shoulders of 22-year-olds Donovan Mitchell and Jaylen Brown, and a 21-year-old Jayson Tatum.

Donovan Mitchell at the 2019 FIBA World Cup We might look back on some of those names one day with the same appreciation that we do with Wade, Anthony and James today, but they were not reliable superstars at that point. The only hope is that some of them will have been able to use that experience at Tokyo 2020, when some of the truly elite players will have returned.Covid-19 threw a spanner in that plan. With the Olympics delayed and such a short turnaround between the 2019-20 season and the 2020-21 season, more players opted for rest this summer, and many of the best players were simply not available. Popovich was once again given one or two superstars, supported by a number of players who are second, third, and even fourth, fifth and sometimes sixth or seventh options on their NBA teams.The USA men’s Tokyo 2020 roster is not the Dream Team. It’s not even the Redeem Team. And the loss against France in their opening contest, as well as losses to Australia and Nigeria during warm-up exhibitions, shows that Popovich might not have the best luck when it comes to international competition. The rest of the world has officially caught up to the USA’s men’s teams, and if a nation can’t put out it’s best players, it will be tough to get on the podium.If they don’t win gold, it could mean another overhaul at USA Basketball to regenerate the enthusiasm that top American-born players need to show up and represent their country. And if Popovich is ousted, it could put a permanent dent on the career of someone who many consider as the best basketball coach of all time. Read the full article

[selectedhq]

mw from comedy shows?

 wow  we  are  a  funny  bunch  so  .  .  .  all  of  them  .  but  here  are  some  top  mw!!!  david  rose  ,  moira  rose  ,  stevie  budd  ,  moira  rose  ,  patrick  brewer  ,  ted  mullens  ,  twyla  sands  (  schitt's  creek  )  ;  michael  scott  ,  jim  halpert  ,  dwight  schrute  ,  andy  bernard  ,  kelly  kapoor  ,  erin  hannon  (  the  office  )  ;  rachel  ,  joey  ,  phoebe  ,  ross  ,  chandler  ,  monica  (  friends  )  ;  britta  perry  ,  tony  barnes  ,  annie  edison  ,  literally  anyone  (  community  )  ;  charlie  (  it's  always  sunny  )  ;  leslie  knope  ,  andy  dwyer  ,  april  ludgate  ,  ben  wyatt  ,  ann  perkins  (  parks  &  rec  )  ;  jake  peralta  ,  amy  santiago  ,  rosa  diaz  ,  gina  linetti  (  brooklyn  nine-nine  )  !

[ver90minutosenelcieloenespanol]

90 minutos en el cielo — Película Completa en Español

90 minutos en el cieloOnline. Películas 90 minutos en el cieloCompletas Gratis en Español Latino, Castellano, Subtitulado HD  

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ver película online arbitrario✼✮☛ https://v.ht/sMiE Official Media : https://v.ht/sMiE Official Media Stream :https://v.ht/sMiE

90 minutos en el cielo 2020 De La Pelicula Completa En Español 90 minutos en el cielo es una película dramática cristiana del 2015 dirigida por Michael Polish , basado en la novela biográfica de Don Piper del mismo nombre . Es la primera película de Films Dar, una empresa hermana de cadena minorista Family Christian Stores y la compañía planea donar todas las ganancias de la película a organizaciones de caridad.

90 minutos en el cielo Pelicula Reparto (Elenco) Don Piper Hayden Christensen Martín Gopar Eva Piper Kate Bosworth Sol Nieto Dick Onarecker Michael Harding Ariel Abadi Jay B. Perkins Fred Dalton Thompson René Sagastume Abogado Beaumont Dwight Yoakam Diego Brizzi

La pelicula De 90 minutos en el cielo Historia Resumen 90 minutos en el Cielo es el éxito de librería que relata la experiencia de un hombre ante la muerte y la vida. Cuando el ministro bautista Don Piper conducía de regreso a casa luego de una conferencia, su auto chocó con un camión que se cruzó de carril. Lo declararon muerto en la escena del accidente. Durante los siguientes 90 minutos Piper vivió las glorias del cielo, donde vinieron a saludarle quienes habían influido en su vida espiritual, y allí experimentó la verdadera paz. Debajo, en la tierra, un ministro que pasaba y que también había asistido a la conferencia, se sintió guiado a orar por la víctima aunque le dijeron que Don estaba muerto. Milagrosamente Piper volvió a la vida y el placer del cielo fue reemplazado por una recuperación larga y dolorosa. Durante años Don Piper guardó el secreto de su experiencia en el cielo. Finalmente, amigos y familiares le convencieron para que compartiera su historia. Un relato inspirador y alentador, 90 minutos en el Cielo seguirá llegando y consolando a cientos de miles de personas del mundo, ofreciendo un vistazo de la inexpresable dicha celestial.

De la película  90 minutos en el cielo Sinopsis 90 minutos en el Cielo es el éxito de librería que relata la experiencia de un hombre ante la muerte y la vida. Cuando el ministro bautista Don Piper conducía de regreso a casa luego de una conferencia, su auto chocó con un camión que se cruzó de carril. Lo declararon muerto en la escena del accidente. Durante los siguientes 90 minutos Piper vivió las glorias del cielo, donde vinieron a saludarle quienes habían influido en su vida espiritual, y allí experimentó la verdadera paz. Debajo, en la tierra, un ministro que pasaba y que también había asistido a la conferencia, se sintió guiado a orar por la víctima aunque le dijeron que Don estaba muerto. Milagrosamente Piper volvió a la vida y el placer del cielo fue reemplazado por una recuperación larga y dolorosa. Durante años Don Piper guardó el secreto de su experiencia en el cielo. Finalmente, amigos y familiares le convencieron para que compartiera su historia. Un relato inspirador y alentador, 90 minutos en el Cielo seguirá llegando y consolando a cientos de miles de personas del mundo, ofreciendo un vistazo de la inexpresable dicha celestial.

La película  90 minutos en el cielo Reviews "Aunque esta bienintencionada película puede atraer a su público potencial a un nivel espiritual, el resultado es un retrato lento, clínico y muy deprimente que tiende a confundir trauma con drama

Título original 90 Minutes in Heaven Año 2015 Duración 121 min. País Estados Unidos Estados Unidos Dirección Michael Polish Guion Don Piper, Michael Polish (Libro: Cecil Murphey) Música Michael W. Smith, Tyler Smith Fotografía M. David Mullen

Categorías: Películas en español Películas de Argentina Películas de 2020 Películas de suspenso Películas policíacas Películas de cine de comedia Películas dirigidas por Ariel Winograd Películas ambientadas en Buenos Aires Películas dramáticas de Argentina Películas dramáticas de los años 2000 Películas rodadas en Buenos Aires Películas sociales y políticas Películas basadas en hechos reales

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Incluso te contaremos qué Película están en la cartelera de los cines del Perú, México, España, Estados 90 minutos en el cielo, Colombia, Argentina, Español y demás países del mundo. Sí, ¡los últimos estrenos! ¿Por ejemplo? 90 minutos en el cielo, 90 minutos en el cielo, 90 minutos en el cielo, ¡Asu mare 3! y 90 minutos en el cielo ya están disponibles en las mejores salas. Seguramnte en más de una ocasión has buscado en Google “cómo 90 minutos en el cielo Película online gratis Película en Español” o “dónde ver pelis 90 minutos en el cielo de estreno en castellano HD”. Tal vez hasta has escrito en el buscador “las mejores 90 minutos en el cielo Película online completas”, “90 minutos en el cielo Película en Español latino” o “dónde puedo 90 minutos en el cielo Película gratis completas sin interrupciones”. No lo niegues. No eres el único. Todos los días, millones de personas intentan ver Película online desde sus computadoras, laptops, smartphones, tablets o cual sea el dispositivo móvil de su preferencia. Sin embargo, la navegación muchas veces termina en páginas web que no cumplen lo prometido, que aseguran tener los últimos estrenos, pero que solo te derivan de un site a otro, que te obligan a dar clic tras clic mientras te llenan la pantalla de publicidad, para finalmente dirigirte hasta un enlace que no funciona o que demora mucho en cargar. Además, la calidad de imagen en estas páginas informales de cine es muy baja. Y repetimos, informales. ¿Por qué? Porque son páginas piratas, que violan derechos de autor y que incluso pueden representar un riesgo. ¿Sabías que muchos de estos sitios esconden virus que podrían dañar tus dispositivos y hasta robar tu información? En todo caso, muchas veces te obligan a registrarte con tus cuentas de Facebook, Gmail u Outlook (Hotmail) para que recién puedas comenzar a 90 minutos en el cielo pelis en Español latino. Por tanto, te sugerimos solo visitar las siguientes plataformas, legales, seguras y sacramentadas. Algunas incluso permiten escuchar y descargar música MP3 gratis de tus artistas favoritos. ¿Cuáles son las mejores páginas para 90 minutos en el cielo Película HD online gratis? En sí hay muchas de este tipo, pero para efectos prácticos hemos elegido algunas de las más populares en la red de redes. Ya dependerá de ti elegir la que mejor se adapte a tus necesidades, ya sea por catálogo, por interfaz o velocidad de Internet. Es decir, la que te permita ver Película gratis en Español con mayor facilidad. Incluso algunas tienen versiones para teléfono si buscas dónde ver Película online móvil. ¿Quieres saber cuál es la mejor app para ver Película online? Esa ya no será ninguna preocupación de aquí en adelante. ¿Qué velocidad necesitas para ver Película online? En estas páginas, con una conexión básica te alcanzará y sobrará. ¿Qué plugin necesito para ver Película online? En la mayoría de casos, ¡ninguno! ¿Puedo encontrar dónde ver Película 3D online? Eso quizá está un poco más difícil. 90 minutos en el cielo Ver Película online gratis A continuación todo lo que debes saber para 90 minutos en el cielo Película online Ojo, la lista solo contempla páginas online legales, que albergan contenido de dominio público, independiente, liberado por sus mismos realizadores o con licencias como Creative Commons. Es decir, si quieres ver Animales Fantásticos 2 completa en Español o 90 minutos en el cielo, La chica en la telaraña, Overlord, 90 minutos en el cielo o 90 minutos en el cielo con subtítulos, puede que te decepciones. Pero si aún te interesan títulos de reciente estreno como estos, aquí puedes revisar la cartelera de tu país de origen, incluidos horarios y precios de entradas por cine. También descubre los próximos estrenos. Eso sí, ¿sabías que hasta puedes ver Película gratis en YouTube? Puedes suscribirte al servicio de paga de YouTube para acceder a contenido exclusivo que jamás has imaginado. Los tres primeros meses son gratis. Classic Cin90 minutos en el cielo es una de las páginas de curaduría de clásicos más populares en la red. El sitio está dedicado por completo a la distribución de Película de libre acceso, liberadas de derechos de autor. Por ejemplo, su catálogo de cine mudo es excepcional. ¿Lo mejor de todo? Puedes ver las Película desde YouTube, por lo que navegar es sencillísimo.

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Descripción:Ver 90 minutos en el cielo Pelicula Completa (2020) : Película completa en línea gratis 27 años después de superar la malévola entidad sobrenatural Pennywise, los ex miembros del club de perdedores, que han crecido y se alejó de Derry, son reunidos de nuevo por una devastadora llamada telefónica.Ver 90 minutos en el cielo (2020): película completa en línea gratis Cr 90 minutos en el cielo Awar-Endurecido y su comandante moro, revuelta audazmente contra la corona Inglés corrupto. 90 minutos en el cielo Pelicula Completa (2020) ¿Cuánto tiempo dormiste durante la película 90 minutos en el cielo Pelicula Completa?Them onlineic, la historia y el mensaje fueron fenomenales en 90 minutos en el cielo Pelicula Completa. Nunca podría ver otra película cinco veces como lo hice con esta. Volver a ver una segunda vez y prestar atención. Ver película en adelante WEB-DL Esta es una pérdida de archivos menos capturada por el capitán Stream Marvel, como Netflix, Amazon Video, 90 minutos en el cielo Pelicula Completa Hulu, Crunchy Roll, DiscoveryGO, BBC iPlayer, etc. También es una película o programa de televisión que se puede descargar a través de un sitio web de distribución en línea, como iTunes.

cuevana película ver 90 minutos en el cielo (2020) :Película completa en línea gratis Un cruzado endurecido por la guerra y su comandante moro mountan revuelta audaz contra la corona inglesa corrupta..ver 90 minutos en el cielo online Miles Morales está haciendo malabares con su vida entre ser un estudiante de secundaria y estar 90 minutos en el cielo Películas completas. Sin embargo, cuando Wilson "Kingpin" Fiskusa un súper colisionador, otro 90 minutos en el cielo Películas completas de otra dimensión, Peter Parker, accidentalmente termina en la dimensión de Miles. A medida que Peter entrena Miles para convertirse en un better 90 minutos en el cielo , pronto se les unen otros cuatro 90 minutos en el cielo  desde el otro lado del”90 minutos en el cielo ”. A medida que todas estas dimensiones enfrentadas comienzan a desgarrarseBrooklyn, Miles debe ayudar a los demás a detener a Fisk y devolver a todos a sus propias dimensiones."90 minutos en el cielo (2020) Reloj de película completa":El remolque 90 minutos en el cielo  finalmente está aquí, y todos estamos en el final del juego ahora. Para más contenido impresionante, echa un vistazo: Síguenos en Google mvlabshd Presenta

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[diversifiedcontent]

Bjarne Melgaard Shelleyand Frogs (poster 4), 2011

Maccarone After Shelley Duvall '72 (Frogs on the High Line)  Curated by Bjarne Melgaard  Sep 17 - Oct 22, 2011

(via Events : Article : Fabienne Audeoud And John Russell Anonymous Three Selectsomar Harveyfabienne Audeoud And John Russellmichael Aligalissa Bennettsverre Bjertnesbig Fat Black Cock Inc Caroline Bustawilliam L Copleyjohn Duncanjohn Kelseyrichard Kernmichael Bernard Loggins Lydia Lunch John Patrick Mckenzie Dwight Mackintosh Bjarne Melgaard Marlon Mullen William Popel Sam Pulitzer Mathieu Malouf Seth Shapiroestate Of Martin Wong Maccarone | Daily Art Fair)

[khalilhumam]

Retired military endorsements erode public trust in the military

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New Post has been published on http://khalilhumam.com/retired-military-endorsements-erode-public-trust-in-the-military/

Retired military endorsements erode public trust in the military

By Thomas Burke, Eric Reid As the events of the past few weeks bring into sharp relief, even the mere hint of a partisan military risks eroding the public’s trust in that institution, and may ultimately undermine U.S. national security. The relationship between these concerns and retired military endorsements of presidential candidates is that the electorate often struggles to distinguish between the personal views of retirees and those on active duty. That confusion is arguably what presidential campaigns depend upon. As James Golby, Peter Feaver, and Kyle Dropp argue, while retirees may believe they are “drawing fine distinctions” between their personal views and those of the active-duty force, “the truth is that no one, especially not the campaigns, is very interested in their views as private citizens.” What is of interest to campaigns is cloaking their candidates in the favorable reputation and high esteem with which the military is held, with retiree endorsements intended to serve as proxies for the unspoken views of the military writ large. This presents a dilemma: disentangling the views of retirees from the active military is a “near impossibility,” thereby exposing the military to charges of partisanship where none may exist. For its part, the military has long resisted any efforts to politicize its active-duty ranks. Both standing Department of Defense policy and more recent statements by Secretary of Defense Mark Esper and retired General Joseph Votel, among many others, stress the importance of the military remaining non-partisan. Notwithstanding these efforts, both major political parties and, indeed, sitting presidents routinely attempt to use the military to “score political points” or to otherwise shore up their commander-in-chief bona fides. The logic for presidential campaigns to solicit the military retiree endorsements is no different, but the consequences to the active military’s nonpartisan reputation remain the same. However, in the current state of narrow electoral margins, neither political party believes it can risk unilateral “disarmament” with respect to courting retiree endorsements. The result is a form of mutually assured negation where no one campaign substantively benefits or, as Golby, Feaver, and Dropp suggest, the competing endorsements from both campaigns effectively “cancel each other out.” This prompts the obvious questions: If military retiree endorsements fail to move the electoral needle, especially when both parties engage in this practice, then why do it? Why risk draining the reservoir of public trust or otherwise branding as partisan one of the few remaining institutions in which the public has expressed high confidence? Mindful of these risks to the active military’s nonpartisan image, former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Navy Adm. Michael Mullen, once argued that “for retired senior officers to take leading and vocal roles as clearly partisan figures is a violation of the ethos and professionalism of apolitical military service.” His successor as chairman, Army Gen. Martin Dempsey, was no less blunt when he reminded retired military leaders that “they have an obligation to uphold our apolitical traditions,” and that those who engage in partisan politics make the job of those “who continue to serve in uniform and are accountable for our security . . . more complicated.” To be clear, neither suggested military retirees should not participate in the political process. Throughout American history, former senior military officers—from George Washington and Ulysses Grant to Dwight Eisenhower—rose to the highest political office in the land, the presidency. But in each of those instances and many others in which military retirees sought political office, they and the American people understood that their public status had changed from a once singularly military identity to a more political and partisan one. Similarly, few would discourage military retirees from opining on policies about which they are passionate; such is their obligation and duty as American citizens. But as Mullen was quick to note, “This is not about the right to speak out. It is about the disappointing lack of judgment in doing so for crass partisan purposes.” And regardless of the intensity with which senior military retirees intervene on behalf of a candidate, each endorsement contributes to the conflation that implicates the military in partisan behavior. This conflation poses another risk: a president and his or her political appointees may view the military as “disloyal” to the party in power. Such political distrust may incentivize the perverse practice of “general shopping” for those of the “correct” partisan persuasion, and the potential mass firing of general officers from previous administration or those closely associated with retired endorsers of the losing candidate. The danger to national security, David Barno and Nora Bensahel contend, is straightforward: “If (senior military leader) advice comes to be seen as compromised by partisanship, the nation’s elected leaders will not be able to objectively assess their military options, and their life-and-death decisions about when and how to use force will suffer immeasurably as a result.” This potential outcome increases in probability the more widely partisan military retirees become. For senior military retirees, the message is simple: be mindful of the consequences political endorsement may have on the military’s non-partisan image. With history as a guide, both parties are certain to solicit extensive retiree endorsements in the final months of the highly charged 2020 presidential election. To help preserve the public’s “unshakeable confidence that the military belongs to the nation as a whole—that its sole allegiance is to the U.S. Constitution and not to any political party, group, or candidate,” when the campaigns come calling, retired military leaders should respectfully decline.

[xtruss]

Analysis

The Stakes Are High, and We Must Be Better Than This

Six military heavyweights and defense experts weigh in on Trump’s call for the military to put down protests.

"Deploying the military against U.S. citizens ... is antithetical to everything America represents," writes John Allen, a retired U.S. Marine Corps four-star general and former commander of U.S. and NATO forces in Afghanistan.

BY JOHN ALLEN, LOREE K. SUTTON, DANA PITTARD, RICHARD K. BETTS, HAROLD HONGJU KOH, PETER FEAVER

— June 4, 2020 | Foreign Policy

A broken Statue of Liberty figure outside a looted souvenir shop after a night of protest in New York City on June 2. Johannes Eisele / AFP Via Getty Images

On Wednesday, current and former military leaders came out with powerful messages against President Donald Trump’s calls to deploy the U.S. military to quash nationwide protests against racial injustice, set off by the gruesome killing of George Floyd at the hands of the Minneapolis police. What would soldiers putting down protests mean for the United States? Foreign Policy asked six former military leaders and security experts to weigh in.

The American People May Soon Find Themselves the ‘Enemy’

By John Allen, president of the Brookings Institution, a retired U.S. Marine Corps four-star general, and former commander of the NATO International Security Assistance Force and U.S. Forces in Afghanistan.

Every member of the U.S. military—be they active duty, National Guard, or reserve—swears an oath to “support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic.” Deploying the military against U.S. citizens sends the wrong message at the wrong moment and is antithetical to everything America represents. That is their solemn vow and at the heart of their service to America. History has shown that there are indeed periods when domestic threats or unrest reach such a level that they require the direct involvement of federal troops to keep the peace. Now, however, is not one of those moments.

Deploying the military against U.S. citizens sends the wrong message at the wrong moment and is antithetical to everything America represents.

If the military begins to hold primary responsibility for law enforcement in the United States, I fear the American people may soon—against their own wishes—take on the mantle of the “enemy.” That is simply unacceptable, especially at this horrendous moment of national pain stemming both from the killing of George Floyd and others and from the pressures of COVID-19. And it is well beneath what is needed from America’s national leadership. Deploying the military against U.S. citizens sends the wrong message at the wrong moment and is antithetical to everything Americans represent as a people. The stakes are high, and we must be better than this.

The Call for Force Must Come From the Governors

By Loree Sutton, a former brigadier general and highest-ranking psychiatrist in the U.S. Army who is currently running for mayor of New York City.

Throughout nearly 40 years in public service—as a U.S. Army psychiatrist, retired general officer, and New York City commissioner—I have grown to revere the trust, judgment, and legitimacy on which the character and habits of principled leadership depend. Those entrusted to lead America’s treasure—its daughters and sons—know the moral implications and personal agony involved in ordering troops into harm’s way. When force is not necessary, reasonable, and proportional, the fabric of civic society begins to unravel.

When force is not necessary, reasonable, and proportional, the fabric of civic society begins to unravel.

The use of force must be approached with due caution and restraint, even when it is necessary, reasonable, and proportional. When force at any level—local, state, or federal—is perceived or deemed otherwise, the fabric of civic society begins to unravel.

The question we should be asking therefore has less to do with whether federal forces should ever be deployed to quell domestic unrest but whether, at a given moment, the facts on the ground require additional reinforcement. This judgment must come from the country’s governors, exercising their legal authority to do so. Unless and until this is the case, federal troops should remain at their posts, in their camps, and at their stations.

Let Law Enforcement and the National Guard Handle This

By Dana Pittard, a retired U.S. Army major general and the co-author of Hunting the Caliphate: America’s War on ISIS and the Dawn of the Strike Cell.

It really is something when two former chairmen of the Joint Chiefs of Staff—Gen. Martin Dempsey and Adm. Mike Mullen, both of whom I’ve worked with—feel a need to speak out against using the military on American soil during a domestic crisis. It really is something when two former chairmen of the Joint Chiefs of Staff feel a need to speak out. We’re at a tough time in our country right now, between the pandemic, the unprecedented unemployment, as well as this bubbling up of something that’s been under the surface for quite a while.

It really is something when two former chairmen of the Joint Chiefs of Staff feel a need to speak out.

There are occasions when we have used the military in domestic crises in consultation with state governors. I don’t believe we’re at that point yet. At this point it is something that law enforcement can handle—and the National Guard, by the way, is trained for civil unrest.

Packed in Vile Rhetoric by an Odious Leader—but Not Without Precedent

By Richard K. Betts, the director of Columbia University’s Saltzman Institute of War and Peace Studies, an adjunct senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, and the author of American Force.

How ironic: Originally it was racists and rightists who most vehemently opposed deploying federal troops to suppress local disorder; now it is anti-racists and liberals who condemn President Donald Trump’s attempt to do so. Some even assert that it would be illegal. To rest opposition to Trump on the notion that using the military for law enforcement is impermissible would reject ample historical precedent.

To rest opposition to Trump on the notion that using the military for law enforcement is impermissible would reject ample historical precedent.

It was white southerners and the Democratic Party that pushed through the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878 that forbids the use of federal troops to enforce law in the states. This cemented the end of Reconstruction in the former Confederacy and enabled the resubjugation of African Americans. Legal ambiguity remained, however: The 1807 Insurrection Act authorizes the use of federal forces and has been invoked numerous times, often to protect vulnerable black citizens.

In 1863, draft riots in New York City killed more than 100 African Americans before they were put down by U.S. Army soldiers and Marines together with state militia. In 1957, President Dwight D. Eisenhower deployed elements of the 101st Airborne Division and the federalized Arkansas National Guard to safeguard school desegregation in Little Rock. Five years later, John F. Kennedy sent Army units against white rioters protesting integration at the University of Mississippi. His successor, Lyndon B. Johnson, dispatched them in 1967 to quell the Detroit riots (where they inflicted fewer casualties than ineffectual and trigger-happy National Guard troops) and again in 1968 to pacify Washington (where none of the 13 dead were killed by the military). George H.W. Bush sent Army soldiers and Marines to Los Angeles in 1992. Some of these cases involved more extreme violence than we have seen so far today, some less.

As usual, Trump’s rhetoric and actions are vile and alarming, and his desire to use the military is unnecessary as long as violence does not overwhelm police and the National Guard. But to rest opposition to the odious current president on the notion that using the military for law enforcement is impermissible would reject ample historical precedent, much of which has served justice more than Trumpian villainy.

Our Allies Watch Ashen-Faced and Weep for This Country

By Harold Hongju Koh, a professor of international law at Yale Law School, founding editor of Just Security, and legal advisor at the State Department from 2009 to 2013.

In this defining moment, for personal political gain, the U.S. president wrapped himself in religion, the military, and the rule of law to perform a masquerade that is nakedly antithetical to each. He violated the core biblical mandate to love, not demonize, one another. He violated the core military credo that civilian leaders do not dispatch U.S. soldiers onto U.S. soil to attack fellow citizens peacefully exercising their constitutional rights. To those enabling this revolting charade: Have you no decency, backbone, self-respect, and love of country? And he violated the law of the land, trampling on the Constitution’s directive to respect “the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.” Congress has not authorized, and in fact has forbidden, deploying the U.S. military on American streets, particularly when citizens are lawfully demanding investigation of serious charges of police brutality.

To those enabling this revolting charade: Have you no decency, backbone, self-respect, and love of country?

America’s allies around the world are watching ashen-faced, weeping for how the country they respected has been degraded by its leaders. At this historic moment, when we need serious leadership to address the uniquely toxic blend of pandemic, economic depression, and racial discord, shame on the chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the attorney general, and Republican legislators for enabling this revolting charade. Have you no decency, backbone, self-respect, and love of country?

Using the Military for Partisan Grandstanding Will Backfire

By Peter Feaver, a professor of political science and public policy at Duke University, where he directs the Program in American Grand Strategy.

There is ample historical precedent for the National Guard and even active-duty military to be mobilized to quell domestic strife. However, even when local law enforcement officials are overwhelmed and governors ask for help, it is a fraught mission for military units, who would generally prefer to stay out of domestic conflict. In the current situation, governors are not asking for help.If there is a genuine threat that law enforcement cannot handle, the public will welcome military backup assistance.

If there is a genuine threat that law enforcement cannot handle, the public will welcome military backup assistance.

President Donald Trump was inserting federal units into a politically charged situation for what appeared to be partisan reasons: a desire to replace politically damaging reports of the president sheltering in the basement of the White House with more favorable images of him taking charge. Using the military as wallpaper for photo-ops is something every administration in the modern era has done, but it comes at a price. It drags the military into the partisan fray and lowers public views of the competence and trustworthiness of the military as an institution. If there is a genuine threat to the citizenry that law enforcement cannot handle, the public will welcome military backup assistance. But if the military is being used as a prop for political grandstanding, it will backfire.

[cinader]

Ep. 24-Talking Reparations with Dr. Dwight Mullen

Tony Robles' interview of Professor Dwight D. Mullen about his ongoing role in reparations negotiations in Asheville NC, is part of a montage of spoken word and music hosted by Martha Cinader. The discussion includes several books about the case for repar

Tony Robles’ interview of Professor Dwight D. Mullen about his ongoing role in reparations negotiations in Asheville NC, is part of a montage of spoken word and music hosted by Martha Cinader. The discussion includes several books about the case for reparations, including The Black Reparations Project, From Here to Equality and The South Jim Crow and its Afterlives. Listen & Be Heard Episode…

[digzmania]

2018 End of season Harbor Party (at John's Boat Harbor) https://www.instagram.com/p/BoVNe_qAiPF/?utm_source=ig_tumblr_share&igshid=1j88d7d40bqqn

[delapatadanews-blog]

Dwight Howard comenzará a trabajar en la cancha luego de una cirugía por lesión de la columna vertebral en Noticias de Futbol y Deportes en México y el Mundo

Noticia nueva en https://delapatada.news/dwight-howard-comenzara-a-trabajar-en-la-cancha-luego-de-una-cirugia-por-lesion-de-la-columna-vertebral/53657/

Dwight Howard comenzará a trabajar en la cancha luego de una cirugía por lesión de la columna vertebral

Al Drago/Associated PressWashington Wizards big man Dwight Howard has played just nine games this season, but he is reportedly taking steps toward a comeback heading into the stretch run. According to Shams Charania of The Athletic and Stadium, Howard will start on-court work Wednesday in Washington, D.C. Charania noted Howard underwent surgery on his spine in… Noticias Relacionadas Futbol cuba deportes cuba Puñalada final a Messi... 1 Cristiano Ronaldo dictó sentencia suspendida luego... 0 Trevor Lawrence, Trayvon Mullen ganan los MVP del ... 0 PSG: Ndombele para reemplazar a Rabiot en París, ¡... 6 jQuery(document).ready(function( $ ) //jQuery('.yuzo_related_post').equalizer( overflow : 'relatedthumb' ); jQuery('.yuzo_related_post .yuzo_wraps').equalizer( columns : '> div' ); )

#Noticias

[jbginsberg]

Would the American military prop up an unpopular president? This vital question has been given impetus in recent weeks

[bountyofbeads]

https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2019/06/reparations-hearing-ta-nehisi-coates-danny-glover-2019.amp?__twitter_impression=true

Reparation hearings begin today- the first in over a decade on the subject. What you need to know: https://t.co/zynm1bHINu

#Reparations @DukeU @SandyDarity @DukePoliSci @Slate

What to expect from Wednesday’s reparations hearing involving Ta-Nehisi Coates and Danny Glover.

What Americans Need to Know About Reparations Ahead of This Week’s Big Hearing

By MARCIA CHATELAIN, WILLIAM A. DARITY JR., ROY E. FINKENBINE, andSTEPHANIE E. Jones-Roger's | Published JUNE 18, 201912:41 PM | SLATE | Posted June 19, 2019 |

 On Wednesday, a House Judiciary subcommittee will hold the first congressional hearing in more than a decade on the subject of reparations. Ta-Nehisi Coates, the author of the 2014 essay “The Case for Reparations,” and actor Danny Glover are scheduled to testify at the hearing, which will focus in part on H.R. 40, a piece of legislation that would establish a commission “to study and consider a national apology and proposal for reparations for the institution of slavery, its subsequent de jure and de facto racial and economic discrimination against African- Americans, and the impact of these forces on living African-Americans

Earlier this week, four leading scholars joined Slate to discuss what they hope to see from the hearing, why they believe reparations are necessary, and what a successful reparations commission might hope to establish. Marcia Chatelain is an associate professor of history and African American studies at Georgetown University; she participated in the school’s Working Group on Slavery, Memory, and Reconciliation. William A. Darity Jr. is a professor of public policy, African and African American studies, and economics at Duke University, who has written extensively on the economics of reparations. Stephanie E. Jones-Rogers is an associate professor at the University of California, Berkeley, and the author of They Were Her Property: White Women as Slave Owners in the American South. Roy E. Finkenbine is a professor of history at the University of Detroit Mercy. His work studying 18th- and 19th-century reparations cases was featured in Coates’ essay.

Their conversation, which began with a discussion of what they hope to see in Wednesday’s hearing, has been edited and condensed for clarity.

Marcia Chatelain: I hope the committee hearing can do three things: 1) Make clear that the reparations movement has long existed, and that the question of recompense is based on 19th-century deliberations about accountability. 2) Make clear that there are a number of financial tools and instruments available for us today to use as a vehicle for reparations. I think that this helps clarify the misguided notion that this is too difficult to do in the present. 3) Recognize that reparations do not end a conversation about the pervasive legacy of white supremacy, racism, and slavery in the United States. Rather, it provides an opportunity to deepen the discourse on breach and is a gesture toward repair for a problem that can never be fully reconciled.

William A. Darity Jr.: I would like the hearing to make it clear that a program of reparations must designate black American descendants of persons enslaved in the United States as recipients, that a primary goal of a reparations program must be elimination of the racial wealth gap, and that the injustices that form the basis for the reparations claim must include slavery, nearly a century of legal segregation in the United States, and ongoing racism manifest in police executions of unarmed blacks, mass incarceration, and employment discrimination.

Roy E. Finkenbine: I’d hope to hear several things Wednesday. First, that reparations can come in many forms, including acknowledgment and apology for past wrongs, but that part of the suffering involved can also be monetized. The continuing racial wealth gap from slavery and other oppressions means that the past dramatically affects black Americans’ well-being today. Black Americans, historically 12 percent of the population at any given time, had 1 percent of the national wealth in 1865, and 2 percent a century and a quarter later. Experts tell us that at the current rate it will be 228 years for racial wealth to be equalized. Second, all of this [wealth disparity] is inherited. Timothy Dwight [the president of Yale College from 1795 to 1817] noted that all Americans “inherit … [the] incumbrances” of their ancestors when it comes to past oppressions. Even families like mine, which had little to do with slavery, segregation, etc., have historically benefited from white privilege. The impact is multigenerational. Third, reparations claims have historically been based on Western, democratic, and Judeo-Christian values. And fourth, reparations advocacy has a history dating back to the 18th century. It’s not new or strange.

Darity Jr.: It’s critical that the history of the reparations movement itself be brought into congressional deliberations. The black American demand for reparations is at least 150 years old.

Chatelain: I also hope that someone speaks to the viability and importance of direct cash aid, which is a controversial topic for some. In the conversations surrounding Georgetown’s history of slaveholding, I hear that scholarships, admissions, and other mechanisms that are aligned with the university should serve as reparations. I think that these mechanisms—due to the narrow population a school like Georgetown admits and teaches—are fine, but I believe in actual financial compensation. The notion that reparation monies are earmarked for specific purposes is somewhat paternalistic, and it creates a framework for determining the “right way” for reparations to operate.

Darity Jr.: Marcia is on point! It’s peculiar that no one has complained about direct payments being made to Japanese Americans for unjust incarceration during World War II, or direct payments being made to the victims of the Holocaust. Somehow that issue always comes into play when reparations for black Americans are the topic of consideration. Ironic? Regardless, for both substantive and symbolic reasons, direct payments to eligible recipients must be an important part of a reparations program, particularly if a major objective is to eliminate the racial wealth gulf.

Stephanie E. Jones-Rogers: Members should also underscore that reparations are not about holding individuals responsible but rather redressing the myriad ways that the federal, state, and local governments—in the South and in the North—benefited from and upheld slavery and orchestrated circumstances that made slavery’s perpetuation possible.

Darity Jr.: Just a small proviso on Roy’s comment about the 228-year projection. The study in question does not say black and white wealth will be equalized in 228 years; it says, under current conditions, it will take 228 years for blacks to reach the level of wealth currently held by whites. To close the racial wealth gap, we need to move the black share in national wealth from 2–3 percent to 12–13 percent. That should be a central objective of a reparations program for black Americans.

That’s also a great point from Roy on the importance of understanding the impact of black oppression on white advantage, regardless of whether individual whites come from families directly implicated in slavery or the slave trade.

Jones-Rogers: I also think it is vital that those speaking before the committee remind them/the public of the fact that the federal government had no problem with compensating slave owners for emancipation while not allocating a dime to the enslaved. The D.C. Emancipation Act of April 1862—which I discuss in my book and which Tera Hunter discussed in a recent op-ed in the New York Times—actually paid slave owners a set amount for eligible slaves if they applied for it and offered proof of ownership. In addition to this, Lincoln’s September 1862 Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation called for compensating slave owners in all states that voluntarily agreed to emancipate black Americans.

Darity Jr.: It is important to note, though, that D.C. is the only site where compensated emancipation actually was undertaken.

Jones-Rogers: Absolutely, William! My point was that the federal government was quite comfortable with the idea of compensating slave owners, even if slave owners and slave states refused such proposals for compensation.

Chatelain: Talitha LeFlouria’s book about black women and convict leasing is an excellent illustration of the federal commitment to reparations  to the South. The rebuilding of the South [after the Civil War] was an economically intensive effort to make Southerners whole and further linked Jim Crow to the needs of the state and private industry.

I will say that having been an observer on the issue of reparations on my campus, the word reparations can inspire a lot of feelings of defensiveness and shame.

Finkenbine: Contemporary white Americans say they’d support reparations for slavery if only black Americans had raised the issue at the time of emancipation. They conveniently forget 40 acres and a mule, the slave pension movement, and other claims.

Darity Jr.: In our forthcoming book on reparations, From Here to Equality, Kirsten Mullen and I argue that a key dimension of a reparations program must be addressing historical memory. We need to ensure that young people receive an accurate and comprehensive curriculum on slavery, the Civil War, the Reconstruction Era, and the post- slavery world in America. We need a complete and detailed counterpoint to the false narrative that the United Daughters of the Confederacy has installed in our nation’s schools.

Chatelain: You are all getting to the heart of the matter: a real lack of historical knowledge on slavery coupled with a deep contempt for accountability. In light of all my cynicism, I appreciate that this conversation, and its complexity, has so many people to help frame it.

Jones-Rogers: The ADOS (American Descendants of Slaves/Slavery) movement is a powerful one, even if many academics seem inclined to dismiss it. And I think that the broader discussion about/around reparations will ensure that the ADOS movement can’t be ignored for much longer. Members argue that American descendants of slaves have not been the primary recipients/beneficiaries of the gains experienced by African- descended people in the U.S. since emancipation, and they call for policies/programs that will change this. H.R. 40 seeks to address the question of who will be eligible.

Darity Jr.: The key point being made by ADOS is that blacks who have enslaved ancestors in the U.S. have a particular diaspora history that merits restitution from the federal government for a full trajectory of harms dating from slavery to the present moment.

Jones-Rogers: In my book, I talk about the important role that former slave-owning women, and their immediate descendants, played in constructing a narrative about their relationships to slavery in which they were depicted as maternal figures who cared for their “black charges,” individuals who were “born” into slave ownership and thus indirectly benefited from having access to enslaved people’s labor, bodies, and the wealth they produced (many women hired the slaves they owned to others and pocketed the wages they earned), or flat out argued that African-descended people were uncivilized savages who benefited from slavery because it introduced them to Christianity and civilization. All of these ideas bubble underneath the surface of reparations debates, particularly those who argue against reparations. The hearing will expose some of these lies, I hope. Experts will hopefully speak about the lived experiences of enslaved African Americans and about the brutality of the regime.

Chatelain: When I tell my students the wealth gap statistics, they gasp. Then, I walk them through all the assets that can be passed down generations, and we talk about value.

Darity Jr.: Again, I set as a key target elimination of the racial wealth gap. The idea of “baby bonds” was developed by Darrick Hamilton and myself. It’s a universal program providing a federally funded trust account to each newborn infant. The amounts would be dictated by the wealth position of the child’s family and become available to the child when they reach young adulthood. Sen. Cory Booker has a version that does set constraints on possible uses of the funds, but it is possible to design the program with no restrictions.

But, regardless, baby bonds are not reparations. Baby bonds center on getting everyone closer to the median level of wealth in the U.S., which is approximately $97,000 per household. (Black median wealth was estimated to be $17,600 in 2016.) But to close the racial wealth gap, you need to target the mean difference in net worth. At the mean, the average white household has $800,000 more in net worth than the average black household. Baby bonds cannot approach closing that gap, much as I like the proposal. Reparations are a must to achieve that goal.

Jones-Rogers: I have major concerns about just how far any of these conversations will go in large part because of the government’s long-standing refusal to commit to protecting human rights more broadly and the government’s recent refusal to embrace initiatives that seek to draw attention to the violation of African-descended people’s rights more specifically.

Darity Jr.: Michael Dawson and Rovana Popoff estimated that in 2000, 4 percent of white Americans were in favor of reparations for black Americans. In 2016, a survey indicated that percentage had risen to 15 percent—and a survey last year found that close to half of millennials and a majority of Democrats favor reparations. I think that a report from a commission activated by legislation akin to H.R. 40, if the right people are appointed as commissioners, can move a still larger share of Americans into the favorable column.

Finkenbine: Those are hopeful numbers. One thread that I see throughout our chat is the need to better inform the public about slavery, segregation, and historic inequality.

Jones-Rogers: I’m kinda fascinated that this issue is being taken up in the way that it is in the Trump era. The 2020 election may provide us with the confluence of circumstances necessary to move the conversation in the direction of action rather than mere talk.