#chinese guerrillas

[bookloversofbath]

One-man War: The Jock McLaren Story :: Hal Richardson

[jewtang1865]

[teethburied]

Teen Guerrillas '소년빨찌산' 1951, dir. Yoon Yonggyu

[apas-95]

can you explain a little more about chinese people being homeless by choice? or point me in the direction of more info on this? it seems crazy that thats a viable choice for people

it's much less a problem now that the rural areas have been the focus of development, but it's due to the urban-rural divide in china. your hukou, or house registration, is split between rural and urban, and it's historically been hard for people with rural hukou to get urban hukou (if you want to know why, I have posts on the hukou system here and here). internal migrant workers in china come in many different types, with some working seasonally in cities, some commuting, and some simply working in cities without an actual urban household registration - this last type either seeks out housing unofficially, under-the-table, or goes homeless. rural areas have historically been very underdeveloped compared to cities in china, and going to the city to get work is often a very attractive choice to rural residents. along with crackdowns on companies exploiting internal migrants, there has been a concerted push to develop and revitalise rural areas, now that the economic system of the country is developed enough to make it possible - the eradication of absolute poverty in china was focused almost exclusively on rural areas, especially old guerrilla base areas where mountainous and difficult terrain historically good for revolutionaries made access to schools and hospitals difficult. for more info on that:

[captain-price-unofficially]

Chinese Communist guerrillas besieging a Japanese blockhouse during the Hundred Regiments Offensive, North China, 1940

[gatheringbones]

[“The American soldiers in Vietnam discovered their own ignorance in an immediate way. The NLF guerrillas chose the night and the jungles to fight in, similarly, and they chose to work with that part of the population which was the most obscure to the Americans and to the Saigon government officials. For the Americans to discern the enemy within the world of the Vietnamese village was to attempt to make out figures within a landscape indefinite and vague — underwater, as it were.

Landing from helicopters in a village controlled by the NLF, the soldiers would at first see nothing, having no criteria with which to judge what they saw. As they searched the village, they would find only old men, women, and children, a collection of wooden tools whose purpose they did not know, altars with scrolls in Chinese characters, paths that led nowhere: an economy, a geography, an architecture totally alien to them. Searching for booby traps and enemy supplies, they would find only the matting over a root cellar and the great stone jars of rice. Clumsy as astronauts, they would bend under the eaves of the huts, knock over the cooking pots, and poke about at the smooth earth floor with their bayonets. How should they know whether the great stone jars held a year’s supply of rice for the family or a week’s supply for a company of troops?

With experience they would come to adopt a bearing quite foreign to them. They would dig in the root cellars, peer in the wells, and trace the faint paths out of the village — to search the village as the soldiers of the warlords had searched them centuries ago. Only then would they find the entrance to the tunnels, to the enemy’s first line of defense. To the American commanders who listened each day to the statistics on “tunnels destroyed” and “caches of rice found,” it must have appeared that in Vietnam the whole surface of the earth rested like a thin crust over a vast system of tunnels and underground rooms.

The villages of both the “government” and “Viet Cong” zones were pitted with holes, trenches, and bunkers where the people slept at night in fear of the bombing. In the “Viet Cong” zones the holes were simply deeper, the tunnels longer — some of them running for kilometers out of a village to debouch in another village or a secret place in the jungle. Carved just to the size of a Vietnamese body, they were too small for an American to enter and too long to follow and destroy in total. Only when directed by a prisoner or informer could the Americans dig down to discover the underground storerooms. Within these storerooms lay the whole industry of the guerrilla: sacks of rice, bolts of black cloth, salt fish and fish sauce, small machines made of scrap metal and bound up in sacking. Brown as the earth itself, the cache would look as much like a part of the earth as if it had originated there — the bulbous root of which the palm-leaf huts of the village were the external stem and foliage. And yet, once they were unwrapped, named, and counted, the stores would turn out to be surprisingly sophisticated, including, perhaps, a land mine made with high explosives, a small printing press with leaflets and textbook materials, surgical instruments, Chinese herbal medicines, and the latest antibiotics from Saigon.

The industry clearly came from a civilization far more technically advanced than that which had made the external world of thatched huts, straw mats, and wooden plows. And yet there was an intimate relation between the two, for the anonymous artisans of the storerooms had used the materials of the village not only as camouflage but as an integral part of their technology. In raiding the NLF villages, the American soldiers had actually walked over the political and economic design of the Vietnamese revolution. They had looked at it, but they could not see it, for it was doubly invisible: invisible within the ground and then again invisible within their own perspective as Americans. The revolution could only be seen against the background of the traditional village and in the perspective of Vietnamese history.”]

frances fitzgerald, from fire in the lake: the vietnamese and the americans in vietnam, 1972

[fuckyeahmarxismleninism]

The next two days mark the 71st anniversary of two momentous events in the history of the world's workers and oppressed peoples.

On July 26, 1953, Fidel Castro and his small guerrilla band struck the first blow of the Cuban Revolution with the attack on the Moncada Army Barracks. Although Fidel was captured and many compatriots killed, the action inspired people throughout the island to rise up against the hated U.S.-backed Batista regime. Less than six years later, the revolution triumphed.

The following day, July 27, 1953, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) declared victory in the Fatherland Liberation War, known in the west as the Korean War. With the aid of Chinese volunteers, the Korean People’s Army led by Kim Il Sung pushed back the U.S. imperialist assault that sought to destroy northern Korea’s socialist revolution and China’s as well. The U.S. was forced to sign an armistice, but even now refuses to enact a peace treaty and continues its military occupation of south Korea.

No one could have known at the time, but socialist Korea and socialist Cuba would forever be linked as strong pillars of the global class struggle against imperialism. These two countries served as beacons of revolutionary hope and principle during some of the grimmest counter-revolutionary events of the late 20th century and continue to inspire communists and anti-imperialists worldwide.

Long live socialist Korea and socialist Cuba!

Long live the Workers’ Party of Korea and the Communist Party of Cuba!

Peace treaty and reunification for Korea’s people now!

End the blockade of Cuba! #OffTheList

Death to U.S. imperialism!

[joanofarcisdead]

i think i deleted that post i wrote a billion years ago about non-asian* (but especially non-chinese/non-korean/non-filipinx) mcr bloggers going hard in the paint about centering themselves in the discussion of gerard's use of the rising sun flag visuals so im gonna repeat the gist of it: asians in the diaspora have already written about the rising sun flag and its uses on tumblr, and have written about this a lot actually (since the site's founding, even!!). so like. maybe lean on those voices

*im descended from people who engaged in guerrilla tactics as part of their anti-imperial struggle against the occupying japanese empire so don't play

[vacuouslyfalse]

Anyway I need the USAmerican tumblr communists to shape up. Read about the October Revolution and the Russian Civil War, the July 26 assault on the Moncada Barracks and the ensuing years of guerrilla warfare, and the long slog of the Chinese Communist alliance with and then civil war against the Nationalists, and seriously consider what it might take to win in a country like the 21st century United States of America, which absolutely dwarfs those examples in wealth and military might.

[dkniade]

(It’s funnier when I initially had the first two ramble about Dragonspine and the third just goes “It’s my home” haha..)

(Eula leads the Guerrilla Company in the Chinese version.)

(The joke is that in Mandarin, 魈 and 小 are pronounced almost the same but their phonetic tones are different… The first hanzi uses the flat tone and the second hanzi uses the fall-rise tone.)

[opencommunion]

"Seeing the victory of the Chinese and Vietnamese ... was an example for Palestinian organizations, which began to study the military theories applied in those parts of Asia in order to replicate them, creatively, in their own countries.

'The success of the guerrilla struggle strategy was very much inspired by China and Vietnam. Both Asian countries were a major global inspiration for the world’s revolutionaries, much more so than the Soviet Union. This was due to various factors, including the essence of Maoism,' adds Molinero.

'Both Mao, with his concept of People’s War, and the Vietnamese demonstrated that it was possible to defeat an infinitely superior enemy, such as imperialism, as long as you mobilize the people for the cause.'

... More than 80 years after the Chinese communists began building tunnels to resist the Japanese invasion of their country, this tactic of the people’s war, derived from a broader military theory, is still current and developing, as a result of new applications of this tactic in different concrete situations."

[docgold13]

Heroes & Villains The DC Animated Universe - Paper Cut-Out Portraits and Profiles

Elseworlds Addendum - Cheshire

Jade Nguyen grew up in an undisclosed location in rural Viet Nam, the child of a French soldier and a Vietnamese villager.  As a child, Jade was abducted and forced into slavery. She eventually murdered her enslaver and traveled the countryside until she came across the Chinese freedom fighter Weng Chan. The soldier took in Jade and taught her all he knew about martial arts and guerrilla combat. 

Jade additionally acquired an advanced knowledge of poisons from the famed assassin known as the Spitting Cobra.  Naming herself ‘Cheshire’ she set out to become a renown mercenary and assassin.  To this end she battled The Teen Titans on several occasions.  Somewhere herein she had an affair with the Titan, Speedy (Roy Harper); an affair that produced a daughter (Lian).  Cheshire served among the Suicide Squad, the Injustice Society and Secret Six.  

The Young Justice animated series reimagined Jade’s backstory, presenting her as the older sister of Artemys Crock and daughter of the super villains, Sportsmater and Tigress.  This version also became a renown assassin and matched wits against the Young justice squad; and likewise had a child with Roy Harper.  Yet another iteration of the character featured in the animated movie, Batman: Soul of the Dragon as a young student of the martial arts master, O’Sensei. 

Actress Kelly Hu voiced Jade in Young Justice; whereas actress Jamie Chung voiced the character in Batman: Soul of the Dragon.  

Cheshire first appeared in the pages of The New Teen Titans Annual #2 (1983).  

[makilight]

Emilia "Bell" Emilsdóttir

Name: Emilia Emilsdottir

Alias(es): Bell

Height: 5.8

Age: 23 (in 1981) 26 (in 1984)

Eye color: Blue with gray

Hair color: light blonde

Sexuality: bisexual

Native language(s): Russian/English

Other spoken language(s): Russian English Chinese

Nationality: Russian American

Date of birth: 1961, October 1

Birthplace: BC, Alaska

Current residence: BC, Alaska

PERSONALITY AND TRAITS:

Potentially dangerous if threatened.

She’s not really good with her mental health after all that’s happened to her and she can’t really control herself when having a mental breakdown for an episode,

She doesn’t care half as much as she should, anymore. Maybe she’s a fatalist, maybe the west will burn with or without their intervention. There’s a pounding in her head, a deafening rush of voices that she cannot begin to comprehend overwhelm her. It’ll all go away if she loses this little game she plays.

PROFESSION AND SKILLS:

Professional Background and main skill: Expert in: Military strategy, armory, infantry, logistics in weapons of war, guerrilla warfare, special operations, Clandestine operations, Sniper shooting and Parachute Rifle Corps.

Current Profession /Occupation: Special Forces High Command; Airmobile Group of Special Forces, (GAFE).

FUN FACTS;

She mostly likes to spend time surrounded by happy people (especially woods Aleks Mila and Mason), she likes drawing and dogs, and she was the first woman in all of Alaska to take the special forces course at the age of 15 thanks to the influence of her half-Russian family.

Tags:♡ @alypink @revnah1406 @efingart @imagoddamnonionmason @alexxmason @efingcod @justasmolbard

[mariacallous]

As a devastating crisis continues to unfold with the horrific bombardment of Gaza, there is little sense of how it will end. As a lifelong student of Israel-Palestine, I found my mind racing through many historical dates to find parallels, meaning, and direction.

Perhaps the date that comes to mind for most people is Oct. 6, 1973, the start of an Arab war effort to regain land taken by Israel in 1967. The 1973 surprise attack, which was 50 years and a day from the Oct. 7 Hamas assault, caught a recalcitrant and hubristic Israel off guard and fundamentally changed the way it thought about its policies toward Egypt in the years that followed, paving the way for a historic peace agreement a few years later.

I thought about the 1968 Battle of Karameh. This battle, little known in Western narratives of the conflict but hugely consequential in Palestinian ones, came after the 1967 war, when Israel enjoyed an aura of invincibility. PLO fighters alongside Jordanian soldiers fought the Israeli military, destroyed some military equipment, and captured more. The battle sent the message that Israeli power was not what it seemed, and it helped swell the ranks of militant factions across the region.

But a more important date stands out: Sept. 6, 1972. The day prior, Palestinian guerrillas had killed an Israeli coach and athlete and taken nine other members of the Israeli team hostage at the Munich Olympic Village, where all the cameras of the world had assembled, and by the time a botched rescue attempt by the German police had concluded, all the hostages and most of the Palestinian guerrillas were dead.

The world watched this all play out on live TV. Before that moment, and perhaps since, no set of events has had a more consequential impact on the emergence of what I call the terrorism framework: a set of policies and practices that defines how such moments should be understood, responded to, and prevented.

At the time, the Nixon White House was scrambling to figure out how to respond. Its foreign policy at the time was focused on detente with Moscow in an effort to manipulate Soviet and Chinese relations as the U.S. war on Vietnam raged. The Middle East, a massive arena of U.S.-Soviet competition, could easily derail all of this. President Richard Nixon’s now infamous tape recorder gives us insight into the thinking at the time.

On Sept. 6, Secretary of State William Rogers had a conversation with Nixon in the Oval Office in the presence of National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger and other officials. Rogers’s message to Nixon was straightforward: What happened in Munich was a symptom. “Say Israel retaliates and blows up something in Lebanon, that doesn’t help anyone,” Rogers told Nixon. “What this does indicate to the world is that we’ve got to solve the problem. It’s a hell of a thing to have 11 Israelis killed, and it’s a hell of a thing to have millions of people homeless all these years. So the problem has to be solved.” Nixon was receptive to Rogers’s argument, but Kissinger sat quietly and was alarmed.

Kissinger left the Oval Office and telephoned the Israeli ambassador in Washington, Yitzhak Rabin, to tell him about the meeting. Kissinger had his calls taped and transcribed as well. After hearing about the Oval office meeting, Rabin feared “that those who carried out the action in Munich succeeded beyond their expectations.” Kissinger urged Rabin to go to the U.N. Security Council to try to build a global consensus around fighting terrorism even if the United States and Israel would be isolated there.

Kissinger told him going to the Security Council would “not lead to any practical results but it will focus the problem on an issue on which we can talk jointly while the great danger that I see is that in a few days people will say—as was said at the meeting this morning—we must remove the cause of this.” He urged him that they should do it “before people start thinking about the problem.”

Kissinger was concerned that if the global debate about Munich was not immediately redirected toward uniform condemnation of the Palestinian guerrillas, the more people might think about the root causes and Palestinian grievances.

Herein lies the trap of the terrorism framework. It ostensibly aims to counter political violence, but it does so in a way that ensures political violence persists—by exceptionalizing it as a form of violence that comes from a vacuum. Unlike most forms of political violence—such as interstate conflicts and civil wars, insurgencies, rebellions, or political repression—terrorism is not something we are encouraged to understand the causes of; at best, reductionist explanations chalk up motivations to ideology, which, in the Palestinian case, is transparently flawed since Palestinian political violence has always transcended ideological divides.

By adopting this framework, opponents of this violence position themselves as standing with the victims of it and condemning the perpetrators. But in reality, they are merely condemning them all to continued and more horrific rounds of carnage.

It is a framework that allows leaders with the greatest capacity to prevent such violence—in this case, the leaders of the United States and Israel—a way to absolve themselves of responsibility at the expense of the very people whom they have a responsibility to protect. At the end of the day, it is always ordinary people, not states or policymakers or the media outfits that amplify them, who pay the highest price for this commitment to not thinking.

Israel, of course, would go on to blow up many things in Lebanon after 1972, and its invasion of southern Lebanon 10 years later led to a nearly two-decade occupation and the birth and strengthening of Hezbollah into a force that now requires U.S. aircraft carriers to help Israel deter.

It is easy to react to this by claiming that understanding the causes amounts to justification. That is precisely what this dangerous framework encourages us to do: It flattens political violence into a question of good and evil—to which impulse, not thought, is the only fitting response.

The reality is that political violence is part of the human condition and always has been, long before Zionism and long before Palestine. When humans commit to study pathology, it is not out of some desire to justify the diseases that plague us but rather to try to eliminate them; to the extent that there is any evil in this equation, it is in the ideological commitment to refuse to examine the cause of the disease. Without a genuine understanding of why this is happening—one that does not exceptionalize the problem or the perpetrators of violence on any side—it becomes impossible to heal what ails Israelis and Palestinians alike.

The terrorism framework absolves leaders of responsibility to address root causes, but it can also be manipulated in ways that magnify its harm. There is no better example of this than Israel’s policy toward Gaza over the last decade and a half. It was precisely because Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu knew he could rely on the terrorism framework absolving him of any responsibility for Gaza that he preferred to keep Hamas in power there so he could prevent any diplomatic progress toward ending the occupation.

This logic has been explained by multiple Israeli officials over the years. In 2005, when then-Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon decided to remove Israeli ground forces and settlers from Gaza, it was billed by many as a concession toward achieving peace, but, as his advisor Dov Weisglass explained in a 2004 interview, it was a move designed to do the exact opposite.

By keeping Gaza separate from the West Bank and ensuring Palestinian political fragmentation and a failed statelet in Gaza, Israel was creating an excuse to never make peace that it knew would be accepted. This “no-one-to-talk-to certificate,” which Weisglass said would be approved by Washington, says: “(1) There is no one to talk to. (2) As long as there is no one to talk to, the geographic status quo remains intact. (3) The certificate will be revoked only when this-and-this happens—when Palestine becomes Finland. (4) See you then, and shalom.” This approach, Weisglass added, “supplies the amount of formaldehyde that’s necessary so that there will not be a political process with the Palestinians.” Netanyahu, according to the Jerusalem Post, told his associates in 2019 that propping up Hamas in Gaza would keep Palestinians divided and that “whoever is against a Palestinian state should be for” it.

The PLO had renounced terrorism and recognized Israel (even though Israel never recognized Palestine’s right to exist), and those shifts in PLO positions brought it out of the terrorism framework and into the peace process. But Hamas didn’t follow the same path, in part because the group saw how that path had failed to produce any results for the PLO. Netanyahu, who was always opposed to Palestinian statehood, understood that Hamas represented a get-out-of-talks-free card, just as Weisglass had envisioned.

The costs of the failure to think about the problem have never been higher. More Israelis were killed on Oct. 7 than at any time in the country’s history. More Palestinians have been killed in Gaza in three weeks than in all of Israel’s previous military operations in Gaza combined. Save the Children has said that the “number of children reported killed in Gaza in just three weeks has surpassed the annual number of children killed across the world’s conflict zones since 2019.” The horrific and ever growing bloodshed underscores the failure of military solutions.

How many Israelis and Palestinians would still be with us had we committed to thinking about the problem—rather than avoiding it—in 1972?

Breaking from this continued pattern of violence requires an understanding of the difference between justice and vengeance. The lesson that the Greek playwright Aeschylus taught so many years ago is as easily forgotten as vital to remember: The difference between the two concepts is law, which exists only to the extent that there is faith in the equal application of it.

When illegal violence, including war crimes, committed by one side is routinely condemned and the perpetrators held accountable and illegal violence by the other side, including war crimes, is never condemned and the perpetrators are instead excused and enabled to continue perpetrating such violence to ever greater extents, law exists not as an instrument of justice but an instrument of oppression; vengeance reigns; and we lock countless more innocents into lives of horror.

This is precisely where the terrorism framework has led us.

[nailpurged]

vtuber dr? 2

As someone who cannot take a compliment (read: outwardly nods and accepts it while internally screaming crying having a cardiac arrest) I can't wait for the moment when someone praises me as a video game developer while we're streaming (off-collab) and I start panic-insulting them. (I'm only partially being sarcastic.)

I'll have been a game dev longer than I started streaming, so to see the reactions of fans during my debut will be neat. They'll probably expect someone cool and seiso (since I mostly make roguelikes/roguelites and horror-adjacent games) only to be greeted with someone... not that. I'm basically the same person on- and off-stream: dorky, low-maintenance, and only sometimes unhinged.

Other things I'm looking forward(?) to:

Inside jokes within my fandom

Playing video games I can't run in this reality (because of my potato PC low computer specs)

Having pets! Specifically, a ball python and monitor lizard

No allergies

Not living with my family/roommates (I can finally get my ill-advised 2AM "snacks" in peace)

Micromanaging my streamer setup

Doing an April Fool's stream EVERY. SINGLE. YEAR.

Reading and replying to non-English SCs (superchats) in their language (because I'm a polyglot)

Shilling my friend's podcasts on-stream

Shilling my other friend's art on-stream

Hyping up my friends in general (they're wonderful people and I love them)

Having the amazing/terrible idea to make a song in Swedish and Chinese and actually doing it

Being second-best in a game I made

My brother not watching my streams even though he has mod permissions and instead watching my VODs for the sole purpose of making fun of me

Collaborating with VTuber agencies and making friends with their members (Hololive/Holostars, I'm looking at you)

Posing as my own manager when meeting said members (I don't have a manager)

Using my VA (voice acting) talents for fun and evil

Accidentally switching languages mid-sentence and then inevitably getting confused when other people don't understand what I'm saying

Making lighthearted fun of shipping content with the people (read: willing friends who are also VTubers) I'm shipped with (e.g. jokingly arguing about who tops)

Actually publishing my hundreds of WIP fanfiction (not under my VTuber account/identity though)

Reading fanfiction of my own creations (video games, manga/webcomics, interactive fiction, etc.)

Having an herb garden

Being drastically taller than almost everyone I meet (humans were not meant to be this height)

Designing and wearing my own clothes

Trying new foods!

Winning every drinking competition because I have a very high alcohol tolerance (thanks ancestors)

Spoiling my loved ones rotten

Unhinged guerrilla streams (e.g. a metal cover of "Never Gonna Give You Up")

[captain-price-unofficially]

Filipino and ethnic Chinese guerrillas guarding a group of Japanese POWs, downtown Manila, 1945