#basil al araj

[houseofpurplestars]

"Resistance begins with you. Shatter the walls surrounding your mind. "

"Liberate your mind before the land," in the words of the revolutionary intellectual martyr Basil Al-Araj.

Basil calls on us to challenge the perceived invincibility of oppressive forces: their power comes not from their weapons, but from our own minds.

"Start with yourself." Take direct action to challenge oppression, as Basil did. Recognize your own capacity to create change. It is a battle to reclaim minds, dignity, and land.

Khaled Odetalah, in mourning Basil, said: "Basil did not call on us to be resistance fighters. Nor did he call on us to be revolutionaries. Basil told us to be true; that is all. If you are true, you will be revolutionaries and resistance fighters."

t.me/PalestineResist

[opencommunion]

via RNN:

The eternal martyr Basil Al-Araj wrote abundantly before his ascension in March of 2017. In his posthumously published book, "I Have Found My Answers," (a line from his will) he spoke of war during the 2014 zionist aggression on Gaza, just prior to the IOF ground invasion on July 17.

Basil guided us with eight rules and insights on the nature of war. He wrote:

—

Since there is talk of a ground operation, several points must be considered:

1. The Palestinian resistance consists of guerrilla formations whose strategies follow the logic of guerrilla warfare or hybrid warfare, which Arabs and Muslims have become masters of through our experiences in Afghanistan, Iraq, Lebanon, and Gaza. War is never based on the logic of conventional wars and the defense of fixed points and borders; on the contrary, you draw the enemy into an ambush. You do not stick to a fixed position to defend it; instead, you perform maneuvers, movement, withdrawal, and attack from the flanks and the rear. So, never measure it against conventional wars.

2. The enemy will spread photos and videos of their invasion into Gaza, occupation of residential buildings, or presence in public areas and well-known landmarks. This is part of the psychological warfare in guerrilla wars; you allow your enemy to move as they wish so that they fall into your trap and you strike them. You determine the location and timing of the battle. So, you may see photos from Al-Katiba Square, Al-Saraya, Al-Rimal, or Omar Al-Mukhtar Street, but do not let this weaken your resolve. The battle is judged by its overall results, and this is merely a show.

3. Never spread the occupation's propaganda, and do not contribute to instilling a sense of defeat. This must be focused on, for soon, we will start talking about a massive invasion in Beit Lahia and Al-Nusseirat, for example. Never spread panic; be supportive of the resistance and do not spread any news broadcast by the occupation (forget about the ethics and impartiality of journalism; just as the zionist journalist is a fighter, so are you).

4. The enemy may broadcast images of prisoners, most likely civilians, but the goal is to suggest the rapid collapse of the resistance. Do not believe them.

5. The enemy will carry out tactical, qualitative operations to assassinate some symbols [of resistance], and all of this is part of psychological warfare. Those who have died and those who will die will never affect the resistance's system and cohesion because the structure and formations of the resistance are not centralized but horizontal and widespread. Their goal is to influence the resistance's support base and the families of the resistance fighters, as they are the only ones who can affect the men of the resistance.

6. Our direct human and material losses will be much greater than the enemy's, which is natural in guerrilla wars that rely on willpower, the human element, and the extent of patience and endurance. We are far more capable of bearing the costs, so there is no need to compare or be alarmed by the magnitude of the numbers.

7. Today's wars are no longer just wars and clashes between armies but rather are struggles between societies. Let us be like a solid structure and play a game of biting fingers with the enemy, our society against their society.

Finally, every Palestinian (in the broad sense, meaning anyone who sees Palestine as a part of their struggle, regardless of their secondary identities), every Palestinian is on the front lines of the battle for Palestine, so be careful not to fail in your duty.

[bfpnola]

image description by @swosheep

ID 1: all images are screenshots from an Instagram post by letstalkpalestine. They have a light beige background. The first image is a title, reading: "Lets talk armed resistance". The subtitle reads: "Analysing why and how Palestinians resist militarily".

ID 2: The second image begins with an illustration of a pair of fists breaking free from shackles. Below the illustration, the body text reads: "In the face of colonization and violent ethnic cleansing, Palestinians are forced to engage in an armed struggle in order to defend themselves and liberate their land." Palestinian armed resistance has a long history, first deployed against the British occupation. Today, it's a tool used to pursue different political goals as part of the long-term objective of national liberation."

ID 3: The third image is titled: "What is armed resistance?" The body text reads: "Since the dawn of time, oppressed groups have used armed resistance as a legitimate way to free themselves from colonial powers. When a group is occupied by a violent power, which seeks to dominate, exploit, or harm them, resistance is not just a right, but a communal duty." The words 'communal duty' are very large and circled in orange. The bottom portion of the image looks like a piece of lined paper. It reads: "Examples of armed resistance for liberation: Haitian Revolution [Haitian flag], Algerian Independence Struggle [Algerian flag], Zapatista Movement [Zapatista flag], African National Congress [African National Congress flag]."

ID 4: The fourth image is titled: "Israel's military is one of the most powerful in the world". The body text reads: "Freeing Palestine by defeating Israel's military isn't feasible. This is why armed resistance is a political tool used for mid-term tactical political goals as part of a bigger long-term struggle." A subtitle reads: "The three elements of armed resistance according to Palestinian intellectual Basil al-Araj:". The elements are listed left to right and have illustrations below them. They are: "Direct Action", with an illustration of a raised fist. "Popular Mobilization", with an illustration of four people with arrows pointing at them. "Development", with an illustration of a graph going up.

ID 5: The fifth image is split into three sections. The first section is titled: "Direct action", in orange, and has an illustration of a raised fist, also orange. The text beside it is black and says: "Includes both violent and non-violent actions such as military operations, protests, boycotts, and strikes. The purpose of direct action is to slowly weaken the occupation and spread political awareness." The second section is titled "Popular Mobilization", in orange, and has an illustration of four people with arrows pointing at them, also orange. The text beside it is black and says: "An organized populace raising awareness and collectively uniting around a specific demand or vision. Organized masses build upon direct action through large-scale protests." The final section is titled "Development", in orange, and has an illustration of a graph going upwards, also orange. The text beside it is black and says: "The process of building independent institutions and economic sufficiency free from external influence to empower the community."

ID 6: The sixth image has no title. The body text reads: "Palestinian armed resistance first emerged in the 1936 Palestinian Revolution against British rule, where it performed these three roles." Below, there is a stylized bullet list with three points, which have titles written in white text on an orange background. The first point is titled "Direct Action", and reads: "Palestinian military operations targeted British and Zionist military objects and officials." The second point is titled "Popular Mobilisation", and reads: "News of these operations spread across Palestine, sparking mass mobilization in solidarity with the fighters. This led to a nationwide strike that halted the economy for months, pressuring Britain." The third point is titled "National Development", and reads: This mobilised initiatives to replace British colonial structures with independent Palestinian institutions like courts and postal services.

ID 7: The seventh image is titled: "Armed resistance played the same role in The Second Intifada.". The body text reads: "Palestinian fighters took direct action by regularly blockading Israeli colonies and laying traps for Israeli tanks and soldiers to weaken the occupation. These military operations fueled long-term and sustained mass mobilization throughout Palestine, which revived local traditions of village, camp, and neighborhood-based self-reliance as a model of economic development and independence from Israel." The words 'independence from Israel' are in large bold text, circled in orange.

ID 8: The eight image is titled: "Hamas". Text to the right of the title reads: "A political party founded in 1987 during the First Intifada which has resisted the occupation through its military wing. Hamas makes headlines for its regular use of rockets to fight the occupation." A subtitle, circled in orange, reads: "So why rockets?" Below the subtitle there is a numbered list, which reads: "1. Deterrent. The threat of launching rockets deters Israel from extreme military actions, and incentivizes it to accept ceasefires earlier, saving lives. 2. To Send a Message. Hamas often launches a single rocket at empty land as a message and form of protest, similar to how countries conduct military exercises or fly over airspace to make a statement. 3. Overcome Isolation. As Gazans are trapped in an open-air prison, rockets allow Hamas to influence Israeli policy in the rest of Palestine. IN 2021, Hamas used its rockets to add pressure to Israel to stop its ethnic cleansing of Jerusalem. This connected Jerusalem and Gaza as a single political theater, overcoming Israel's strategy of divide-and-conquer."

ID 9: the ninth image is titled: "The Lion's Den", and subtitled: "A new youth-led resistance group in the West Bank city of Nablus." The body text reads: "Their short-term goals are to defend the city from Israeli raids, disrupt settlements, and weaken Israeli control by targeting surrounding checkpoints. Their long-term goal is to create mass consciousness among Palestinians to create a 'generation of numbers', after which a 'generation of liberation' will come. They lead mass mobilizations, such as strikes and protests, to create this consciousness. Their popularity has challenged the corrupt Palestinian Authority, presenting a new model of leadership: decentralised and youth-led, uniting members of all parties and factions."

ID 10: the tenth image is titled "Moral right". The body text reads: "Colonized people have the right to defend themselves, their children, and their communities in the face of an army which kills them regularly." A quote by @/mohammedelkurd reads: "Those resisting, those born and raised in violence, do not require the approval of Ivy League students or corporate television anchors who routinely turn a blind eye to the decades of debilitating, systematic, and material violence of the Israeli regime." The quote is placed within orange quote marks and is in large bolded italics for emphasis. The body text continues: "Peace is not the absence of violence. Peace needs justice, dignity, and liberation. Armed resistance is a tactical tool to create a future where people no longer need to defend themselves. Only then is true peace possible." The final sentence is written in large orange text.

[sevenoctober7]

If you would like to know what American students are currently reading. Writings by Ghassan Kanafani, Basil Al-Araj, Laila Khaled, Malcolm

[jloisse]

"Resistance is continually benefitting. Whatever you pay in resistance, if you don't reap it in your lifetime, you will get the results later."

the revolutionary, resisting martyr Basil Al-Araj

[edwordsmyth]

"Specifically in the US, the Palestine solidarity movement is mostly conditioned on the requirement of recognizing “Israel's right to exist.” An American who supports our cause and opposes the existence of Israel entirely must, by definition, be someone who also opposes the existence of the US itself. Israel is a carbon copy of the US, with the exception that Israel was absolutely self-aware from the moment of its birth. It is impossible to gain an American into our camp unless he also opposes the very idea of the US, and so do not bother stirring the emotions of Americans and trying to jerk their tears over us. What's more useful is to dismantle the idea of the US in their minds as a prelude to making them understand our cause and our rights. Any effort that doesn't include this will be washed away as easily as sea foam." -Bassel al-Araj

[secondwhisper]

For decades, liberal Zionist writers have attempted to portray the West Bank settlers and their benefactors as the bastardization of a sacred ideal, rather than what they more truthfully represent: the bare, exposed soul of Zionist settler colonialism, without reservation, without media training, without hasbara; pure, unadulterated violence, biblical racism, greed, and theft. The settlers are, if nothing else, remarkably honest about the nature of the Zionist project. By cordoning them off as aberrations to be rebuked, the intent of liberal Zionist commentators is to reclaim the legitimacy of Israel via controlled demolition.

...

Counterinsurgent critique, like any genre, relies on a set of stock tropes. Settlers [...] are necessarily constructed as a foil—the bad Zionists—that implies the existence of a mythical good Zionist. The good Zionist believes in the “peace process” and the establishment of a Palestinian state (generally through the Palestinian Authority), with the qualification that this must be accompanied by “security” for Israelis, a slippery stipulation which is never explicitly defined.

...

Narrative control is ultimately the goal of counterinsurgent critique. Both in the early 2000s and now, a notable feature of counterinsurgent critique is the near total absence of Palestinian perspectives—apart from those who are occasionally invited to speak under the guise of their own victimhood. The Palestinians who articulate the sharpest and most dangerous critiques of Zionism, like Basil al-Araj or Refaat Alareer, do not find a platform in the New York Times or The Atlantic; instead, they are murdered or jailed. In publications like these, Palestinians primarily exist in relation to Zionism, as barometers for the soul of Israeli society. The lethal occupation can grind on, the fundamentally racist Israeli state apparatus can remain, so long as its most extreme and religious zealots are kept out of sight. Not because of the suffering, dispossession, torture, and psychological trauma they inflict on Palestinians, but because they make Israel look bad.

[donewithcapitalistfrayers]

Basil Al-Araj "Why do we go to War"

[fuckyeahmarxismleninism]

Protest Murder of Palestinian Youth Leader Basil Al Araj

New York City: Monday, March 13 - 5:30 to 7:30 pm

Palestine Observer Mission, 115 E 65th St, Manhattan 

Washington, DC: Monday, March 13 - 5:30 pm

PLO Delegation to the US, 1732 Wisconsin Ave NW

Called by Palestinian Youth Movement (PYM)

Join us to honor the Palestinian martyr Basil Al Araj (باسل الأعرج) and condemn his assassination by the Zionist occupation, facilitated by the collusion of the Palestinian Authority. Rather than honoring the legacy of Basil, a revolutionary and a youth leader, the PA is posthumously putting him on trial on Sunday, March 12, along with other Palestinian activists struggling for the liberation of Palestine. This is one of many actions happening around the world in memory of Basil Al Araj. Learn more about Basil: http://samidoun.net/2017/03/basil-al-araj-executed-by-israeli-occupation-forces-after-pa-imprisonment-and-months-in-hiding/

[houseofpurplestars]

"Our duty is not only to take revenge. Our duty is to perfect revenge."

- Palestinian martyr Basil Al-Araj

[londonpalestineaction]

سيحاكمكم باسل: In Protest at the Murder of Basil Al Araj

On Sunday 12th March 2017, Basil al-Araj was meant to be tried in court. Instead, Basil was assassinated by the Israeli occupation forces in Ramallah – just a few minutes away from the headquarters of the Palestinian Authority security forces.

We gathered outside the Palestine Mission in London to honour Basil, and to demand the end of the security coordination with Israeli occupation forces. We condemn the complicity of the PA security forces in arresting Palestinian activists with no charge and torturing them with impunity.

For more info on protests from around the world including Palestine, see Samidoun’s round-up. See also this Facebook Live from the London gathering.

[palestine]

Ghassan Kanafani: Voice of Palestine (1936-1972)

Ghassan Kanafani: Voice of Palestine (1936-1972)

Sep 4 2017 / 10:00 pm

Ghassan Kanafani. (Photo: File)

By Louis Brehony

2017 marks 45 years since the murder of Palestinian writer, activist and political leader Ghassan Kanafani by the Israeli Mossad agency. On July 8, 1972, while living in Beirut, a car bomb explosion killed him along with his 17-year-old niece Lamees. Kanafani was one of the most important figures in 20th century literature. He was also a refugee, a revolutionary Marxist and an internationalist. The Israelis claimed the assassination was a response to the Lod Airport attack two months earlier, although Kanafani had played no direct role in this. He was, according to the obituary in the Lebanese Daily Star, ‘a commando who never fired a gun, whose weapon was a ball-point pen, and his arena the newspaper pages.’ Kanafani was at the time of his death the official spokesman of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and the editor of its paper Al Hadaf. The organisation saluted ‘the leader, the writer, the strategist, and the visionary.’

Ghassan Kanafani spent the early years of his life in the port city of Acre, where he was born in 1936. At the time of his birth, Kanafani’s father and other family members were participants in the national revolt against the British occupation of Palestine and its facilitation of Zionist colonisation. Acre was the site of a British occupation jail and of the executions of leading Palestinian activists. The epic song ‘From Acre Prison’ (Min Sijjn Akka) protests against their killing and remains an anthem of the Palestinian struggle. Prior to 1948, Acre had around 15,000 Palestinian inhabitants and no Zionist settlements. The Zionist attacks in the Nakba led to the expulsion of all but 3,000 Palestinians. 12-year-old Ghassan and his family became refugees in the town of Zabadiya, central west Syria, joining the hundreds of thousands of Palestinians exiled from their homelands.

After studying at university in Damascus, Kanafani became a teacher and journalist, working in Syria, then in Kuwait before ending up in Beirut. It was while working in refugee camps that Kanafani began writing his novels; his later interest in Marxist philosophy and politics came while living in Beirut. He was clear that:

‘My political position springs from my being a novelist. In so far as I am concerned, politics and the novel are an indivisible case and I can categorically state that I became politically committed because I am a novelist, not the opposite.’

Short Stories, Novels and Poems

The themes of Kanafani’s writing were inseparably connected to the struggle of the Palestinian people over the course of his life. The Nakba is depicted vividly in works like The Land of the Sad Oranges (1963):

‘At Al-Nakura, our truck parked, along with numerous other ones. The men began to hand in their weapons to their officers, stationed there for that specific purpose. When our turn came, I could see the rifles and guns lying on the table and the long queue of lorries, leaving the land of oranges far behind and spreading out over the winding roads of Lebanon.’

‘After that day, life passed slowly…We were deceived by announcements…we were stunned by the bitter truth…Grimness started to invade the faces, your father found it difficult to talk about Palestine or the happy days in his orange groves…’

The refugees are central to his narrative. In the harrowing tale Men in the Sun (1962), a group of Palestinians are smuggled in the burning heat across Iraq and into Kuwait. They make it across the border but suffocate to death in the back of an oil tanker. The story is symbolic of the state of paralysis experienced by the refugees, where access to documentation could determine basic survival.

But Kanafani’s works were not tales of despair and hopelessness. Looked at collectively they speak of the problems and solutions of those expelled from their homes. In Return to Haifa (1970), he emphasises that ‘The greatest crime anybody can commit is to think that the weakness and the mistakes of others give him the right to exist at their expense.’ In other works he draws on the rising armed struggle for Palestinian liberation. The central figure of the short novel Umm Saad encourages her son to fight along with the guerrillas. According to Anni Kanafani, Ghassan’s wife, ‘Umm Saad was a symbol of the Palestinian women in the camp and of the worker class… it is the illiterate woman who speaks and the intellectual who listens and puts the questions.’

Activist-Intellectual

In the years during which these literary classics were written, Ghassan had become an active member of the Arab Nationalist Movement, inspired by Gamal Abdul Nasser’s ideas of national independence and defiance of imperialism. But by 1961, the attempt at unification between Egypt and Syria (under a unified United Arab Republic) had failed, and the still firmly capitalist economy faltered. In the 1967 war, Israel dealt a heavy defeat on Egypian-led resistance. The decline of Nasserism took place alongside the rise of explicitly communist leadership in the anti-imperialist struggles then taking place throughout the world – Cuba, Mozambique and, with growing international significance, Vietnam. During these years Kanafani, along with his comrade George Habash, began to make a more serious study of Marxism, arriving at the conclusion that the political crisis in the Arab world and the ascendancy of imperialism and Zionism could only be solved by turning the anti-imperialist struggle into a social revolution.

As a PFLP leader, Kanafani turned his pen to overtly political questions, reflecting the urgency of developing the Palestinian national liberation struggle by the end of the 1960s. He increasingly dedicated his time to publishing work on the historic struggles of the Palestinian people, resigning from a well-paid job at the Nasserist magazine al Anwar to edit the PFLP newspaper Al Hadaf (The Target). The 1969 document Strategy for the Liberation of Palestine was co-authored by Kanafani and applied a Marxist analysis of class to the forces involved in the revolutionary movement, discussing its prospects and political strategy. The Resistance and its Problems, a pamphlet written by Kanafani and published by the PFLP in 1970, is a critical discussion on leadership, Marxist theory and practice, in the national liberation struggle.

In the pages of Al Hadaf, Kanafani called for ‘all facts to the masses.’ Perhaps his most important overtly political work was his detailed analysis of the 1936-39 Palestinian revolt. Kanafani wrote of the 1935 martyrdom of Sheikh Iz Al Din Al Qassam in an influential article first published in an early PLO magazine Palestinian Affairs (Shu’un Falastiniyeh) and later distributed as a pamphlet on armed struggle by the PFLP. In The 1936-39 Revolt in Palestine, finished in the year of his death, Kanafani details the structure of Palestinian society, the rise of Zionism, the failures of the left and, perhaps most crucially in the run-up to 1948, the weakening of the revolutionary movement by the ruthless British imperialist regime. Its violence was ‘unprecedented’, and ‘it was during the years of the revolt – 1936-1939 – that British colonialism threw all its weight into performing the task of supporting the Zionist presence and setting it on its feet.’ In this work he spares none of the reactionary Arab regimes from his ruthless criticism.

Anti-imperialism

Kanafani played a major role in raising consciousness of this period in anti-imperialist struggle and was an uncompromising internationalist:

‘Imperialism has laid its body over the world, the head in Eastern Asia, the heart in the Middle East, its arteries reaching Africa and Latin America. Wherever you strike it, you damage it, and you serve the world revolution.’

Kanafani’s descriptions of imperialism are characteristically graphic. He pointed to the international significance of the Palestinian struggle.

‘The Palestinian cause is not a cause for Palestinians only, but a cause for every revolutionary… as a cause of the exploited and oppressed masses in our era’.

In the memoir which Anni Kanafani published after her husband’s death, she wrote:

‘His inspiration for writing and working unceasingly was the Palestinian-Arab struggle…He was one of those who fought sincerely for the development of the resistance movement from being a nationalist Palestinian liberation movement into being a pan-Arab revolutionary socialist movement of which the liberation of Palestine would be a vital component. He always stressed that the Palestine problem could not be solved in isolation from the Arab World’s whole social and political situation.’

We should not forget, of course, that 17-year-old Lamees was murdered alongside him in the car bombing. Ghassan’s sister Fayzeh reflected:

‘Just the previous day Lamees had asked her uncle to reduce his revolutionary activities and to concentrate more upon writing his stories. She had said to him, “Your stories are beautiful,” and he had answered, “Go back to writing stories? I write well because I believe in a cause, in principles. The day I leave these principles, my stories will become empty. If I were to leave behind my principles, you yourself would not respect me.” He was able to convince the girl that the struggle and the defense of principles is what finally leads to success in everything.’

Kanafani’s class analysis was ahead of its time in the Palestinian movement and pointed to the dangers ahead if the bourgeois trend in the PLO leadership went unchecked. Negotiations with the Israeli leadership, he said, would be ‘a conversation between the sword and the neck… I have never seen talks between a colonialist case and a national liberation movement.’

Ghassan Kanafani was murdered for his commitment to Palestinian resistance. Like Basil Al Araj, gunned down in February this year, he was seen by the Israeli occupiers as a threat to the racist occupation regime. His legacy lives on in every Palestinian and internationalist willing to fight for the anti-imperialist cause. Speaking to students he once said,

‘The goal of education is to correct the march of history. For this reason we need to study history and to apprehend its dialectics in order to build a new historical era, in which the oppressed will live, after their liberation by revolutionary violence, from the contradiction that captivated them’.

– Louis Brehony contributed this article to PalestineChronicle.com.

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Via Palestine Chronicle http://bit.ly/2wEMR5y

[jloisse]

"Our duty is not only to take revenge. Our duty is to improve revenge."

-Martyr Basil Al-Araj

[frompalestinewithlove]

In a pre-dawn raid attacking a home in el-Bireh, Basil al-Araj, 31, Palestinian youth activist and writer pursued by Israel for nearly a year, was assassinated by invading Israeli occupation forces this morning.

Al-Araj, from the village of Walaja near Bethlehem, fought back and resisted the invading forces for two hours before the attacking occupation soldiers broke into the home where he was staying and executed him at close range. They then seized his body and took it to an unknown location.

The attack on the home included rocket fire as well as al-Araj’s extrajudicial execution in a hail of bullets. Al-Araj’s family home in al-Walaja had been repeatedly raided by occupation forces for months.

Al-Araj, a writer and activist involved in a wide array of Palestinian grassroots struggles for liberation, was among the Palestinian youth dedicated to reviving the Palestinian national liberation movement. One of six Palestinian youth released from Palestinian Authority prisons after nearly six months of detention when they launched a hunger strike, Al-Araj and other youth had been seized in April in what was touted as a victory for security coordination between the PA and Israel. While they were imprisoned by the PA, they were subject to torture and ill-treatment by PA security forces.

After their hunger strike and widespread attention to their case, including protests after reports of their torture, secured their release, four of the youth – Mohammed al-Salameen, Seif al-Idrissi, Haitham Siyaj, and Mohammed Harb – have been seized by Israeli occupation forces. All four have been ordered to administrative detention, imprisonment without charge or trial.

The extrajudicial execution of Basil al-Araj is yet another example of the ongoing use of “arrest raids” as assassination raids against Palestinian strugglers, including the killing of Abdullah Shalaldeh in the hospital and the murder of former prisoner and struggler Muataz Washaha. It also highlights once again the devastating and deadly reality of “security coordination” between the Israeli occupation and the Palestinian Authority for Palestinians struggling for their liberation, pursued and imprisoned through this coordination up to the point of their execution.

Source

[leftpress]

PFLP denounces the assassination of young Palestinian struggler and leader Basil al-Araj

| Socialist Project - In The News | March 12th 2017

The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine joins with the masses of our resisting people in mourning one of the most prominent young Palestinian strugglers, Basil al-Araj, who was assassinated today by the cowardly Zionist occupation. The martyr fought a heroic battle after many months of pursuit. The Front called on resistance actions to come together in unity and coordination to respond to this crime and intensify operations against the Zionist occupation.