#West Bengal Bharatiya Janata Party

[reasonsforhope]

"It was widely described as the week that India’s beleaguered democracy was pulled back from the brink. As the election results rolled in on Tuesday [June 4, 2024], all predictions and polls were defied as Narendra Modi lost his outright majority for the first time in a decade while the opposition re-emerged as a legitimate political force. On Sunday evening, Modi will be sworn in as prime minister yet many believe his power and mandate stands diminished.

For one opposition politician in particular, the humbling of the strongman prime minister was a moment to savour. Late last year, Mahua Moitra, one of the most outspoken critics of Modi and his Bharatiya Janata party (BJP), found herself unceremoniously expelled from parliament and kicked out of her bungalow, after what she described as a “political witch-hunt” for daring to stand up to Modi.

The murky and allegedly undemocratic circumstances of Moitra’s expulsion from parliament was seen by many to symbolise Modi’s approach to dissenting voices and the steady erosion of India’s democracy. She was among several vocal opposition politicians who were subjected to investigations by government crime agencies.

But having won a landslide re-election in her home state of West Bengal, Moitra will return once again to parliament, part of the newly empowered opposition coalition. “I can’t wait,” said Moitra. “They went to egregious lengths to discredit and destroy me and abused every process to do it. If I had gone down, it would have meant that brute force had triumphed over democracy.”

While he may be returning for a historic third term, many have portrayed the results as something of a defeat for Modi, who has had to rely on coalition partners to form a government. The BJP’s campaign had been solely centred around him – even the manifesto was titled “Modi’s guarantee” – and in many constituencies, local BJP candidates often played second fiddle to the prime minister, who loomed large over almost every seat. He told one interviewer he believed his mandate to rule was given directly by God.

“Modi’s aura was invincibility, that the BJP could not win elections without him,” said Moitra. “But the people of India didn’t give him a simple majority. They were voting against authoritarianism and they were voting against fascism. This was an overwhelming, resounding anti-Modi vote.”

During his past decade in power, Modi and the BJP enjoyed a powerful outright majority and oversaw an unprecedented concentration of power under the prime minister’s office, where key decisions were widely known to be made by a select few.

The Modi government was accused of imposing various authoritarian measures, including the harassment and arrest of critics under terrorism laws, while the country tumbled in global democracy and press freedom rankings. Modi never faced a press conference or any committee of accountability for the often divisive actions of his government. Politicians regularly complained that parliament was simply reduced to a rubber-stamping role for the BJP’s Hindu-first agenda.

Yet on Tuesday [June 40, it became clear that the more than 25 opposition parties, united as a coalition under the acronym INDIA, had inflicted substantial losses on the BJP to take away its simple majority. Analysts said the opposition’s performance was all the more remarkable given that the BJP stands accused of subverting and manipulating the election commission, as well as putting key opposition leaders behind bars and far outspending all other parties on its campaign. The BJP has denied any attempts to skew the election in its favour.

“This election proved that the voter is still the ultimate king,” said Moitra. “Modi was so shameless, yet despite them using every tool they had to engineer this election to their advantage, our democracy fought back.”

Moitra said she was confident it was “the end of Mr Modi’s autocratic way of ruling”. Several of the parties in the BJP’s alliance who he is relying on for a parliamentary majority and who will sit in Modi’s cabinet do not share his Hindu nationalist ideology...

Moitra was not alone in describing this week’s election as a reprieve for the troubling trajectory of India’s democracy. Columns heralding that the “mirror has cracked” and the “idea of India is reborn” were plastered across the country’s biggest newspapers, and editorials spoke of the end of “supremo syndrome”. “The bulldozer now has brakes,” wrote the Deccan Chronicle newspaper. “And once a bulldozer has brakes, it becomes just a lawnmower.” ...

“This was not a normal election, it was clearly an unfair and unlevel playing field,” said Yadav. “But still, there is now a hope and a possibility that the authoritarian element could be reversed.”

Harsh Mander, one of India’s most prominent human rights and peace activists who is facing numerous criminal investigations for his work, called the election the “most important in India’s post independence history”, adding: “The resilience of Indian democracy has proved to be spectacular.”

He said it was encouraging that an “intoxication of majoritarian hate politics” had not ultimately shaped the outcome, referring to Modi’s apparent attempts to stir up religious animosity on the campaign trail as he referred to Muslims as “infiltrators” and “those who have more children”.

“The past decade has seen the freedom of religion and the freedom of conscience and dissent taken away,” said Mander. “If this election had gone fully the BJP way, then India would not remain a constitutional secular democracy.”"

-via The Guardian, June 9, 2024

[sivavakkiyar]

The demand for a caste census continues to gain popularity. After Bihar published the results of its case census in October, pressure is growing on the Karnataka government to release its findings. Andhra Pradesh has started its caste census and there are increasing calls for a similar exercise in Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal.

With direct implications for reservations in education and public sector jobs, welfare provisions and political mobilisation, caste censuses could be decisive to uncovering power relations in the country.

The 2024 general elections are due soon and a caste census may momentarily seem to have diminished in importance, given the gains made by the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance with inauguration of the Ram temple in January. But its significance will doubtless become apparent after the election when the challenges of poverty, unemployment and related issues of resource distribution rise to the fore.

So far, the focus in caste census discussions has largely been on ascertaining the populations of caste communities and tackling problems related to the multiplicity of jati names. How people identify themselves is shaped by a complex mix of tradition, personal beliefs political positioning and the influence of community organisations. Understanding identities is, therefore, a weighty task.

At the same time, equal attention must be paid to the opportunity presented by the exercise to measure land ownership by caste. Caste censuses can reveal crucial patterns in how power in India is enmeshed in land. Most importantly, the caste census has the potential to bring land reform back to political agendas.

[beardedmrbean]

An 18-year-old schoolboy was shot and killed by so-called cow protection vigilantes in India after they chased him for miles over suspicion of being involved in cattle smuggling.

The incident took place in Faridabad in the northern Indian state of Haryana on 23 August, days after a migrant worker was beaten to death by another cow vigilante group in the state’s Charkhi Dadri district over suspicion of consuming beef.

Cows are considered sacred and worshipped by many Hindus, the religion that makes up a large majority of India’s population. Cow vigilante groups are accused of enforcing, often violently, Indian laws banning cattle slaughter and beef consumption.

Scores of cow “protectors” in recent years have been accused of using violence to carry out extra-judicial activities, often finding themselves at odds with law enforcement. Yet their activities have also received a degree of public support from those who believe they are defending the Hindu faith. Their activities have seen an increase since prime minister Narendra Modi came to power in 2014 as the head of the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

The vigilantes were allegedly searching for cattle smugglers when they chased Aryan Mishra’s car for about 18 miles (30km) before opening fire, reported NDTV.

Five members of the group have been arrested in connection with the incident. The accused, identified as Anil Kaushik, Varun, Krishna, Adesh, and Saurabh, claimed they had received information that smugglers were active in the area in large Renault Duster and Toyota Fortuner cars, hoping to pick up cattle.

Mishra and his friends, Harshit and Shanky, were in a Renault Duster car when they were stopped by the vigilantes. The occupants of the car are said to have had a prior dispute with another individual, mistook the vigilantes for their rivals and sped away.

The vigilantes, convinced that the occupants were cattle smugglers, chased the car and opened fire, hitting Mishra. When the car finally stopped, the attackers fired another shot into Mishra’s chest, resulting in his death, reported India Today.

According to the police, the suspects initially attempted to mislead the investigators, saying they threw the weapon into a canal. However, it was later recovered from Kaushik’s home, police said. The arrested men are currently in police custody, and further investigation is underway.

The killing of Mishra comes on the heels of another brutal incident in Haryana where Sabir Malik, a migrant worker from West Bengal, was beaten to death by a group of cow vigilantes on 27 August on suspicion of consuming beef. Authorities arrested seven individuals, including two minors, in connection with Malik’s death, as the state grappled with the rising tide of such crimes.

Hardline Hindu groups have been demanding a complete ban on cow slaughter across India, with several states enacting strict laws against it. Critics say that these laws have emboldened the vigilantes, leading to an increase in attacks on those accused of killing cows for meat or leather – predominantly people from the minority Muslim community and those on the lower rungs of India’s ancient caste system.

Last week, a 55-year-old woman died, reportedly of a panic attack, after police raided her home in Bijnor in Uttar Pradesh state to see if she was storing beef. In the end their searches showed she wasn’t.

Uttar Pradesh enforces strict laws against cow slaughter, with violations punishable by up to 10 years in prison and a fine of up to Rs500,000 (£4,500). The state’s anti-cow slaughter law not only bans the animal’s killing, but also the sale and transport of beef.

In the neighbouring state of Madhya Pradesh, authorities bulldozed the homes of 11 people in June after allegedly finding beef in their refrigerators and cows in their backyards. Police later claimed that the homes were demolished for being illegally built on government land, without providing evidence.

In September last year, police arrested Mohit Yadav, better known by his alias Monu Manesar, after he was accused of inciting deadly religious violence in the north Indian state of Haryana in July.

The head of a unit set up by a hardline Hindu group to protect cows, he was detained for allegedly uploading “objectionable and inflammatory” posts in the run-up to religion violence in Nuh in which at least six people were killed and several injured. He was also accused in the murder of two Muslim men in the neighbouring state of Rajasthan.

In April last year, four members of the right-wing group All India Hindu Mahasabha were arrested in Uttar Pradesh for allegedly slaughtering cows to falsely implicate Muslim men. The arrests were made after police uncovered the group’s involvement in filing a false complaint against four Muslim men for alleged cow slaughter.

In March 2023, police in Bihar arrested three men in connection with the death of a Muslim man, Naseem Qureshi, who was attacked because he was suspected of carrying beef.

On 1 September, an elderly Muslim man was assaulted by his co-passengers on a moving train in Maharashtra’s Nashik district on suspicion of carrying beef. Police arrested three men allegedly involved in the incident after a video of the assault went viral on social media.

The Independent is the world’s most free-thinking news brand, providing global news, commentary and analysis for the independently-minded. We have grown a huge, global readership of independently minded individuals, who value our trusted voice and commitment to positive change. Our mission, making change happen, has never been as important as it is today.

[mariacallous]

While India’s Bharatiya Janata Party and Prime Minister Narendra Modi appear poised to return to power for a third consecutive term—a feat accomplished by a premier only once before in the country’s history—they are much diminished, having failed to secure a parliamentary majority on their own. In his 10 years in power, Modi has never had to rely on coalition partners. The election marks not only the end of single-party control in the Indian Parliament but also the BJP’s having peaked. Coalition governments—the natural order for India’s democracy since the late 1980s, except for the past decade—are back to stay.

The BJP’s supremacy over the past decade was the result of several factors. In Modi, the party had a once-in-a-generation leader whose charisma and communication abilities placed him head and shoulders above the competition in terms of popularity among voters. Religious appeals, welfare programs (especially those aimed at women and the poor), and organizational capabilities that gave the party a superior ground game all helped. So did a ruthlessness in deploying the dark arts of politics, a disunited and weak opposition, and access to oodles of campaign finance.

The BJP’s manifest hegemony appeared to presage its continued dominance of the Indian political landscape well into the future. But from the summit, the only way is down. Of course, the party may stay near its peak for a while and climb down slowly—but that is not a matter of if, but when.

Although robust political competition is a hallmark of democracies, a surprisingly large number have been dominated by a single political party for long periods of time. Examples include Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party, the Christian Democrats in Italy, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) in Mexico, and the Democratic Party in Botswana. India itself was dominated by the Indian National Congress party for many decades, and the communist Left Front ran the state of West Bengal unchallenged for three-and-half decades.

When in power, these dominant parties seemed unassailable—until they were not. In some cases, this happened when economic development and technological change altered the structure of the economy and the relative power of different social groups. The green revolution in India, for example, empowered farmers from middle castes who had long been excluded from the Congress party’s social coalition. Their economic ascendency translated into political power that pushed out the Congress in populous North Indian states. The shift from manufacturing to services and the concomitant decline of unions also undermined a major social base of the dominant left-of-center parties.

In many postcolonial states, the party that led the country to independence enjoyed a special legitimacy. But with each successive generation, societal memories of epochal historical events faded. It took seven decades with the PRI in Mexico and three decades with the African National Congress in South Africa (as last week’s election results demonstrate). India’s Congress party played a pivotal role in the nation’s freedom struggle, but while the halo effect persisted for decades, it inevitably dimmed.

Dominant parties can also fade because of national crises driven by international events—such as an economic shock or a defeat in wars. But for many of them, the longer that they are in power, the more that institutional sclerosis sets in. Call it the law of political entropy. As the French political scientist Maurice Duverger put it in the 1960s, the dominant party “wears itself out in office, it loses its vigor, its arteries harden. … Every domination bears within itself the seeds of its own destruction.”

The longer that the BJP was in power, the more that those seeds sprouted within the party. The BJP’s singular strength has been its leader, Narendra Modi. The Congress party also had such a leader in Indira Gandhi, who—like Modi—towered above her contemporaries. The popularity of both leaders far outweighed that of their parties.

But that very strength became their Achilles’ heel as a personality-driven style of party and politics emerged. For the BJP, increasing centralization, declining intraparty democracy, and the cutting-to-size of regional leaders who were not subserviently loyal to national the leader all took their toll. Efforts to engineer defections from opposition parties (through both blandishments and coercion) meant that gradually, the party became a magnet for opportunists rather than those with deep ideological commitments.

Under Modi’s rule, such coercion often took the form of dropping corruption cases against opposition party members who defected to the BJP. But this did not mean that the defectors became less corrupt; a leopard doesn’t change its spots. There’s little wonder, then, that even though the BJP had ridden an anti-corruption wave to power in 2014, preelection polls published in April this year found that more than half of respondents (55 percent) believed that corruption had increased in the past five years. Committed party workers have begun to lose interest as party hoppers brought in for short-term gains crowd them out in coveted positions. A favorite goal of the BJP’s leadership was to create a Congress mukt Bharat (“An India free of the Congress”). Ironically, in attempting to do so, the BJP became the embodiment of that very Congress culture.

If the art of victory is learned in defeat, for the BJP, the opposite is proving true. Each new victory brought a validation of the party’s strategies, whether muzzling critics, coercing opponents, or marginalizing religious minorities. The premium on loyalty increased, and voices of dissent become more quiescent. The initial self-confidence that allowed for risk-taking became an overconfidence spilling over to reckless behavior—exemplified by allegations of India’s intelligence agencies seeking to silence overseas critics in Canada and the United States.

The arrogance meant that the party overlooked three countervailing forces.

First, the manifest reality that no party in India wins with a majority of the votes. For a party to win in India’s first-past-the-post system, it needs a plurality of votes—which requires a fragmented opposition. The more hegemonic that the BJP became, the more authoritarian that it became, putting pressure on opposition parties and their leaders. But instead of weakening them, it brought them together. Nothing concentrates the mind like a fight for survival, and, while imperfect and incomplete, the opposition’s decision to join forces in the so-called INDIA coalition limited vote fragmentation.

Second, while successful political parties embody a set of ideas and ideologies that are yoked to policies and programs, all ideas have their life cycles. Postwar Keynesianism had its day for a quarter-century, and neoliberalism subsequently had its own for about three decades. Both are passé today. Political Islam rode high for around three decades after the Iranian revolution, but its energies have since flagged. In India, the secular socialist idea had a run for nearly a half-century, but its increasing opportunism tripped it up, and it was gradually pushed out as the BJP tapped into the plentiful waters of the anxieties and resentments of the Hindu majority.

But the Hindutva ideology has its limits, too. Even though the BJP did deliver on its promise on constructing a Ram temple on the site of a historic mosque, the expected political payoffs did not materialize. In this election, the BJP failed to win even the constituency where the temple was built. Populism can—and does—secure votes for a while. But India’s complex social mosaic cannot be easily pigeonholed into binary categories.

Third, ideologies do not address the quotidian challenges facing voters. The wellsprings of voter discontent run deep, and addressing them is—and will be—difficult.

The foremost challenge is the economy, which has simply been unable to supply decent jobs in adequate numbers. More and more Indians have formal education credentials but meager skills, a sad testimony to the poor quality of the country’s education system. Rising aspirations are hitting the brick wall of precarious jobs as India continues to struggle to strengthen its manufacturing sector. At some point, the millions of disgruntled youths will find ways to voice their frustrations.

These challenges will be greater given the extraordinary technological changes that are upending labor markets—not just in manufacturing, but also the tech services that have been India’s one categorical success. Even robust growth is unlikely to produce the sort of labor demand that one might have expected in the past. And a febrile politics will be rocked even more in the future, as technological change in the form of artificial intelligence is poised to further political turmoil. Managing this will be hard in the best of circumstances. In a polity where polarization is actively encouraged, it’s hard to be sanguine about where this may lead.

India’s election was held under a searing heat wave, a vivid reminder of the inexorable impacts of climate change, whose afflictions are mounting. Indian agriculture is particularly vulnerable as temperatures climb and rainfall patterns change. A bedraggled urban India will face further pressures as the recent water shortages in India’s booming information technology capital, Bengaluru, illustrate. And this is just the beginning.

These are all exceedingly difficult challenges no matter which political party is in power in India. But for now, the one silver lining is that while commentators and experts have been deeply apprehensive about India’s democracy, its voters clearly seem to be less so. Just ask the BJP.

[warningsine]

https://www.reuters.com/world/india/protesters-block-train-tracks-buses-eastern-india-2024-08-28/

KOLKATA, Aug 28 (Reuters) - Thousands of protesters blocked train tracks, halted buses and shouted slogans in India's state of West Bengal on Wednesday in the latest demonstration following the brutal rape and murder of a trainee doctor.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which is in opposition in the eastern state, called for a 12-hour state-wide protest strike after police fired tear gas and water cannon to disperse a march on Tuesday.

Most of Wednesday's protesters were BJP workers, who also forced shops to shut, as authorities braced for more disruptions, with one police official saying 5,000 officers had been deployed to quell any violence.

Thousands of doctors, many of them on strike since the Aug. 9 crime was discovered, marched in the state's capital of Kolkata, demanding justice for the victim and better workplace safety for doctors.

"If the state government had powers to make laws, I would have made a law in seven days that would mandate capital punishment in incidents of rape," Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee told a rally.

Banerjee, a staunch political foe of Modi who has promised swift justice, appealed to the striking doctors to return to work, expressing sympathy for victims of sexual violence and their families.

Many university students were among Tuesday's protesters, who had called for Banerjee's resignation over her handling of the rape and murder of the 31-year-old doctor in a government-run hospital in Kolkata.

Indian President Droupadi Murmu said she was "dismayed and horrified" by the incident.

"No civilised society can allow daughters and sisters to be subjected to such atrocities," broadcaster CNN News 18 quoted Murmu, a constitutional figurehead, as telling news agency PTI in her first comments on the crime. "Enough is enough."

The nationwide outrage unleashed by the attack was similar to that which followed the 2012 gang-rape of a 23-year-old student on a moving bus in New Delhi, but campaigners said tougher laws had not deterred sexual violence against women.

[head-post]

Modi claims victory in Indian general election, but falling support pushes for coalition

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced his alliance’s victory in the Indian general election, according to AP News.

He claimed a mandate to push his programme, although his party lost ground to a stronger-than-expected opposition. It opposed his controversial economic course and polarising policies.

Today’s victory is the victory of the world’s largest democracy.

Modi told his party’s headquarters on Tuesday that Indian voters had “shown immense faith” in both his party and his National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition.

Official results from the Indian Election Commission on Wednesday showed that the NDA won 294 seats. This is more than the 272 seats needed to win a majority, but still far less than expected. For the first time since its Hindu Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power in 2014, it did not secure a majority on its own. In 2019, it managed to win a record 303 seats.

The Congress Party won 99 seats, improving its result from 52 in the 2019 elections. The Samajwadi Party also secured 37 seats in the northern state of Uttar Pradesh, a major disappointment for the BJP. Meanwhile, the All India Trinamool Congress won 29 seats in the state of West Bengal and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam gained 22 seats in the southern state of Tamil Nadu.

The opposition INDIA coalition won a total of 232 seats. Milan Vaishnav, director of the South Asia Programme at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, stated:

At the very least, the result pricks the bubble Prime Minister Modi’s authority. He made this election about himself. Today, he is just another politician, cut to size by the people.

Read more HERE

[news365timesindia]

[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 23rd November. The recent debate between Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) national spokesperson Shehzad Poonawalla and journalist Rajdeep Sardesai on India Today has reignited conversations about the ongoing allegations against Bharatiya business tycoon Gautam Adani. At the core of the discussion lies the accusation of political double standards, particularly from opposition parties such as the Congress, All India Trinamool Congress (TMC), and others, who have weaponized the Adani controversy against the ruling BJP while maintaining historical ties with the industrialist themselves. This debate isn’t just a clash of perspectives but a mirror reflecting a deeply ingrained culture of political opportunism and selective outrage in Bharatiya politics. Political Hypocrisy: A Tale of Two Standards Poonawalla’s argument laid bare the glaring contradictions in the opposition’s stance on Adani. He pointed out that key projects and ventures awarded to the Adani Group, which are now a subject of scrutiny, were initiated during the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) regime. These include landmark projects such as the Mundra Port acquisition, the Solar Energy Corporation of India (SECI) contracts, and Adani’s expansion in the power sector. Critically, Poonawalla questioned the logic behind branding Adani as corrupt while simultaneously collaborating with him during the UPA era. If Adani is guilty of corruption, why did Congress and allied states approve his ventures? Similarly, if his practices warrant allegations of crony capitalism, why has the TMC, under Mamata Banerjee, awarded him the Tajpur Port project in West Bengal? Taking Rahul Gandhi, Rajdeep, Supriya Shrinate and TMC to the cleaners on Adani issue pic.twitter.com/h7xcUBtp7X — Shehzad Jai Hind (Modi Ka Parivar) (@Shehzad_Ind) November 21, 2024   The Selective Outrage Phenomenon Poonawalla’s emphasis on selective outrage resonates with a larger pattern in Bharatiya politics. Opposition parties frequently accuse the ruling BJP of being in cahoots with big industrialists, projecting themselves as defenders of public interest. However, historical records and ongoing associations show a pattern of similar dealings when these parties are in power. Rahul Gandhi’s sharp criticism of Adani, including demands for his arrest and allegations of Modi’s complicity, underscores this selective approach. Poonawalla’s rebuttal—highlighting Gandhi’s silence over Sharad Pawar’s connections with Adani or the absence of a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) demand by the TMC—challenges the credibility of such accusations. The Adani Allegations: A Complex Legal and Political Battlefield The allegations against the Adani Group stem from serious charges, including bribery and collusion in securing state energy contracts. These charges, linked to investigations by U.S. prosecutors, have amplified the political storm. While opposition leaders, including Gandhi, have seized the opportunity to demand action against Adani, the accusations have been labeled as “baseless” by the Adani Group. Critics argue that the opposition’s narrative conveniently overlooks the systemic flaws in Bharat’s corporate-political nexus, focusing instead on targeting BJP to gain political mileage. Economic Growth Versus Accountability: A Balancing Act Adani’s meteoric rise has often been attributed to his proximity to political power. However, such growth isn’t unique to his conglomerate. Business empires across the globe frequently benefit from favorable government policies and alliances. The debate should thus focus on ensuring transparency and accountability, rather than indulging in politically motivated mudslinging. Both the ruling BJP and opposition parties must address systemic loopholes that allow such allegations to arise. Strengthening regulatory bodies like SEBI (Securities and Exchange Board of India) and ensuring stringent oversight can mitigate these issues. Media’s Role: Facilitator or Instigator?

The debate also sheds light on the media’s role in amplifying controversies. While journalists like Sardesai aim to hold individuals accountable, the framing of questions and selective interrogation often influence public perception. Poonawalla’s critique of Sardesai’s questioning of Congress spokesperson Supriya Shrinate revealed the perceived biases in media discourse. A Need for Honest Political Dialogue To move beyond blame games, Bharatiya politics needs a paradigm shift toward honest dialogue and structural reforms. Opposition parties must introspect on their past actions and avoid hypocrisy. Simultaneously, the BJP must ensure that corporate partnerships are transparent and in the public interest. Bridging the Trust Deficit The Adani controversy underscores a deeper trust deficit in Bharat’s political landscape. For ordinary citizens, the narrative boils down to a simple question: Are political parties prioritizing public welfare or engaging in opportunistic battles? Poonawalla’s arguments, while politically charged, highlight valid concerns about selective outrage and hypocrisy. On the other hand, the opposition’s demands for accountability are equally essential in a democracy. Bridging this divide requires moving beyond partisan politics to focus on systemic reforms. Conclusion: Lessons for Bharatiya Democracy The controversy surrounding Gautam Adani is not merely a business scandal; it’s a reflection of the intertwined nature of politics and commerce in Bharat. While accusations fly and counterarguments dominate prime-time debates, the real challenge lies in ensuring that political and corporate integrity go hand in hand. Bharatiya democracy stands at a crossroads, and addressing these issues with transparency, accountability, and consistency can pave the way for a more equitable and robust system. Until then, the cycle of hypocrisy, selective outrage, and opportunism will likely continue to dominate headlines.   The post Political Hypocrisy at Its Peak’: Shehzad Poonawalla Critiques Opposition Over Adani Scandal appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[news365times]

[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 23rd November. The recent debate between Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) national spokesperson Shehzad Poonawalla and journalist Rajdeep Sardesai on India Today has reignited conversations about the ongoing allegations against Bharatiya business tycoon Gautam Adani. At the core of the discussion lies the accusation of political double standards, particularly from opposition parties such as the Congress, All India Trinamool Congress (TMC), and others, who have weaponized the Adani controversy against the ruling BJP while maintaining historical ties with the industrialist themselves. This debate isn’t just a clash of perspectives but a mirror reflecting a deeply ingrained culture of political opportunism and selective outrage in Bharatiya politics. Political Hypocrisy: A Tale of Two Standards Poonawalla’s argument laid bare the glaring contradictions in the opposition’s stance on Adani. He pointed out that key projects and ventures awarded to the Adani Group, which are now a subject of scrutiny, were initiated during the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) regime. These include landmark projects such as the Mundra Port acquisition, the Solar Energy Corporation of India (SECI) contracts, and Adani’s expansion in the power sector. Critically, Poonawalla questioned the logic behind branding Adani as corrupt while simultaneously collaborating with him during the UPA era. If Adani is guilty of corruption, why did Congress and allied states approve his ventures? Similarly, if his practices warrant allegations of crony capitalism, why has the TMC, under Mamata Banerjee, awarded him the Tajpur Port project in West Bengal? Taking Rahul Gandhi, Rajdeep, Supriya Shrinate and TMC to the cleaners on Adani issue pic.twitter.com/h7xcUBtp7X — Shehzad Jai Hind (Modi Ka Parivar) (@Shehzad_Ind) November 21, 2024   The Selective Outrage Phenomenon Poonawalla’s emphasis on selective outrage resonates with a larger pattern in Bharatiya politics. Opposition parties frequently accuse the ruling BJP of being in cahoots with big industrialists, projecting themselves as defenders of public interest. However, historical records and ongoing associations show a pattern of similar dealings when these parties are in power. Rahul Gandhi’s sharp criticism of Adani, including demands for his arrest and allegations of Modi’s complicity, underscores this selective approach. Poonawalla’s rebuttal—highlighting Gandhi’s silence over Sharad Pawar’s connections with Adani or the absence of a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) demand by the TMC—challenges the credibility of such accusations. The Adani Allegations: A Complex Legal and Political Battlefield The allegations against the Adani Group stem from serious charges, including bribery and collusion in securing state energy contracts. These charges, linked to investigations by U.S. prosecutors, have amplified the political storm. While opposition leaders, including Gandhi, have seized the opportunity to demand action against Adani, the accusations have been labeled as “baseless” by the Adani Group. Critics argue that the opposition’s narrative conveniently overlooks the systemic flaws in Bharat’s corporate-political nexus, focusing instead on targeting BJP to gain political mileage. Economic Growth Versus Accountability: A Balancing Act Adani’s meteoric rise has often been attributed to his proximity to political power. However, such growth isn’t unique to his conglomerate. Business empires across the globe frequently benefit from favorable government policies and alliances. The debate should thus focus on ensuring transparency and accountability, rather than indulging in politically motivated mudslinging. Both the ruling BJP and opposition parties must address systemic loopholes that allow such allegations to arise. Strengthening regulatory bodies like SEBI (Securities and Exchange Board of India) and ensuring stringent oversight can mitigate these issues. Media’s Role: Facilitator or Instigator?

The debate also sheds light on the media’s role in amplifying controversies. While journalists like Sardesai aim to hold individuals accountable, the framing of questions and selective interrogation often influence public perception. Poonawalla’s critique of Sardesai’s questioning of Congress spokesperson Supriya Shrinate revealed the perceived biases in media discourse. A Need for Honest Political Dialogue To move beyond blame games, Bharatiya politics needs a paradigm shift toward honest dialogue and structural reforms. Opposition parties must introspect on their past actions and avoid hypocrisy. Simultaneously, the BJP must ensure that corporate partnerships are transparent and in the public interest. Bridging the Trust Deficit The Adani controversy underscores a deeper trust deficit in Bharat’s political landscape. For ordinary citizens, the narrative boils down to a simple question: Are political parties prioritizing public welfare or engaging in opportunistic battles? Poonawalla’s arguments, while politically charged, highlight valid concerns about selective outrage and hypocrisy. On the other hand, the opposition’s demands for accountability are equally essential in a democracy. Bridging this divide requires moving beyond partisan politics to focus on systemic reforms. Conclusion: Lessons for Bharatiya Democracy The controversy surrounding Gautam Adani is not merely a business scandal; it’s a reflection of the intertwined nature of politics and commerce in Bharat. While accusations fly and counterarguments dominate prime-time debates, the real challenge lies in ensuring that political and corporate integrity go hand in hand. Bharatiya democracy stands at a crossroads, and addressing these issues with transparency, accountability, and consistency can pave the way for a more equitable and robust system. Until then, the cycle of hypocrisy, selective outrage, and opportunism will likely continue to dominate headlines.   The post Political Hypocrisy at Its Peak’: Shehzad Poonawalla Critiques Opposition Over Adani Scandal appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[musicverse11]

The Evolution of Babul Supriyo: From Music to Public Service

Babul Supriyo is a name synonymous with versatility and dedication. From enchanting millions with his soulful voice to taking on significant roles in Indian politics, his journey is nothing short of inspiring. Born in Uttarpara, West Bengal, Supriyo’s life story is a fascinating tale of passion, perseverance, and transformation. This article delves into his transition from a celebrated playback singer to a political leader, highlighting the milestones of his incredible career.

Early Life and Musical Beginnings

Born on December 15, 1970, in a musically rich family, Supriyo was destined to make waves in the music industry. His grandfather, N.C. Baral, was a renowned vocalist and composer in Bengal, and it was under his guidance that Supriyo’s love for music flourished. Growing up, he showcased his talent in school competitions and earned several accolades, including the All India Don Bosco Music Champion in 1983.

After completing his education in commerce from Serampore College, Supriyo initially worked at Standard Chartered Bank in Kolkata. However, his passion for music was unwavering, prompting him to resign and move to Mumbai in 1992. This decision marked the beginning of his illustrious career in playback singing.

Bollywood Success: A Voice for the Ages

In Mumbai, Supriyo adopted the stage name “Babul Supriyo” and quickly became a recognizable voice in the Bollywood music industry. His breakthrough came with the song “Dil Ne Dil Ko Pukara” from the blockbuster movie Kaho Naa… Pyaar Hai (2000). This song not only earned him widespread acclaim but also established him as a leading playback singer.

Over the years, Supriyo delivered several hits, collaborating with prominent music directors like Jatin-Lalit, Anu Malik, and A.R. Rahman. Some of his memorable songs include:

“Chanda Chamke” from Fanaa (2006)

“Hum Tum” from Hum Tum (2004)

“Pari Pari Hai Ek Pari” from Hungama (2003)

His ability to adapt to different musical styles and his impeccable vocal range made him a favorite among audiences. Supriyo’s songs, marked by their emotional depth and melodic quality, have left an indelible mark on Bollywood’s music landscape.

Venturing into Politics

Despite his thriving music career, Supriyo’s ambitions extended beyond the recording studio. In 2014, he entered the political arena by joining the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). His entry into politics surprised many, but his dedication and charisma quickly earned him a significant following.

Elected as a Member of Parliament from Asansol in West Bengal, Supriyo served in the 16th and 17th Lok Sabha. During his tenure, he held various ministerial roles, including:

Minister of State for Urban Development

Minister of State for Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises

Minister of State for Environment, Forest, and Climate Change

His contributions in these roles were noteworthy, focusing on urban development and sustainable initiatives. However, his political journey took a dramatic turn in 2021 when he joined the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC). In 2022, he was elected as a Member of the West Bengal Legislative Assembly and appointed Cabinet Minister for Information Technology and Electronics in the state government.

Balancing Music and Public Service

One of the remarkable aspects of Supriyo’s career is his ability to seamlessly balance his love for music with his political responsibilities. While politics now occupies a significant portion of his life, he remains deeply connected to his musical roots. He continues to perform at concerts and events, reminding fans of the magic he brought to Bollywood.

His dual career path reflects his dedication to making a difference — both as an artist who touches hearts with music and as a politician committed to serving the people.

Personal Life and Resilience

Babul Supriyo’s personal life has also been a testament to resilience and strength. His first marriage ended in divorce, but he found love again and remarried in 2016. He is a proud father to two daughters, and his family remains a source of inspiration and support.

Despite facing challenges, Supriyo’s journey highlights the importance of perseverance. Whether it was the initial struggle to establish himself in the music industry or the complexities of navigating Indian politics, he has always emerged stronger.

Legacy and Inspiration

Babul Supriyo’s story is not just about personal success; it is about inspiring others to dream big and work tirelessly to achieve their goals. His transition from a celebrated singer to a respected politician underscores the value of adaptability and continuous growth.

For aspiring artists, his musical journey serves as a reminder that passion and dedication can pave the way to success. For young politicians, his story is a lesson in balancing ambition with the desire to serve society.

Conclusion

Babul Supriyo journey from Uttarpara to the corridors of power is a story of determination, talent, and a relentless pursuit of excellence. As a singer, he gave us songs that resonate with emotions; as a politician, he has worked towards meaningful change. His life is a testament to the idea that one can excel in multiple fields with dedication and hard work.

What aspect of Babul Supriyo’s journey inspires you the most? Share your thoughts in the comments or connect on social media to discuss this multifaceted personality’s legacy.

To explore more about Babul Supriyo’s music, politics, and inspiring life, visit the detailed article on Deliver My Tune or stream his songs on your favorite platform. Don’t miss the chance to revisit the timeless melodies that have captivated millions!

[once-in-a-blue-moon2021]

A Bouquet of Songs: "Tribute" to the All India Trinamool Congress (and BJP, of course!)

Posted on 13th October, 2024 (GMT 08:45 hrs) The following songs are being dedicated to All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) and also the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) for their relentless oligarchical struggle for raping the people of West Bengal and India as a whole, both physically and financially. This collage of songs is essentially being offered to their “deaf” fascist governmentality, which…

[hindustanmorning]

TMC MP charges Centre for West Bengal flood

On Monday, as the Union government announced flood relief for Gujarat, Tripura, and Manipur, Trinamool Congress (TMC) MP Saket Gokhale stated West Bengal is experiencing “man-made” floods and has not gotten any central aid. Gokhale accused the Bharatiya Janata Party-led Centre of prejudice in a post on X. Once more, egregious discrimination. This evening, the Union government declared that…

[graphaizesmm]

Visualizing State-Wise Startups in India

The Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR) has released a detailed report on the assets of Indian MLAs, analyzing data from 4,001 sitting members across 28 state assemblies and two Union Territories. Karnataka Deputy Chief Minister DK Shivakumar stands as the richest MLA, boasting assets worth ₹1,413 crore. In stark contrast, a BJP MLA from West Bengal holds the least assets, valued at just ₹1,700. Notably, among the wealthiest MLAs, four are from Congress and three from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Explore the lists of Wealthiest politicians in India

[ezivoteofficial]

Lok Sabha Election 2024 Results: Comprehensive Overview

The results of the Lok Sabha Election 2024 are in, with all 543 constituencies reporting. Here is the detailed breakdown of the outcome across various political parties:

Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)

Seats Won: 240

Seats Lost: 63

The BJP remains the single largest party, securing 240 seats, a significant decline from their previous tally, reflecting a loss of 63 seats.

Indian National Congress (INC)

Seats Won: 99

Seats Gained: 47

The Congress has seen a resurgence, winning 99 seats, a gain of 47 seats from the previous election, signaling a strengthening of their position in Indian politics.

Samajwadi Party (SP)

Seats Won: 37

Seats Gained: 32

The Samajwadi Party has made notable gains, winning 37 seats, an increase of 32 seats, showing significant growth in their political influence.

All India Trinamool Congress (AITC)

Seats Won: 29

Seats Gained: 7

The AITC has also increased its tally, securing 29 seats, up by 7 seats, maintaining its stronghold particularly in West Bengal.

Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK)

Seats Won: 22

Seats Lost: 2

The DMK has won 22 seats, experiencing a slight decline with a loss of 2 seats, yet continues to hold substantial influence in Tamil Nadu.

Janata Dal (United) [JD(U)]

Seats Won: 12

Seats Lost: 4

JD(U) has secured 12 seats, a decrease of 4 seats, reflecting a minor dip in their representation.

Know more ezivote

[votersverdict]

Why the BJP was unable to reach the 272 marks in the 2024 Loksabha Elections ?

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has been a dominant force in Indian politics for the past decade, under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. However, as the 2024 Lok Sabha elections approach, the party faces several formidable challenges that could hinder its efforts to secure another term. This article delves into the multifaceted issues that might cause the BJP to struggle in the upcoming elections.

Economic Challenges

One of the primary concerns is the economic situation in the country. Despite several ambitious reforms and initiatives like 'Make in India' and 'Atmanirbhar Bharat' (self-reliant India), the economy has faced significant hurdles. Rising inflation, particularly in essential commodities, has strained household budgets. The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated unemployment issues, and recovery has been slow, especially for the informal sector, which forms the backbone of the Indian economy.

Anti-Incumbency and Governance Issues

Anti-incumbency is a natural phenomenon in democracies, where prolonged rule often leads to voter fatigue. The BJP has been in power since 2014, and despite its efforts to project a narrative of development and strong leadership, dissatisfaction with governance has grown. Issues such as the handling of the COVID-19 crisis, perceived erosion of democratic institutions, and allegations of centralization of power have contributed to a sense of disillusionment among certain sections of the populace.

Opposition Unity

The Indian political landscape is witnessing renewed attempts at opposition unity. The Congress party, despite its diminished strength, is working to form alliances with regional parties to present a united front against the BJP. Historically, such coalitions have posed significant challenges to ruling parties, as seen in previous Lok Sabha elections. The BJP’s strategy of winning elections by dividing opposition votes might not be as effective if these alliances hold strong.

Regional Dynamics

India's diversity is reflected in its regional politics, where local issues and leaders play a crucial role. The BJP, despite its national presence, has faced setbacks in several key states. The loss in West Bengal to the Trinamool Congress in 2021 and the challenges in southern states like Tamil Nadu and Kerala highlight the difficulty in gaining traction in regions where regional parties dominate. Additionally, states like Maharashtra and Bihar, where coalition dynamics are complex, present significant hurdles.

Social Issues and Polarization

Social issues and the BJP's approach to them have been both a strength and a weakness. While the party has consolidated its base through a strong emphasis on Hindutva, this approach has also led to significant polarization. Issues such as the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), the handling of communal tensions, and policies perceived as marginalizing minorities have sparked protests and backlash. The farmers' protests, primarily in northern India, also showcased the potential for social movements to galvanize opposition against the government.

The Modi Factor

Prime Minister Narendra Modi remains the BJP’s most significant asset, with a strong personal brand and mass appeal. However, the 'Modi magic' might face limitations due to the issues mentioned above. While his leadership is still a major draw, the electorate's expectations have evolved, and merely relying on his charisma might not be sufficient to address the complex socio-economic challenges.

Conclusion

The BJP faces a tough battle in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, navigating economic distress, anti-incumbency, opposition unity, regional dynamics, social issues, internal party challenges, and evolving public perception. To secure another term, the party must address these multifaceted challenges comprehensively, ensuring effective governance, responsive policies, and inclusive development. The political landscape is fluid, and the BJP's ability to adapt and respond to these challenges will be critical in determining its electoral fortunes.

[warningsine]

KOLKATA, India (AP) — Police in India fired tear gas and water cannons to disperse thousands of protesters demanding the resignation of a top elected official in the country’s east, accusing her of mishandling an investigation into a rape and killing of a resident doctor earlier this month.

The Aug. 9 killing of the 31-year-old physician while on duty at Kolkata city’s R.G. Kar Medical College and Hospital triggered protests across India, focusing on the chronic issue of violence against women in the country. Kolkata is the capital of West Bengal state.

The protesters say the assault highlights the vulnerability of health care workers in hospitals across India.

Protesters from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party tried to break the police cordon and march to the office of Mamta Banerjee, whose Trinamool Congress party rules the West Bengal state, and demanded her resignation.

Modi’s party is the main opposition party in West Bengal. Police had banned its rally and blocked the roads.

Police officers wielding batons pushed back the demonstrators and fired tear gas and water cannons. Four student activists were arrested ahead of the rally, police said, accusing them of trying to orchestrate large-scale violence.

India’s top court last week set up a national task force of doctors to make recommendations on the safety of health care workers at the workplace. The Supreme Court said the panel would frame guidelines for the protection of medical professionals and health care workers nationwide.

An autopsy of the killed doctor later confirmed sexual assault, and a police volunteer was detained in connection with the crime. The family of the victim alleged it was a case of a gang rape and more were involved.

In the days since, mounting anger has boiled over into nationwide outrage and stirred protests over violence against women. The protests have also led thousands of doctors and paramedics to walk out of some public hospitals across India and demand a safer working environment. The walkouts have affected thousands of patients across India.

Women in India continue to face rising violence despite tough laws that were implemented following the gang rape and murder of a 23-year-old student on a moving bus in Delhi in 2012.

That attack had inspired lawmakers to order harsher penalties for such crimes and set up fast-track courts dedicated to rape cases. The government also introduced the death penalty for repeat offenders.

[head-post]

Indian medics call for nationwide shutdown after doctor’s rape and murder

Anger over the brutal rape and murder of a doctor in eastern India continued on Friday, with medics calling for the biggest hospital shutdown in recent memory and political parties preparing for protests.

A 31-year-old trainee doctor was raped and murdered last week at the medical college in the eastern city of Kolkata where she worked, sparking nationwide protests among doctors.

A civilian volunteer of the Kolkata police has been arrested on suspicion of the crime. According to a senior police official, traces of blood and skin found under the victim’s fingernails were a complete match to the suspect’s DNA and consistent with the injuries he sustained during the attack.

Late in the evening of August 15, the Indian Medical Association (IMA), the country’s largest union of medical professionals, said it would shut down most departments except essential services for 24 hours from the morning of August 17, in what would be the largest such strike in a decade. The IMA said in a statement on X on Aug 15:

“Doctors, especially women, are vulnerable to violence because of the nature of the profession. It is for the authorities to provide for the safety of doctors inside hospitals and campuses.” 

Political parties, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which is in opposition in West Bengal, whose capital is Kolkata, said they would hold protests in the city on August 16.

Bollywood actors, other celebrities and politicians have expressed shock at the crime and called for tougher punishment for perpetrators of crimes against women.

Medics under attack by violence in India

Doctors say the circumstances of the rape highlight the vulnerability of medics left without adequate protection and facilities.

The incident brought back memories of a similar case in New Delhi in 2012, when a gang of men raped and severely injured a 23-year-old female student on a bus, eventually leading to her death.

Doctors in India’s overcrowded public hospitals have long complained of being overworked and underpaid, and say not enough is being done to tackle violence from patients unhappy with the care on offer.

According to National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data released late last year, crimes against women in India rose by 4 per cent in 2022 compared to the previous year.

Read more HERE