#Lionel Jospin

[desenvoutee]

Les confidences de Lionel Jospin, ancien Premier Ministre (socialiste), le 29 septembre 2007 dans l'émission "Répliques" de France Culture.

"Nous n'avons jamais été face à une menace fasciste. Tout antifascisme n'était que du théâtre".

[vincentreproches]

Attention à la marche

[joselito28-1]

On October 13, 1999, the PACS was definitively adopted. After more than a year of sometimes violent debates.

Adopté par le Parlement français, sous la présidence Chirac, en cohabitation avec Lionel Jospin.

[justforbooks]

Jean-Marie Le Pen

Leader of the Front National who took the far right into the mainstream of French politics

On the evening of 21 April 2002 the result of the first round of voting in the French presidential election was announced. It had been widely, though not universally, assumed that the outcome would see the field reduced to two contenders: the incumbent conservative president, Jacques Chirac, and the socialist prime minister, Lionel Jospin, with whom Chirac had uneasily shared power for five years.

A shudder of shock, shame, disbelief and, in many places, delight, swept the country when it became clear that Chirac would face not Jospin, but Jean-Marie Le Pen, the leader of the far-right, xenophobic and racist Front National (FN), who has died aged 96. Jospin was beaten into third place and eliminated.

It hardly mattered that hundreds of thousands of protesters took to the streets in the days that followed and that Chirac was eventually re-elected in a landslide, thanks largely to the ballots of appalled and penitent voters of the left. Le Pen, who had won 0.74% of the vote when he first stood for president in 1974, obtained 16.86% in the first round and 17.79% in the second.

If his overall impact were to be measured only in seats won during his years as president of the FN at local, regional, national or European elections, it could be minimised. His success, until standing down in 2011, lay in taking the far right into the mainstream of French politics and in dragging conservative discourse to the right.

At one point during the 2012 presidential contest, there seemed to be a real chance that his successor as head of the FN (since reinvented as the National Rally), his much more personable daughter Marine, might repeat her father’s exploit and reach the second round – this time at the expense of the sitting conservative president, Nicolas Sarkozy.

In the event, the victor was the socialist François Hollande, while the FN established itself as France’s third political force.

In 2017, representatives of the traditional right and left were seen off in the first round, and it took another mould-breaker, Emmanuel Macron, at the head of the newly formed centrist party En Marche!, to defeat Marine by 66% to 34%. Jean-Marie’s granddaughter Marion Maréchal-Le Pen also emerged as a prominent figure in the party.

The rebranding of the FN as the National Rally in 2018 marked an attempt to appeal to a broader range of voters. The margins between Macron and Marine were narrower still in 2022; and the National Rally’s gains continued, with the party at one point seeming to be on course to win a majority in parliament in summer 2024.

Though Jean-Marie had positioned his party to benefit from the surge in nationalism and populism felt in much of Europe and the US, he received little credit for having done so. Marine wanted to detoxify the FN of overt racism, and Jean-Marie’s third reference to the gas chambers of the Holocaust as being a detail of history led in 2015 to his expulsion from the party of which he was by then honorary president. When his daughter ran for president, it was largely as “Marine”, and in May 2018 Marion dropped the Le Pen from her surname.

Jean-Marie continued as an MEP until 2019, casting a malignant shadow over the political life of France and Europe, just as he had for decades. He seemed politically indestructible: evidence and often proof was assembled that he was a racist, liar, bully and torturer, but it seemed to have little effect on his overall popularity. He was prosecuted on several occasions, the most recent instance coming last year, in a case concerning the misuse of EU parliament funds.

Le Pen’s own electoral successes were modest – regular election to the European parliament, three spells as a member of the National Assembly, election to regional assemblies – but his name entered the political lexicon when the lepénisation des esprits, the spread of Le Pen’s ideas into people’s minds, became shorthand for the ratchet effect of the causes he espoused. He would mock his political opponents for stealing his programme, asking why people should vote for the copy when they could have the real thing.

Often portrayed as a boorish oaf, Le Pen was no fool: he was an intelligent man with a gift for demagoguery. Anyone who heard him speak, as he would do for an hour or more at a time without notes at the FN’s May Day celebration or his party’s annual fête on the edge of Paris – mixing heavy sarcasm with mockery, abuse and a vision of an all-white France – had to acknowledge the brutal power of his oratory.

His use of language was often elegant and effective, even if his excesses regularly got him into trouble with the courts. The potential flaws in his economic programme – drastic tax cuts, extra spending on French citizens but not foreigners, a return to the franc, exit from the European Union, protectionist measures – did not worry his backers.

His message was aimed at the resentful petites gens who felt neglected, ignored and discriminated against. Once, their votes had gone to the Communist party; millions switched to Le Pen, who offered them a world in which immigrants were the cause of their ills, and once they had been expelled – and abortion outlawed, the guillotine restored and the police given drastic powers – all would be well. He was successful in federating a variety of social categories: reactionary Catholics and pagan romantics, skinheads and members of the haute bourgeoisie, unemployed factory workers in the north and well-heeled wine growers in the Midi.

Born in the Breton fishing village of La Trinité-sur-Mer, he had the birth name of Jean. He reportedly changed it when he first stood for election. His parents were Jean, a fisherman who died after a mine was caught in his net when his son was 14, and Anne-Marie (nee Hervé), a seamstress.

At university in Paris, he studied politics and law, and led a ­rightwing student group with a reputation for violent and racist behaviour. It was widely thought that the loss of his left eye was the result of a fight, and his account of the circumstances varied over the years. More recently he said it was the result of an accident while he was erecting a marquee for a political meeting.

In 1953, he volunteered for military service in Indochina, now Vietnam, enrolling as a parachutist in the Foreign Legion and attending officer training school. Demobilised after two years, at the age of 27 he became his country’s youngest member of parliament as a backer of Pierre Poujade, whose support for small shopkeepers and businessmen, and hostility to tax prefigured elements of Le Pen’s later policies. He soon fell out with Poujade, and in 1956 again enlisted, serving in north Africa. Allegations that he was involved in the torture of Algerian prisoners dogged him for years.

Re-elected in 1958, he lost his parliamentary seat in 1962 and spent most of the 1960s engaged in far-right politics and in running a business devoted to the sale of recordings of rightwing political figures. In 1972, he founded the FN, and two years later made his first presidential bid.

Le Pen’s circumstances were transformed in 1976 when Hubert Lambert, a wealthy admirer, died and left him a fortune and a mansion in Paris. Lambert was heir to a cement fortune, but was physically frail, with psychological troubles. For years there was controversy over the manner of his death at 42. Members of his family sought to have the will annulled, and eventually the legacy was split with another claimant.

Le Pen’s new wealth did not enable him to find enough sponsors to run for president in 1981, but throughout the 1980s and 90s elections showed considerable underlying support: 14.3% in the 1988 presidential vote, 15% in 1995; almost 10% in the elections of 1986 and 1998; 15% in 1997 (though only 10% in the 2007 presidentials). Many on the conventional right, though not Chirac, were ready to flirt politically with a man who commanded such support.

The first round of the 2002 presidential election marked the high point of Le Pen’s long and turbulent career. In the legislative elections that followed, his candidates scored respectably but won no parliamentary seats. Inevitably, the question of his succession arose, but Le Pen made it clear he planned to continue: with the presidential term reduced to five years, he would be a mere 79 in 2007.

Marine was given an enhanced role, to the discontent of some of his older and more traditionally minded supporters. After the defection of his chief lieutenant, Bruno Mégret, in the late 90s, no obvious successors emerged: none of the possible contenders had a fraction of his charisma.

Marine took as a priority the task of humanising her father’s image, and began increasingly to take over as his political heir. She set about “de-demonising” the FN, and became an altogether more formidable figure, with Jean-Marie marginalised in the battle for the soul and legacy of their party.

In September 2024, father and daughter were among 25 people charged with embezzling funds for fake jobs for European parliament assistants between 2004 and 2016. Jean-Marie’s health had been poor, and he did not appear in court. The verdicts are expected shortly.

He married Pierrette Lalanne in 1960, and they had three daughters, Marie-Caroline, Yann and Marine.

After an acrimonious divorce in 1987, Pierrette denounced Le Pen, and posed for Playboy when he refused to pay alimony. In 1991 he married Jany (Jeanne-Marie) Paschos. She and his daughters survive him.

🔔 Jean-Marie Le Pen, politician, born 20 June 1928; died 7 January 2025

Daily inspiration. Discover more photos at Just for Books…?

[mariacallous]

After a period of relative quiescence, everyone has started talking about fascism again. This is, in part, due to the threat of a second term for Donald Trump, which has reactivated a highly polemical “fascism debate” in the United States. But there are plenty of other actual or quasi-fascists elsewhere. The Italian prime minister, Giorgia Meloni, is the leader of a genuine neo-fascist party. In Latin America, Argentina’s Javier Milei has picked up where Brazil’s Jair Bolsonaro left off. And, in India, Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party was reelected in June, albeit with a much-reduced majority.

By contrast, much less has been said about anti-fascism. Most commentators and journalists—and even many academics—seem to have accepted that anti-fascism belongs to the 20th century. Which is a little strange. If fascism is real, why not its opposite? And what happened to all of those historical memories of fighting fascism, above all in Europe, but also further afield?

Fortunately, we still have France, the only country that continues to talk about anti-fascism in a consistent and meaningful way across the political spectrum—and one of the few places where this talk translates into a hard electoral reality.

The explanation for this anomaly lies in the concept of the so-called front républicain (republican front). This refers to any coalition or alliance that is designed to keep the far-right from power.

In the late 1880s and 1890s, the front républicain included those who were opposed to the rise of Boulangism, a militarist far-right movement, and those who defended the cause of Alfred Dreyfus, whose false conviction was one of the great republican causes at the time. The clash between an insurgent far-right and the massed republican forces of the moderate right, the center, and the left was subsequently repeated time and again.

There were echoes of the front républicain in the 1936 Popular Front, although this was in a more obviously left-wing key. The same logic was invoked in the 1950s, at the time of Poujadism, and again in the 1980s, when Jean-Marie Le Pen’s Front National began to make its first electoral breakthroughs.

By this time, the front républicain had taken on a clearly electoral dimension. The aim was to ensure that the best-placed candidates from “republican” parties would win in the second-round of an election. This involved strategic désistements (withdrawals) by weaker “republican” candidates, followed by tactical voting.

The most famous recent iteration of the front républicain is usually also considered to be its last hurrah. In 2002, Jean-Marie Le Pen squeezed past the socialist candidate, Lionel Jospin, in the first round of the presidential election. This was the first time that any far-right candidate had come so close to power, and it was a profound shock.

In response, the entire political class called on the French to vote for the center-right candidate, Jacques Chirac, in the second round. It worked spectacularly: Chirac was elected with more than 82 percent of the vote on a turnout of almost 80 percent. Left-wing voters massively supported a right-wing candidate in order to save the French Republic.

But, as we now know, Jean-Marie Le Pen’s success was only the beginning. Since then, his daughter Marine Le Pen has climbed ever higher in the polls. She qualified for the second round of the presidential elections in 2017 and 2022, when she received 41 percent of the vote. Le Pen’s party, too, has gone from strength to strength. Now rebaptized as the Rassemblement National, it has gradually developed its local and regional presence—and, in 2022, it made a major breakthrough when it won 89 seats in the National Assembly.

For most analysts, the success of Marine Le Pen and the Rassemblement National was easily explained by the atrophy of the front républicain. After 2002, fewer and fewer left-wing voters felt inclined to block the far-right, and a significant minority of right-wing voters embraced it. With each new election, the remnants of a century-old French anti-fascist tradition seemed to fall away. Indeed, many of the most pessimistic result forecasts of the 2024 elections were based on the assumption that it was essentially dead.

Imagine the surprise, then, when the results of the second round were announced on Sunday night. Despite increasing its seats and vote share, the far-right flopped compared to the polls. It was soon clear that voters had done everything they could to stop the Rassemblement National from winning a majority.

All of a sudden, the front républicain was back, and the phrase was plastered across the French mainstream media. Commentators and pollsters scrambled to explain themselves. For those with long memories, it felt as if the spirit of 2002 had been resurrected from the grave.

The simplest way to explain this remarkable revival of anti-fascism is to invoke something that all historians of modern France will recognize: the fear of disorder and social collapse. Modern French history is littered with regime changes, protests, revolutions, and civil wars. The constitutional settlement of the Fifth Republic, born in 1958 during the Algerian War, was specifically designed to ensure stability, and it survived the momentous protests of 1968 and the economic crisis of deindustrialization unscathed.

Still today, voters are scared of the consequences of bringing a far-right party to national power. They fear that a victory for Marine Le Pen or her prime-minister-in-waiting, Jordan Bardella, would unleash violence and instability across the country. On the three occasions when they have realistically faced this prospect—2017, 2022 and 2024—they have pulled back. Each time, they have invoked the front républicain as a defense mechanism.

But there was more to the 2024 elections than simply a kneejerk reaction to the threat of disorder. For the first time since the early 2000s, anti-fascism was imbued with a positive quality. People invested hope in the left-wing alliance, known as the Nouveau Front Populaire. They saw anti-fascism as the basis on which to build a fairer society, with more public spending, a higher minimum wage, a wealth tax, and a reversal of Macron’s pension reforms.

This process was especially striking amongst young people, some of whom were not even born in 2002. Theirs is not the same anti-fascism as those aged 50 or older, who remember the rise of Jean-Marie Le Pen and the Front National. Young activists still talk about “fascism” and “racism,” just like the elders from whom they have learnt their history, but they are doing more than replaying the political battles of the past. They know that they are only one front in a global anti-fascist universe that stretches from the Trump trials to the smooth authoritarianism of Hungary’s Viktor Orbán.

The campaigning of young anti-fascists has been made all the more intense by the fact that the Rassemblement National has succeeded in mobilizing a significant proportion of young people. The struggle to contain the far-right in France is not an intergenerational clash between youthful liberals and reactionary boomers. If anything, old people are the least likely to vote for Marine Le Pen and her acolytes. In fact, young people are fighting for the political soul of their own generation.

The most obvious symbol of this fight is Bardella himself. He is only 28 years old, and his meteoric rise has not passed unnoticed. Some voters in the 2024 elections even asked where the “Bardella” voting slip was when they arrived at the polling booth. They wanted to vote for him, even though he was not on the ballot.

Yet his youthful persona—and his facility with Tiktok—drew a committed response. During and after the elections, French social media was filled with a cascade of anti-fascist memes and counter-videos. Young people, often people of color, lampooned Bardella’s campaign tactics and press conferences. They pilloried his party and the—sometimes very inexperienced—candidates who ran for election, calling them out for their racism, homophobia, bigotry, or plain stupidity.

It helps that some of the emerging figures on the French left are also young. Clémence Guetté, of La France Insoumise, is 33. Marine Tondelier, the current leader of the main Greens party, is 37. And Raphaël Glucksmann, who led the center-left to second place in the 2024 European elections, is 44. They are all politicians who have cut their teeth in a political landscape where the far-right is a fixture, not an anomaly.

It is impossible to say whether this youthful French anti-fascism has a future. In his “letter to the French” after the elections, Macron referred to the front républicain, but it is not clear that he or his allies intend to adhere to it. In particular, the proposal to form a governing coalition without some or all of the left—which several members of Macron’s party have endorsed—would run counter to the spirit of the election results. Meanwhile, the RN is waiting patiently for its next opportunity to show off its electoral strength.

Nevertheless, the recent electoral cycle in France is a reminder that today’s anti-fascism is no longer beholden to the 1930s or 1990s. It has a life of its own—and a whole new generation of foot soldiers ready to go to war against their oldest enemy.

[francaistoutsimplement]

8 juillet :

Le 30 juin dernier, le RN caracolait à 34 % des voix dans une élection qui avait vu une forte mobilisation (par rapport aux scores précédents). Ce que l’on n’avait pas vu c’est que ça voulait dire que 66 % des Français étaient contre le RN et les couches populaires qui le soutiennent. On avait oublié leur passivité devant le massacre policier et judiciaire des gilets jaunes et les 58% de Macron en 2022. Alors, c’est vrai que par certains aspects le RN n’est pas très ragoûtant. Mais prétendre que c’est un parti fasciste des sœurs zombres des années 30, est simplement une blague. Du théâtre comme disait Lionel Jospin. Alors on se pose la question : pourquoi Mélenchon, les écolos, les faux cocos, les traîtres génétiques du PS ont encore une fois sauvé le cul de Macron ? En votant tranquillement sans aucun état d’âme pour Darmanin, Borne et la plupart des gangsters qui entouraient Macron. Sans oublier bien sûr l’élection de la limace Hollande.!

C’est qu’en fait, ils sont comme majorité des Français et s’accommodent très bien du néolibéralisme macronien et de son techno-fascisme corrompu. La dégringolade de leur pays ne leur pose aucun problème sérieux.

Le vote du 7 juillet n’a rien à voir avec un « antifascisme » réel, mais plus simplement avec l’envie de continuer comme ça. Quoi que l’on pense de ses capacités et de ses orientations, la très éventuelle arrivée du RN à proximité du pouvoir aurait constitué une rupture et provoqué une crise politique pouvant déboucher sur un changement de direction. En impliquant les couches populaires et en ralentissant l’effondrement. Pour essayer d’extirper la France du marécage belliciste pestilentiel dans lequel l’Occident sous direction américaine s’enfonce. Mais ça, les couches moyennes et ceux qui les représentent ne veulent rien entendre.

« Faut pas pleurer sur le lait renversé camarade. La lutte des classes ça existe et tu es du mauvais côté de l’Histoire, c’est tout. »

[thebusylilbee]

LIONEL JOSPIN QUI RESSUSCITE POUR TACLER MACRON ??? On aura vraiment tout vu là

[gonzalo-obes]

IMAGENES Y DATOS INTERESANTES DEL DIA 7 DE MAYO DE 2024

Día Mundial del Asma, Día Mundial de los Huérfanos del Sida, Semana de Acción Contra los Mosquitos, Año Internacional de los Camélidos.

Santa Judit, Santa Mastidia, Santa Domilia y San Benedicto.

Tal día como hoy en el año 2006

Un equipo de investigación descubre cuatro fósiles de una nueva especie de peces en China, que data de hace 400 millones de años.

1995

En Francia Jacques Chirac, líder de la derecha gaullista, resulta elegido presidente de la República, frente al candidato socialista Lionel Jospin. En 2002 logrará un segundo mandato que le mantendrá en la presidencia hasta 2007, año en el que renunciará a presentarse de nuevo. (Hace 29 años)

1954

50.000 vietnamitas liderados por Ho Chim Minh arrebatan, tras 57 días de duro asedio, Dien Bien Phu a los franceses que la habían conquistado el año anterior exhaustos de la guerra en la jungla. Con anterioridad, en 1949, Ho Chi Minh inició la guerra de guerrillas contra los franceses, que intentaban mantener intactos sus intereses coloniales en el país. Esta derrota supondrá la retirada de Francia de sus intereses coloniales en Indochina. (Hace 70 años)

1945

Se firma en Reims (Francia), el fin de la II Guerra Mundial en Europa tras más cinco años y medio de horror y con la rendición incondicional de Alemania. No obstante, hasta la rendición total de Japón, la victoria sólo está medio ganada. El 14 de agosto, Japón se rendirá a los aliados, después de ocho días trascendentales en los que se lanzarán dos bombas atómicas norteamericanas sobre territorio japonés. El 2 de septiembre concluirá oficialmente la Segunda Guerra Mundial, con la firma de la rendición japonesa en el acorazado Missouri, anclado en la Bahía de Tokio. (Hace 79 años)

1929

El nacionalista Chiang Kai Chek se convierte en presidente del Consejo Central Supremo de la República China. (Hace 95 años)

1915

Cerca del viejo faro de Old Kinsale frente a las costas irlandesas, el trasatlántico estadounidense Lusitania resulta hundido por submarinos alemanes. Perecen un total de 1.198 personas, 234 de las cuales son norteamericanas. 785 de las víctimas son pasajeros (entre ellos 291 mujeres y 94 niños) y 413 tripulantes. La muerte de los ciudadanos estadounidenses influirá notablemente para que los Estados Unidos entren en la I Guerra Mundial dos años más tarde. (Hace 109 años)

1875

A cambio de 18 de las islas Kuriles, Japón cede a Rusia la isla de Sajalín meridional. (Hace 149 años)

1824

En el Teatro de la Corte Imperial de Viena (Austria), abarrotado de un público selecto, tiene lugar el estreno de la Novena Sinfonía en re menor, de Ludwig van Beethoven, completamente sordo e impedido de oír nada de lo que su genio es capaz de crear. A partir del segundo movimiento, un público asombrado y embelesado por la riqueza y amplitud de lo que escucha, estalla en aplausos. Al final del concierto, un Beethoven emocionado verá entre lágrimas, a todos los asistentes puestos en pie que no pararán de ovacionarle. (Hace 200 años)

1682

En Moscú (Rusia) se producen graves enfrentamientos por la sucesión imperial, ya que al morir el Zar Feodor III el 27 de abril pasado, la Asamblea Nacional elige como nuevo Zar a su hermano Pedro I, de 10 años de edad. La Corte, sin embargo, considera ilegal esta designación, pero reinará hasta su muerte en 1725, convirtiendo a Rusia en una potencia. (Hace 342 años)

1429

En Francia, Juana de Arco al frente de un ejército de 5.000 hombres, se apodera del acceso de la ciudad de Orleans. Juana de Arco resulta herida de gravedad en su hombro izquierdo durante la batalla por una flecha inglesa. Al día siguiente su tropa tomará la ciudad y a continuación, realizará una serie de campañas triunfantes que despejarán al delfín Carlos el camino hacia Reims, permintiendo su coronación como Carlos VII de Francia el 17 de julio de este mismo año. (Hace 595 años)

1274

Convocado por el papa romano Gregorio X, en la ciudad francesa de Lyon, tiene lugar la apertura del II Concilio de Lyon para adelantar una reforma de la Iglesia, la unión con los griegos y la situación de Jerusalén y las cruzadas. Se desarrollará a lo largo de seis sesiones a las que asistirán cerca de medio millar de obispos, sesenta abades y más de mil prelados o sus procuradores entre los que destacarán San Buenaventura que morirá durante las sesiones. Santo Tomás de Aquino, que también pretende participar en el concilio, fallecerá en el camino. El Concilio se cerrará el día 17 de julio de este año y nada de lo que se aprobará llegará a tener un total cumplimiento: La Iglesia no resultará reformada, las cruzadas no se continuarán, y la pretendida "unión" con la Iglesia griega no se materializará ni tan siquiera en un mero acercamiento. (Hace 750 años)

[yespat49]

La forfaiture de l’infâme Pierre Moscovici

Bernard Germain Cet individu, socialiste de son état, fut d’abord député européen de 1994 à 1997 puis ministre chargé des Affaires européennes de 1997 à 2002 sous Lionel Jospin. Il fut également vice président du Parlement européen de 2004 à 2007. Il fut ensuite député en France puis directeur de campagne du candidat Hollande en 2012. Lorsque ce dernier fut élu, il nomma Pierre Moscovici ministre…

[stpauldevarces2026]

Le message clair d'Eric Lombard :"ne dites surtout pas à la droite que le PS est toujours resté au pouvoir depuis 1981" : Le meilleur discours lors des passations de pouvoirs avec le Gouvernement Bayrou, celui du nouveau Ministre de l'Economie : retour à l'économie mixte du début des années 80. Le phénomène le plus important en France, l'essaimage des jeunes conseillers des cabinets des années Mitterrand dans toute la haute administration française. Regardons les faits : Conseil Constitutionnel : président : Laurent Fabius, ex premier Ministre de F. Mitterrand. Cour des Comptes : président : Pierre Moscovici, ex LCR, ex trésorier du PS, ex directeur de campagne de Lionel Jospin ... Le Conseil d'Etat : Didier - Roland Tabuteau ex membre des cabinets de Marine Aubry et de Claude Evin ... Et la liste pourrait durer longtemps. Quand Nicolas Sarkozy est élu Président pour la supposée "rupture" qui

choisit-il comme ministres influents : Bernard Kouchner, Eric Besson, Martin Hirsch Jean Pierre Jouyet ... Emmanuel Macron depuis 2017 c'est le plus fort recyclage d'ex PS, ce qui explique les difficultés tant du PS vidé de nombreux de ses membres que l'incapacité de Macon à vivre la rupture avec une telle continuité d'ex parlementaires PS. En France, depuis 1981, le pouvoir est détenu par le PS en dépit des alternances pour lesquelles les citoyens crédules pensent avoir un choix. C'est la réalité des faits.

[thierrylidolff]

LA NON SYNCHRONISATION DES ÉLECTIONS PRÉSIDENTIELLE ET LÉGISLATIVE NE SUFFIT PAS PAS À EXPLIQUER LA CRISE DE RÉGIME

ARTICLE – L’erreur de Lionel Jospin Par Michel Winock  29.11.2024 CHALLENGES La Fondation Jean-Jaurès publie un ouvrage qui retrace le parcours du gouvernement de Lionel Jospin (1997-2002) et son impact sur la Ve République. Le livre se penche notamment sur l’inversion du calendrier électoral, qui a placé l’élection présidentielle avant les législatives. Une réforme qui a contribué à renforcer…

[actu-juridique]

La gauche plurielle (1997-2002) - Portail Universitaire du droit

https://justifiable.fr/?p=1280 https://justifiable.fr/?p=1280 #droit #gauche #plurielle #Portail #Universitaire Présentation de l’éditeur Le séisme politique que fut la disqualification de Lionel Jospin et la présence au second tour de l’élection présidentielle du candidat d’extrême-droite, Jean-Marie Le Pen, occulte encore aujourd’hui les cinq années qui ont précédé. Elles furent pourtant un moment important de l’histoire de la gauche française avec une union qui crée la surprise en remportant les élections législatives de 1997, suite à la dissolution de Jacques Chirac. Ce gouvernement conduit par Lionel Jospin dont nous retranscrivons ici le témoignage met en oeuvre des réformes importantes qui continuent à marquer notre quotidien encore aujourd’hui : 35h, loi SRU, loi Taubira, CMU, AME, PACS. En dépit de sa diversité avec des Verts qui n’avaient jamais exercé le pouvoir et des communistes aux antipodes sur les questions environnementales comment cette alliance tient-elle jusqu’au bout ? Comment le président de la République et la droite se situent-ils face à cette gauche unie Grâce à des archives inédites et des témoignages rares – Lionel Jospin, Dominique Voynet, Jean-Claude Gayssot, Olivier Schrameck, Louis Gauthier, Jean-Christophe Cambadélis – cet ouvrage fait le bilan de ces cinq années de gouvernement de gauche et leur portée jusqu’à nos jours. Contributeurs : Kevin Alleno, Régis Boulat, Antony Burlaud, Alexandre Chabert, L��onard Dermarkarian, Bernard Dolez, Sébastien Ledoux, Didier Maus, Thomas Morel, Adrien Renaudet, Sébastien Repaire, Élisa Steier, Jean-Philippe Tonneau. Pierre-Emmanuel Guigo est maître de conférences en histoire à l’université Paris-Est Créteil (Centre de recherche en histoire européenne comparée). Il est l’auteur de Michel Rocard (Perrin, 2020) et Pierre Mauroy, Le dernier socialiste (Passés composés, 2024). Thibault Tellier est professeur des universités à Sciences Po Rennes (Laboratoire Arènes). Il est l’auteur de plusieurs livres dont L’Enfant de La Courneuve (Michalon, 2024) et Histoire de la banlieue (Perrin, 2024). Source link JUSTIFIABLE s’enrichit avec une nouvelle catégorie dédiée à l’Histoire du droit, alimentée par le flux RSS de univ-droit.fr. Cette section propose des articles approfondis et régulièrement mis à jour sur l’évolution des systèmes juridiques, les grandes doctrines, et les événements marquants qui ont façonné le droit contemporain. Ce nouvel espace est pensé pour les professionnels, les étudiants, et les passionnés d’histoire juridique, en quête de ressources fiables et structurées pour mieux comprendre les fondements et l’évolution des normes juridiques. Plongez dès maintenant dans cette catégorie pour explorer le passé et enrichir vos connaissances juridiques.

[ondessiderales]

Il ne faut pas attendre tout de l'État.

[mariesrbouipochodian]

En 2014, tartois se faisait passer pour Mme charreyre.

Elle a dit ''preums'' ''c'est à moi de me venger de marie ( moi)''...

En 2017, Mme charreyre a dit ''il faut accuser la maman et la soeur. On s'en sortira ''

Donc tartois a perverti ma mère et ma sœur. Puis les a tuées, puis les a remplacées par sa famille qu'elle accusera le jour venu encore une fois..

Elle est monomaniaque et dogmatique, une vraie Lionel Jospin...

Elle veut me garder, me torturer et accuser maman et ma soeur d'avoir autorisé ça puisqu'elles ouvrent la porte de l'appartement....

Quand vous me lisez, vous croyez que je suis une Tanguy.

En fait, tartois dit me dominer.

Comme si Francesca de 1999 avec Pierre Bellanger et Francesca de 2017 étaient mes filles. Elle me hait encore plus qu'elle les a haies elles.

[rommelveitia]

¿Quién es el ultra comunista admirador de Chávez que lidera la facción que ganó las elecciones en Francia?

Jean-Luc Mélenchon, el líder de extrema izquierda que dio vuelta los resultados.

Mélenchon, de 72 años, lleva décadas en la escena política francesa y siendo miembro del Partido Socialista, ocupó cargos ministeriales en gobiernos anteriores.

Es una de las figuras más divisivas de la política francesa, que entusiasma y horroriza a los votantes con sus desenfrenadas propuestas de impuestos y gastos; su retórica sobre la lucha de clases y sus posiciones controvertidas en materia de política exterior, especialmente en Gaza, ante lo que sus críticos lo acusan de antisemitismo, algo que él niega.

En el pasado, se mostró admirador de Hugo Chávez, Cristina Kirchner y la revolución Bolivariana.

Mélenchon era un senador socialista y trotskista como el exprimer ministro Lionel Jospin. Con una abuela andaluza y un español perfecto, el exministro de Educación de la enseñanza superior descubrió el neopopulismo chavista y kirchnerista y se enamoró de él.

El dirigente político es antieuropeo y admirador del presidente ruso Vladimir Putin.

Mélenchon nació en Tánger, Marruecos, en 1951, y es licenciado en Filosofía y Letras Modernas

🗞️Con Información del resumen informativo La Ceiba