#Digital persecution

[tassodelmiele]

-Break the chains. Once you've fallen, there's nothing as good as feel the void phagocytising you whole-

.....

I was gonna draw something cute with Gaz and the Cap. Ok? Something cute.

But those two bastards boycotted my goddamn drawing ability.

I just can't do them.

So I draw Ghost, in some sort of "rage-mode", 'cause not being able to draw the hell I want makes me furious.

Maybe my brain took inspiration by the holy beautiful monster AU from @bluegiragi

Thank you for blessing us, now your wraith-Ghost lives in my heart forever.

.....

[callmeriver-art]

Quite a heavy piece i made but one that is purely from the heart and one I'm sure many can relate to that feeling of being exposed, vulnerable, alone and persecuted

[umaralikhokharbristol-iii]

Kashmir Awareness Campaign, Poster Project - 2019

[kaesnpoint-art]

Some fallout ocs of mine and @noah-pology’s that I was thinking about.

[theblackjinx]

I like to hype up my players by making a poster for each "season" of the campaign. We're in the last season booooiiiiiiiiiissssssss

Commission form

[just-a-ghost00]

What's your life purpose?

Trigger warning : the content of these readings may be touchy. My intention is never to hurt or make anyone feel uncomfortable. Feel free to stop reading if it is too much to handle.

Group 1 - Rollerblade

Cards : Shadow, Compassion, Power, 9 of cups, Hierophant, 9 of swords

This felt very emotional and very specific but for some of you your sole purpose is to come out. Is to finally be yourself unappologetically, to get out of your shell and express your true nature. This will speak to anyone that considers themselves queer or wonders about their identity in general, whether it's about genders, sexuality, fashion, beliefs. Your purpose is to hep other people do the same. To raise awareness and compassion about being out of the norms, thinking and feeling outside the box. To empower people so that they can be themselves without feeling ashamed or fearing other people's opinion. Your purpose is to help people feel secure in their beliefs and feel fulfilled, to stop worrying about the future or whether they'll ever be able to be free. You're here to help shift paradigms around the notions of identity, norms and beliefs. Some of you may have faced public shaming in the past, whether it is in this lifetime or previous incarnations, surrounding your sexuality and/or your appearance. I was picking up specifically on World War II. There might be people amond your ancestors that were persecuted for similar reasons. I'm feeling very emotional doing this reading. If that is something you have gone through, I am sincerely sorry and I hope that you will no longer suffer the pain of being rejected for who you are. I'm getting the feeling of people being demonized because of their beliefs and wrongly accused of things they had nothing to do with. Your purpose is to help people get rid of such karma, to cleanse and purify transgenerational wounds surrounding sexuality, body image, cultural differences. Especially for women. And one of the ways you could be doing that is through art and/or entertainment. Like dancing, rollerblading, singing, painting. I asked for further information regarding hobbies or careers that you can pursue to accomplish your purpose and you got Self Love and The Explorer. So the general answer would be anything that gets you to explore and deepen your sense of self love. If I'm getting more specific, I'm thinking of modeling, yoga, group therapy, reiki, hypnose, meditation, sound healing. Since Self Love depicts a peacock, the activities have to have a connection with beauty/aesthetics/the body somehow. I'm also thinking of tantra. For some it could be related to surgery. Like helping people transition from one gender to another.

Keywords/signs/extras : In the shadows - The Rasmus, bats, ravens, crows, Pisces, Taurus, life path numbers 9/5, pride, rainbows

Group 2 - Lips

Cards : The Warrior, The Universe, Sacred Sexuality, 6 of swords, 10 of pentacles, 4 of cups

There are possible future public speakers among you. And also artists such as graphic designers, digital artists because when I started to do your reading, my drawing software just randomly opened when I didn't even click on it. So if you were hesitating about starting to draw or going digital, this is your sign to go for it. Your life purpose is to bring people together, to reunite people that were seperated. I'm specifically picking up on immigrants, war victims, orphans, people that are homeless or that have a precarious situation. Your purpose is to raise awareness about these subjects, to join an organization and fight for these people's rights. Again, the theme of sexuality is brought out here, similarly to group 1. You could be helping out people that had to flee their home in order to be safe because of their sexuality. Your purpose could be to help people free themselves of toxic environments if that is their wish. So it could be helping victims of physical abuse, domestic abuse, victims of racism/homophobia or any kind of hate crime. I sense some influencer energy coming from this group as well. In all cases, your purpose is to provide people with a safe space where they can either live freely or share their truth. So you could be creating an app to gather people facing the same issues or to put in contact people that are willing to help with people who are in need of help. You could be using your social media and your status to raise awareness about specific causes. You could be getting legally involved by filing lawsuits, by protesting, by adopting. You could be helping people with their administrative papers. There are so many ways this can be done. But I'm getting a very proactive vibe from your group. If group 1 was more about providing moral and emotional support, you are more of the kind to go to the trenches and fight the battles. So some of you could even literally fight by applying for the military. The 6 of swords can indicate travel and we also have the Universe card so this would make sense. Also you could be donating money, funding the construction of shelters for instance.

Keywords/signs/extras : Aries, social media, roses, cranes, dogs, mountains, river side, Indestructible - Disturbed, letter S, life path numbers 1/6/9, NGOs, Not today - BTS

Group 3 - Disco ball

Cards : Patience, The Magi, The Weaver, knight of pentacles, 10 of wands, The Star

Some of you could be tarot readers or use any other form of divination. If that is not your case now, you have the potential to be. You also have the potential of being a public figure. And by that I mean an important one. Kind of Beyoncé level or any other artist that you can think of that you like, no matter the field. It could be acting, it could be film making, it could be fashion design, singing, dancing, ice skating. Anything. Writing also seems really significant. Your purpose is to guide other people. To help them weave their way through illusions and obstacles. To help them move forward and lighten their load so that they can shine their light onto the world and be the best version of themselves. We also have teachers here, coaches, spiritual practitioners of any kind, healers. You bring people to life. You help them give birth to projects. It could be litteral. As in you help moms give birth to their beautiful babies. You help new souls come to life and navigate through this world. I'm picking up on One Piece and Magi references. Specifically I was thinking of Nami and Basil for One Piece. As for Magi I was mainly picking up on Aladdin. I did some research on these characters, especially Basil because I didn't know this character that much and it turns out Basil's ability uses Tarot. He's a fortune teller. When it comes to Aladdin, he's one of the most powerful magicians and his lineage is beyond great but he has no idea because he doesn't remember his past and part of his powers are tied to his memories. He is destined to save his world and become the most powerful wizard of his era but has to fight a lot of enemies to do that. So it could be that you won't reach your full potential until you've uncovered some of your past life memories / traumas. Also you may be facing a lot of challenges and opponents on your path. You may meet a lot of naysayers or a lot of people trying to distract you from your truth and your calling. So that could transpire in your work environment, in your family, in your group of friends. You might notice people hating on you for no reason. That's because your light and power disturbs them. Since there are a lot of magical mentions it could be that some of your ancestors were accused of being witches and persecuted because of that. That might be part of the past life memories you have to deal with. Or you might be living in a country / city that has a lot of legends surrounding witches/wizards (i.e. Salem in Massachussets, Rouen / Orléans/Domrémy in France for their history with Joan of Arc, Britain when it comes to Arthurian legends, New Orleans, Greece with Circe / Hecate, Russia with Baba Yaga and Rasputin, Ireland with the Morrigan, Northern Africa for Kahena).

Keywords/signs/extras : life path numbers 1/8/11/22, psychic abilities, magic, snakes, moon cycles, cranes, stars, Aquarius, Gemini, Youtiful - Stray Kids, wizards

[gaargoyle]

My current much-loved possession, an original 1993 copy of Space Marine. I wanted it for its lovely cover, mostly, (also physical media is supreme) even though it's seen better days. The pretty foil lettering has worn away in spots.

Inside is the timeline that was canon in 1993. You can still get this book today digitally, but I do not know if they include a timeline with it still, and if they do, if they kept it as it was for posterity or made updates.

Transcribed below!

A TIMELINE FOR THE WARHAMMER 40,000 UNIVERSE

15th Millennium - Humanity begins to colonise nearby solar systems using conventional sub-light spacecraft. At first, progress is painfully slow. Separated from Terra by up to ten generations in travel time, the new colonies have to survive mainly on local resources.

The Dark Age of Technology

20th Millennium - Discovery of warp drives accelerates the colonisation process and the early independent or corporate colonies become federated to Terra. The first alien races (including the ubiquitous Orks) are encountered. The development of the Navigator gene allows human pilots to make longer and faster 'jumps' through warp space than was previously thought possible. The great Navigator families, initially controlled by industrial and trading cartels, become a power base in their own right.

Humanity continues to explore and colonise the galaxy. Contacts are established with the Eldar and other alien races. A golden age of scientific achievement begins. Perfection of the Standard Template Construct (STC) system now permits an almost explosive expansion to the stars.

The Age of Strife

25th Millennium - Humanity reaches the far edges of the galaxy, completing the push to the stars begun over ten thousand years before. Human civilisation is now widely dispersed and divergent - with countless small colonies as well as many large, overpopulated planets. Localised wars and disputes with various alien races (especially the Orks!) continue, but pose no threat to the overall stability of human-colonised space. Then, two things happen almost simultaneously. First, humans with psychic powers begin to appear on almost every colonised world. Second, civilisation starts to disintegrate under the stress of widespread insanity, demonic possession, and internecine strife between these new 'psykers' and the rest of humanity. Countless fanatical cults and organisations spring up to persecute the psykers as witches, and/or degenerate mutants. At this time, the existence of the creatures of the warp (later known and feared as demons), and the dangers they pose to the human mind with newly awakened psychic powers, is far from understood.

Terrible wars tear human civilisation apart. Localised empires and factions fight amongst themselves as well as against fleets of Orks, Tyrannids [sic], and other aliens whose forces are quick to seize the opportunity to sack human space. Many worlds fall prey to the dominance of Warp Creatures whilst others revert to barbarism. Humans survive only on those worlds where psykers are suppressed or controlled. During this time, Terra is cut off from the rest of humanity by terrible warp storms, which isolate the home world for several thousand years, further accelerating the ruin of humanity.

The Horus Heresy

30th Millennium - Humanity itself teeters on the brink of the abyss of extinction. Civil war erupts throughout the galaxy as the Emperor of human space is betrayed by his most trusted lieutenant, the Warmaster Horus. Possessed by a demon from the warp, Horus seduces whole chapters of humanity's greatest warriors - the Space Marines - into joining his cause. When the final battle seems lost, the Emperor defeats Horus in single combat, but only at the cost of his own humanity.

His physical life maintained by artificial means, and his psyche by human sacrifice, the Emperor begins the long task of reconquering human space. With the creation by the Emperor of the psychic navigational beacon known as the Astronomican, the foundations are laid for the building of the Imperium, as it to be known in the 41st millennium. Fuelled by the dying spirits of those psykers who would otherwise fall prey to the demons of the warp, and directed by the Emperor's indomitable will, the Astronomican soon becomes an invaluable aid to Navigators throughout the galaxy. Interstellar travel becomes even easier and quicker, while the repression and control of psykers and creatures from the warp releases much of humanity from its hellish bondage.

The Age of the Imperium

41st Millennium - Throughout the portion of the galaxy known as the Imperium, humanity is bound within the organisations and strictures of the Administratum. The Emperor grows ever more detached from the day to day concerns of his mortal subjects, while the Inquisition works ceaselessly to protect humanity from the ever-present dangers posed by renegade psykers and the terrible creatures inhabiting warp space. The armies of the Imperium - the Guard and the almost superhuman Space Marines - maintain a constant vigil against the threat of invading Orks, Tyrannids [sic] and other aliens. But still the number of psykers increases steadily, and other more sinister groups associated with Warp Creature domination continue to gain ground...

[warframestuff]

PRIDE 2024

CELEBRATING INCLUSIVITY AND DIVERSITY THROUGHOUT THE ORIGIN SYSTEM!

There are wondrous vibes aplenty in the Origin System this month as we reach Pride 2024! Join us in celebrating the vibrant LGBTQIA2S+ community in Warframe! We are thrilled to honor and support our incredibly inclusive and diverse player base this Pride month and all year-round.

There are many ways for you to join in on Pride throughout June and onwards. Pick up in-game Pride items, support Warframe Creators, and so much more!

RAINBOW RAILROAD AND TRANS LIFELINE

In honor of Pride 2024, Digital Extremes is immensely proud to support not one, but two organizations offering aid to LGBTQIA2S+ people around the world.

Rainbow Railroad is a global not-for-profit that assists at-risk LGBTQIA+ people worldwide in reaching safety. Their mission is to protect vulnerable communities facing persecution based on sexual orientation, gender identity, and sex characteristics from systemic, state-enabled homophobia and transphobia.

Trans Lifeline is a grassroots hotline and nonprofit organization offering direct financial and emotional support for trans people in crisis. Their mission is to connect trans people with their community and provide the resources everyone needs to survive and thrive.

Both Rainbow Railroad and Trans Lifeline have received $10,000 CAD donations from Digital Extremes, respectively, to kick off Pride 2024! If you’re interested in supporting both organizations yourself, check out the donation pages for Rainbow Railroad and Trans Lifeline!

PRIDE IN-GAME

There are three all-new items available for Pride 2024! Add dazzling Customization like the Pride Glyph III designed by NimkeArts (He/They) and the Pride Display III designed by RoboMythos (She/Her) to your Arsenal via the in-game Market for only 1 Credit each!

Fill your Orbiter with neon Pride! The brand new Neon Pride Wings Decoration is also available in the in-game Market for 25,000 Credits. There is no limit to how many you can purchase, so that your Orbiter, Dormizone and Dojo can all be elevated with dazzling colors.

If you couldn’t pick up any Pride items from previous years — good news! We’ve also brought back the Pride Display I, Pride Glyph I, Pride Display II, Pride Glyph II, and Pride Celebration Color Palette back to the in-game Market for 1 Credit apiece!

These new and returning Pride items are available in the in-game Market until June 30 at 11:59 p.m. ET. If you missed out on the Pride III Glyph and Display, a code will be shared on July 1st for you to claim them both all the way until next June 2025.

FEATURED CREATOR STREAMS

Featured Warframe Creators will be celebrating Pride all throughout June! Watch these streams for 45 minutes each this month and receive Twitch Drops to even further enhance your Arsenal. Just don’t forget to link your Warframe and Twitch accounts ahead of time!

June 1 from 2 p.m. to 4 p.m. ET - Miabyte (She/Her)

Drop: Ordis Reified Statue

Twitch: twitch.tv/miabyte

June 1 from 4 p.m. to 6 p.m. ET - Nerdtured (He/Him)

Drop: Xaku Prex

Twitch: twitch.tv/nerdtured

June 8 from 11 a.m. to 1 p.m. ET - Tibetansun (He/Him)

Drop: Fibonacci Floof

Twitch: twitch.tv/tibetansun

June 8 from 7 p.m. to 9 p.m. ET - AuntieTan (She/Her)

Drop: Domestik Chapp Drone

Twitch: twitch.tv/AuntieTan

June 15 from 4 p.m. to 6 p.m. ET - LadyTheLaddy (They/She)

Drop: Panzer Vulpaphyla Floof

Twitch: twitch.tv/ladytheladdy

June 16 from 12 p.m. to 2 p.m. ET - MjikThize (She/They)

Drop: Solaris Food Can Decoration

Twitch: twitch.tv/MjikThize

June 22 from 1 p.m. to 3 p.m. ET - JamieVoiceOver (She/Her)

Drop: Corbu Shawzin

Twitch: twitch.tv/JamieVoiceOver

June 22 from 6 p.m. to 8 p.m. ET - SiejoUmbra (He/Him)

Drop: Warframe Articula

Twitch: twitch.tv/SiejoUmbra

MAKESHIP KALYMOS PLUSHIE

If you’re keen on making a feline friend, Makeship has your back! They’ve brought Albrecht Entrati’s elegant companion Kalymos to life!

The Kalymos plushie campaign is part of Makeship’s Pride event, with 100 percent of Digital Extremes’ net proceeds from sales going towards the Trevor Project, a not-for-profit organization committed to suicide prevention for LGTBQ+ youth. As part of the event, Kalymos will arrive with a Pride Flag cape, based on the flag design by Valentino Vecchietti. You can purchase the Kalymos Plushie today and help make this limited item a reality!

Please note that this is not a charity item associated with the nonprofit organizations mentioned above.

NEW TWITCH & DISCORD EMOTES

Enjoy new Discord and Twitch Emotes to celebrate Pride 2024 via BTTV! Flaunt sensational flair in chat with the Pride Citrine, Pride Limbo, Neon Pride Wings Emote (right), and Neon Pride Wings Emote (left) created by our very own Community artist TadaCharly!

PRIDE TIME STREAMS

Our weekly Prime Time streams are all about celebrating Pride throughout the month of June! So tune in every Thursday at 6 p.m. ET on Warframe’s Twitch channel to hang out with the community team, play Warframe and celebrate Pride!

[itsnothingofinterest]

The implication that society at large hasn't learned a thing from its Original Sin (Shigaraki's backstory) is making me ill... Between this and Touya/Dabi's ending, I feel like I'm reading the ending of a tragedy from an Outsider POV or the bad ending path in some video game and being told to Suck It Up Buttercup, because this is a Good Ending Actually!! I've never felt more insulted reading the ending of a story...

Oh same here; a part of me is even beginning to wonder that you might be on to something labeling the whole story a tragedy. The more closely you look into things, the more it looks like every aspect of this ending is a tragedy underneath a thin veneer of “well things are happy and the day is saved now.” I’m almost suspecting if it’s on purpose.

Dabi was beaten, and now Touya is stuck in cenobite cosplay in prison as he lives out the rest of his single digit days letting his abuser talk at him while the rest of the Todorokis wait to hear that the eldest son has died once again.

Anyone considering that the next AFO or Tomura could be out there is taking the exact opposite approach from correct; saying they need to not be sympathetic and instead close their hearts to such a person to better persecute them, driving such folk to villainy faster.

We don't know what happened to Toga but the faces we've seen on Uraraka these past few chapters do not fill me with hope.

We started out with a 4-digit, maybe even 5-digit hero figure when this all started, and the only solution we’ve seen anyone think of (and only as a joke) is to fill the streets with more heroes. Otherwise you can’t fix this; Deku’s talk with AM and Taukauchi ends concluding that you can’t prevent these tragedies.

That sucks when the end of humanity is coming sometime in the next century; just far enough away that no one cares, just close enough that no one can stop it. And though a cure was developed, Deku smashed it to dust and scattered it to the winds alongside the guy he vowed to save; and when the end comes, likely no one will know that Tomura could have prevented this.

It feels poetic how much this reflects hero society as a whole, how much it repeats everything Tomura said in real time. All this present tragedy and future disaster swept under the rug of “but the big bad villain is dead, smashed to pieces by the next symbol, the day is saved, isn’t it?” I once thought MHA was supposed to be optimistic. It has not turned out that way. But it might turn around my opinion on Hori’s writing if that turned out to be on purpose.

...But that might be too much to hope for.

[astra-ravana]

Keep It Eclectic

Eclecticism in witchcraft and magick refers to the practice of drawing from multiple traditions, spiritual paths, and systems of belief to create a personalized practice. In modern witchcraft, eclecticism plays a crucial role in making the craft more inclusive, adaptable, and meaningful to practitioners. Below are some of the key reasons why eclecticism is important in contemporary magickal practices.

Personalization and Authenticity

Modern witches often find that no single tradition fully resonates with their experiences, beliefs, or needs. Eclecticism allows individuals to:

• Craft a practice that aligns with their personal spirituality.

• Blend different traditions in a way that feels authentic and meaningful.

• Avoid dogma and rigid structures that may not fit their worldview.

For example, a practitioner may feel drawn to the herbal wisdom of traditional European witchcraft, the protective symbols of Hoodoo, and the lunar cycles of Wicca, forming a practice that uniquely reflects their path.

Accessibility and Inclusivity

Historically, many magickal traditions were closed to outsiders, limited to specific cultures, or hidden due to persecution. Today, eclectic witchcraft makes spirituality and magick more accessible by:

• Welcoming people from diverse backgrounds who may not have a direct lineage in a particular tradition.

• Allowing solitary practitioners to develop their own methods rather than requiring formal initiation.

• Encouraging respect for different cultural practices without enforcing exclusivity.

This inclusivity is especially important for witches who may not feel connected to a single cultural or religious identity but still seek a meaningful spiritual path.

Adaptability to Modern Life

Traditional magical systems were often developed in specific cultural and historical contexts. While valuable, some of their original practices may not be practical for modern practitioners. Eclecticism allows witches to:

• Integrate new knowledge, science, and technology into their practice.

• Modify rituals and spells to suit contemporary lifestyles.

• Use materials and correspondences that are more easily accessible today.

For example, a city-dwelling witch who lacks access to wild herbs might use store-bought alternatives, clever placement of sigils, or even technomancy (cyber magick) as part of their eclectic practice.

Encouraging Growth and Exploration

Eclecticism promotes a mindset of continuous learning and exploration, allowing practitioners to:

• Study multiple traditions and expand their magickal knowledge.

• Experiment with different techniques to see what works best for them.

• Develop their intuition by working with various magickal systems.

Rather than adhering to rigid rules, eclectic witches remain open to new ideas, evolving their practices over time.

Bridging the Past and the Future

Eclectic witchcraft preserves the wisdom of ancient traditions while allowing room for new interpretations. This balance ensures that witchcraft remains a living, evolving practice rather than a stagnant relic of the past.

For example, many modern witches:

• Honor ancestral traditions while adapting them to modern ethical standards.

• Combine traditional spellcraft with modern psychology and self-help techniques.

• Use contemporary tools like apps, digital grimoires, or online covens alongside traditional rituals.

Eclecticism and Cultural Sensitivity

While eclecticism encourages borrowing from different traditions, it is also important to practice cultural sensitivity and respect. Responsible eclecticism involves:

• Understanding the origins and significance of the practices one adopts.

• Avoiding cultural appropriation by acknowledging closed traditions that require initiation or ancestral lineage.

• Giving credit to cultures and sources rather than claiming practices as one’s own.

A balanced eclectic practice respects both the freedom to explore and the responsibility to honor traditions appropriately.

Strengthening Individual Empowerment

Ultimately, witchcraft is about personal empowerment. Eclecticism allows practitioners to reclaim their spiritual authority by:

• Trusting their intuition rather than relying on external religious hierarchies.

• Creating a practice that is deeply personal and uniquely effective.

• Feeling free to evolve and change as they gain new insights.

This empowerment is one of the core reasons why eclectic witchcraft has become so popular in modern times.

Eclecticism is essential to modern witchcraft because it fosters inclusivity, adaptability, and personal empowerment. By blending elements from different traditions in a thoughtful and respectful way, practitioners can create a practice that is both meaningful and effective. Instead of being confined to one path, eclectic witches embrace the idea that spirituality is fluid, ever-changing, and deeply personal.

[anotherhumaninthisworld]

how was the relationship between brissort and desmoulins before they got bad blood？

TLDR: it can be summarized with: ”i hate him but i love him but i hate him…”

As far as the surviving evidence tells us, the first thing we have tying Brissot and Desmoulins together is the following letter, written by the former to the latter somewhere in January 1790, apropos of an arrest warrant having been issued against Marat:

I’m notifying you (vous), my dear colleague, about an odious persecution carried out against a journalist by the Bureau de Ville. Everyone must come to his help. I’m working on it, but the thing will go bad if you don’t give your conclusions. I also think that we must denounce this atrocity to the only district that I know has some vigour, the Cordelier district. The excellent friend of liberty that will give or send you this letter — M. De la Poype — will give you the details. All to you. Brissot de Warville. This Sunday.

A few months later, June 19 1790, Brissot wrote yet another letter to Desmoulins alerting him that the deputy Pierre-Victor Malouet has obtained a decree ordering the Paris Commune to prosecute him and telling him to take precautions. In his memoirs, Brissot also recalled how Robespierre the very same month brought him a reprimanding letter to Desmoulins to insert in his journal Le Patriote Français — ”Before inserting this complaint in my journal, I warned Camille whose susceptibility I knew. He wrote an answer and left it to me; but I thought I would be agreeable to him by publishing neither this response nor the complaint of which it was the subject. He seemed to me to be very angry with Robespierre.”

While Le Patriote Français has gotten digitalized, you can so far not search within it, meaning I can’t systematically check if/how many times Brissot mentioned something about Desmoulins that could tell us more regarding their relationship. In Desmoulins’ journal Révolutions de France et de Brabant we do however find many mentions of Brissot being made, for the first two years in mostly positive terms. In number 37 (August 9 1790), he does for exanple get listed as one of 28 ”journalists that are friends of truth” (among them Desmoulins himself). In number 38 (August 16 1790) Desmoulins writes Garran d'Agier and Brissot are two names ”so dear to patriots” and celebrates ”the wise reflexions of M. Brissot” regarding Bailly, and in number 39 (August 23 1790) he writes that Brissot ”has deserved his homeland so well both in his functions as a journalist and in those of a member of the research committee” and laments the fact that he, like other ”patriots”, didn’t win a seat at the commune.

In number 47 (October 18 1790) Camille regrets that the ”ungrateful parisians” so far have not nominated Danton, Fauchet, Brissot, Carra and Manuel in the elections for judges. ”I would above all designate MM. Manuel and J. P Brissot, if the in my opinion ridiculous decree in the new judicial order did not require six years of profession for eligibility.” Two weeks later, in number 49 (November 1 1790) he records and praises a popular speech held by Brissot at the section de la Bibliothèque on October 24 where he called for the dismissal of all ministers, a proposal that got sent to the National Assembly. Camille notes: ”The section applauded this speech, like my reader is doing at the moment.” And he ends with these words:

And you (vous), M. Brissot, receive the compliments of the patriots. When I reflect on the tireless activity, which was sufficient for your journal, on this multitude of different works for which your periodical work left you with wasted moments, on your assiduity on the research committee, of which you filled so worthily the functions, I cannot help but say: it is you who should be appointed minister, it is you who should be appointed ambassador.

On December 25 1790 Brissot signed Desmoulins’ wedding contract alongside thirteen others, and two days later he attended his wedding ceremony and the dinner succeeding it alongside nine others. In number 58 (January 3 1791) of Révolutions de France et de Brabant Camille jokingly comments that ”I did not go to the altar without antidote. Péthion [sic], Robespierre, Sillery, Mercier, Brissot (that’s all that needs to be said) honored me with their presence and were happy to serve as witnesses.”

In number 56 (December 20 1790), number 57 (December 1790) and number 62 (January 31 1791) Desmoulins openly adapts the stance of ”the republican Brissot” on the Nancy Mutiny, the pension the National Assembly is providing Louis XVI’s brothers, and ”that royalist, monarchist or tyranist are three synonyms” respectively. In number 62 he also brings up the best qualities of each of the members of the patriotic journalist squad — ”Carra is our toscin for the exterior and Marat the toscin for the interior. Gorsas keeps the correspondence of the 83 departments, Laclos that of the Jacobins. We have Brissot the diplomatic, Robert the democratic, Noël the academic, Cérutti the pedagogical and Prudhomme the encyclopedic” — a theme he continues with in number 63 (February 7 1791). He ends said number with regretting Manuel and Brissot were not elected members to the department of Paris.

Shortly thereafter, the first cracks in the relationship between the two journalist do however start to appear. In number 67 (March 7 1791), Desmoulins regrets an article in Le Patriote Français that he claims is exaggerating Charles Lameth’s slaveholding, and also that Brissot is so hard on Lameth and Barnave — ”these fathers of the homeland” — in general:

The next day, I was reading Le Patriote Français, so complacent about the attacks on La Fayette and Mirabeau, and so inexorable about the peccadilloes of Barnave and Lameth. Imagiene my indignation when I found there not the justice I would have believed would be returned this time to at least A. Lameth but instead the following anecdote: M. Ch. Lameth has just lost, in the crossing, 45 slaves, out of 52 that he had bought. And you claim you know this well, M. Brissot. Ah! That is too far. If we can reproach Ch. Lameth for not thinking like you on the slavery of blacks; at least he softens it so much in his dwellings, that births replace the deaths there, and that he has no need to buy negroes; he never bought a single one, and your calumny is abominable. For two months now, you haven’t let a day pass without firing a line against Barnave and Lameth. So much stubbornness against these fathers of the homeland betrays bad faith; and everything can be forgiven, except the bad faith that you would have liked better. 

Ten days later, in number 586 (March 17 1791) of Le Patriote Français, Brissot in his turn regrets that Desmoulins in number 68 of Révolutions de France et de Brabant had printed a by Barnave written address from the parisian jacobin club to its sister clubs. In it, Barnave states among other things that ”the National Assembly advances every day towards the moment which must put an end to all debates by invariably fixing the charter of our constitutional laws,” a statement which Brissot considers ”a double heresy” since 1, the laws of a free people are variable in essence, and 2, the National Assembly doesn’t have the power to invariably fix laws in the first place. Brissot writes that he’s therefore ”surprised to find [the address] in the journal of M. Desmoulins, who takes the sovereignty of the people even further, who wants it to ratify all the acts of the legislative power. This forgetting is probably the effect of these bacchanalian distractions that he talks about in this issue. Regarding these distractions, I do not forget that I owe M. Desmoulins an answer, he will have it.”

Four days later Desmoulins answers Brissot in number 69 (March 21 1791) of Révolutions de France et de Brabant, using ten pages of the journal to do so. After having agreed with the stance on testamentary successions and paternal power put forward in number 583 (March 14 1791) of Le Patriote Français and foreseeing that the he and Brissot are going to agree with each other the day the subject is put on the agenda, Desmoulins regrets that they’re starting to drift apart — ”professing the same principles, how can it be so that we walk such different paths? Between him and me, I would gladly take his friend Péthion [sic] as judge.” He then answers Brissot’s reproach from a few days earlier — ”I publish a jacobin address and a jacobin denounces me for it!” He admits that the maxim contained in Barnave’s address does go against his principles, but that an even bigger part of said principles is ceding to the majority —  ”I profess the same principles as M. Brissot; but not only do I profess them, I want them, and whoever wants the end, wants the means.” Camille then contrasts Brissot’s reproach with his own treatment of the jacobins in general and Barnave and Lameth in particular:

Some faults which Brissot reproaches Barnave and the Lameths for; at the moment when the league of all the bad citizens united are unleashed against the Lameths and Barnave, is it generous for the patriot Brissot to join them in decrying them? Is it when so many venal pens write disgusting libels every day against the Jacobins, that it befits the Jacobin Brissot to quarrel with the Jacobins incessantly? […] What has M. Brissot been doing for a month, constantly declaiming against the Jacobins? Doesn’t it seem like he wants to sow discord among the workers? So does he want to bring confusion to the Tower of Babel?

Desmoulins notes these are the same tactics the enemies of the jacobins use. He does however underline that he’s far from identifying Brissot with said enemies, contenting himself with stating he either knows very little about politics or that his rage against Barnave is blinding him. Desmoulins also underlines that he still values Brissot very highly — ”Camille Desmoulins is, like J. P Brissot, like Péthion [sic], like Robespierre, of the extreme left of the jacobins. We are, if I may speak like that, the jacobins of jacobins” — and that the only reason he’s even answering Brissot’s criticism in the first place is because he thinks he deserves it: 

You, M. Brissot, who profess a sound doctrine, who combine with pressing logic, the science of public law and a great depth of knowledge in experimental politics, and whose journal is remarkable for its clarity, simplicity, purity equal in style and principles, you whom I prize even more by a title much more honorable than all that, that of being the friend of the irreproachable Péthion [sic], you deserve to get answered.

Nevertheless, in the next number, number 70 (March 28), Desmoulins reproaches Brissot for in number 591 (March 22) of Le Patriote Français having suggested that the municipality of Douai be sent to the prison of Orléans for on March 15 and 17 having failed to quell a grain dispute with fatal outcome in the department — ”And before what judges! Is there anything more anti-national than the method of formation of the court sitting in Orléans, under the name of the provisional high national court?” The next month, the two journalists get into another controversy due to the day of April 18 1791, when the royal family tried to travel to Saint-Claud but was kept from leaving first by an angry mob, and then by the National Guard who refused to obey Lafayette’s orders to disperse the crowd. In number 74 (April 25) of Révolutions de France et de Brabant, Camille first inserts an extract from Brissot’s journal from four days earlier lamenting the fact that the National Assembly treated the king with too much indulgence when he presented himself before it the day after the failed journey — ”all of these reflexions are extremely fair,” Camille comments. A few pages later, he does however sigh over his colleague once again, this time regarding what he in number 622 (April 22) of Le Patriote Français has to say about the fact Lafayette resigned as commander-general of the National Guard following the events of April 18. Camille spends eight pages reprinting Brissot ’s article with his own comments on it in between. We see here that, unlike in the case with Barnave and the Lameths, where Brissot was hostile and Desmoulins more sympathetic, Brissot’s attitude towards Lafayette is instead far too indulgent for Camille’s liking: ”the inexorable Brissot, who yesterday displayed a stoic severity, speaks today for the first time of Lafayette, and shows an excessive indulgence, which confuses me, or rather explains to me the enigma of his numbers.” Brissot, while admitting he thought it right of the troops to  disobey their commander on the 18th, writes ”that in all respects the resignation of M. La Fayette is a real calamity.” To him, Lafayette is still someone ”intimately patriotic,” who in spite of ”some weaknesses” has managed to keep the esteem of both the people and the national guards for the past two years, and whose biggest qualities is his ”composure, moderation, patience with insults.” Desmoulins on the other hand asks why, if Lafayette indeed is so popular, citizens turned their weapons against him on the 18th rather than obeying his orders, and points out that ”all the aristocrats” too call Lafayette resigning ”a calamity.” He reacts most strongly over what Brissot chooses to call ”some weaknesses” from Lafayette’s part, spending almost two pages listing failings committed by the commander general over the past two years, starting with his motions for absolute royal veto, for martial law and for the right of peace and war. Desmoulins wraps up with daring Brissot to try to justify Lafayette’s actions on the 18th as well, that he himself considers enough for the former commander to deserve impeachment and even the death penalty, after Danton had told him how he on the day in question had managed to stop Bailly and Lafayette from proclaiming martial law and order the National Guards to fire on the crowd surrounding the royal family if necessary  — ”Here Lafayette wanted to cut the throat of not one man, but 10 000 men, and your Lafayette deserves death 10 000 over.”

The following number (May 2 1791), Desmoulins again regrets that Brissot and many other ”patriotic journalists” are rallying to maintain Lafayette’s reputation — ”Today we see how Brissot slips over the atrocious injustice of the arbitrary condemnation of the grenadiers of the Oratory. This dismissal, he said, was ordered by the municipal body, and M. La Fayette did nothing but carry it out.”

Shortly thereafter, Brissot makes good on his old promise to respond to his colleague. In number 656 (May 26 1791), number 657 (May 27 1791) and number 659 (May 29 1791) of Le Patriote Français, he inserts three letters to Desmoulins, answering all the reproaches he over the last two months has made against him. Brissot begins by acknowledging this response is long overdue, and attributing this to ”the reluctance I have to combat writers who have been useful to the cause of patriotism, the knowledge I have of the rectitude of your intentions in general, the hope that you will retract your unjust suspicions about a writer whose rectitude is also known to you personally, and finally the multitude of battles that, for some time, I have been obliged to fight and support, on the most important matters.” He then takes on Camille’s very first reproach from number 66 — that of writing Charles Lameth had bought 54 slaves when he hadn’t actually bought any at all. To this, Brissot replies that he obtained the information from a ”respectable person” that he however won’t name until the day Lameth himself directly or indirectly admits to having bought slaves in Camille’s journal.

As for Camille reproaching him of criticising the Jacobin club which he views ”as the strongest pillar upholding the constitution,” Brissot answers that Camille is very much exaggerating its importance — ”upholding the constitution on the Jacobins is like the Indians upholding the globe on an elephant.” He points out that the club with its 1200 members is actually far from representing all citizens, and that passive citizens — the ”true patriots” — to a large extent are shut out from it. On top of that, it’s hard to access the club and hard to get heard in it, and its members are often misled by passions, intrigues and secret views. Brissot concludes that Desmoulins playing around with exaggerations like ”the sovereignty of the Jacobins” is something that ”spoils the best causes,” and that the true ”tribune of the people” is in fact not the Jacobin club, but the press.

Brissot then takes up Camille’s claim that he’s ”constantly speaking badly about MM. Lameth and Barnavre.” This is not true, Brissot writes, there are several numbers of his journal where the two receive both blame and praise. Even so, he disagrees with Camille’s lenient attitude towards the two, and even more so with him having gone so far as to label them as ”the fathers of the constitution” once — ”It must be admitted at least that here the child preceded the fathers, and that, since then, they have cruelly disfigured and allowed this putative child to be disfigured.” Brissot brings up that Barnavre and Lameth have already ”scandalously deserted the popular cause” on a number of important causes — the question on the regency, on inviolability, on the complement of administrative bodies, on the organization of the ministry and the public treasury, on the right of petition, on the rights of men of colour and on re-eligibility of the current legislature. Charles Lameth uses the language of ”ministers of past times,” while his brother Théodore Lameth has been proven to be nothing but ”a slanderer […]who, publicly denied and challenged, refuses to fight and continues his dark maneuvers.” Brissot therefore finds Desmoulins objections to him censuring Lameth and Barnavre when they already have plenty of people against them to be rather silly — ”in your eyes, the attack on these ambitious people seemed a great crime…. They were Jacobins! Well, what does that matter? I attack, in all parties, what seem bad and false to me; I have censored several decrees.” According to Brissot, he was actually doing Lameth and Barnavre justice by censoring their ”carelessness or their desertion,” and he challanges Desmoulins to ”prove to me that I have a single time been wrong about them.”

Finally, Brissot arrives at Desmoulins’ charge that he would be ”devoted” to Lafayette. Brissot admits that he did know Lafayette before the revolution and still sees him sometimes, ”because I believe he is attached to patriotism.” It has however been 18 months since he last dined with him, although Lafayette has invited him, and he’s never spoken to Lafayette about anything but ”the public sake” (he adds that he during several of these meetings have justified Desmoulins’ actions to Lafayette). He also lists several numbers of his journal where Lafayette gets judged severely. With that, Brissot firmly dismisses the idea that he could be ”devoted” or ”sold” to Lafayette, finding it quite offensive that Camille, his friend, could even think the thought: ”We have seen each other, Camille Desmoulins, our souls have been poured out into each other; It is difficult to be false at these times, and you dare to slander me! I will not repay you with such a return; I believe you are easy to deceive, but not easy to corrupt.” Brissot claims the only reason Desmoulins could come to believe this is simply because he doesn’t ”slander” Lafayette as often as him and many other journalists — ”It is true that I don’t accuse him of having supper with Mirabeau at Velloni’s house, or of having Retondo assassinated, nor of trying to assassinate you etc. Give me proof first, fairy tales, of a delirious imagination, is that proof?” He also scoffs at Desmoulins early offer to use Pétion as judge between them: ”I want that, he knows my entire soul, my whole life, my current existence, my means, my views… interrogate him.”

Brissot ends his ”already too long letter” with giving his fellow journalist some advice ”that friendship as much as patriotism dictates to me; for I do not know how to hate, and I cannot see you with indifference in a bad party”:

You are young, Camille Desmoulins, candor is on your lips; you still intend to write under its dictation; but you are often fooled by this very candor. You lend it to others, to these men, who, astute, poison your mind, by filling it with terrors, with tales, with slander, by heating your imagination against chimeras which convert your patriotic talent into a dangerous stiletto, with which they pierce your friends and their enemies. You accuse with a lightness that has made more than one wise man doubt your integrity. How have you not seen that this ease in lavishing praise and awarding apotheosis to men whom you then dragged through the mud, that your ease of denouncing without proof those whom you had deified, that your secondity in sarcasm and in insults, would discredit, if not the principles, because they are now above attacks, like the inconsistencies of their defenders, at least the lessons that you give to the public. A journalist must respect it, must respect himself in the battles he wages against his adversaries. He must use reason more often than the weapon of sarcasm; and when he borrows the latter, it must be with sobriety; because these repetitions disgust, and especially when they degenerate into gross insults, worthy of the old halls. […] In a word, Camille Desmoulins, do you want to be useful with your talent? Study and meditate. Do you want to be independent? Dine at home, and never dine with party leaders or those in power. Do you still want to judge them sanely and surely? Judge them by their facts and their opinions, and never by stories and assumptions. Finally, never deify any man, never swear by any name.

Desmoulins would however not appear to have been so satisfied with Brissot’s explanation. In number 81 (June 18 1791) of Révolutions de France et de Brabant, he describes how he a little while earlier had met Pétion at the jacobins and talked to him about Brissot’s response. ”How, I said to him, you who are Brissot's friend, did you not at least make him feel the ridicule with which he covered himself by playing Monsieur Lafayette's Don Quixote, and by writing me three letters friendly and paternal in appearance, where he ends a lot of praise with telling me that I slander, like Marat and Fréron, his dear Lafayette?” To his surprise, Pétion responded by asking him to ”cite a single fact” against Lafayette. Regardless, right after this Desmoulins declares he wants to bury the hatchet, firstly, because he has been told about a private letter Brissot has since adressed to one M. Pio admitting Desmoulins was right and he was wrong, secondly because the elections for the Legislative Assembly are coming up, and in spite of their later controversies, Brissot is still one of the men Camille wants to see on it:

…I had declared to my friends, that in consideration of the great services that his newspaper had rendered, and of the host of excellent principles that one has found there, despite its hostilities, [Brissot] is one of the candidates after Danton, Garran de Coulon and Manuel, whom I would most strongly recommend to the 83 departments, for the next legislature. His instruction, which I print in this number (an extract from Le Patriote Français with the title ”who should we elect?” that takes up 13 pages of Camille’s number), despite the fact that there is a remnant of virus in it, finally determines me, through the excellent things it contains, to break all the reproaches. However, I would have preferred if Brissot had made this confession that he thought like me, in his journal and in the face of the sun rather than in a letter and in the bosom of M. Pio.

In the next number, number 82 (June 27 1792), Desmoulins recalled that, just three hours before Paris got word that the royal family had been taken prisoner in Varennes after their attempted flight the night before, he and Brissot had both been at Pétion’s house. There, Brissot would have told him: ”Be sure that if Lafayette favored the King's escape, it was to give us the republic.” (this may very well be the same meeting Madame Roland is describing in her memoirs, where she remembers seeing Brissot, Pétion and Robespierre at Pétion’s house in the afternoon of June 21, the first two telling the latter that the flight meant it was time to start preparing the people for a republic). A week later, in number 83 (4 July 1791) he confronts ”Master Brissot the logician” over thinking a letter from the marquis de Bouillé — one of the leading figures involved in the flight — to the National Assembly where he speaks ill of Lafayette and calls him a republican, is ”the best justification for M. Lafayette.” Something which Desmoulins, who for his part believes it was in fact Lafayette who dictated Bouillé’s letter, hardly agrees with — ”My dear reader, you feel as well as I do that M. Brissot is not stupid enough to believe that Bouillé, Lafayette's accomplice, could write to the national assembly: “I denounce Lafayette to you, he was conspired like me. ” […] From which it follows that the lawyer Brissot, who calls this letter a justification of Lafayette, is obviously in bad faith.”

But if he disagrees with Brissot’s stance on Lafayette, he agrees with his ideas on what should be done to the king following the flight. In number 84 (11 July 1791) he inserts an extract from Brissot’s journal discussing the questions ”Will we abolish the monarchy? If we don’t abolish it, will we give the king an elective council?” where Brissot reaches the conclusion that the idea of declaring a republic certainly deserves to get openly discussed in clubs and newspapers, and that, if the king is returned to the throne, he for sure can’t be allowed the same power as intended before the flight. An article that goes down well with the republican Desmoulins — ”glory to Brissot!” Then in number 85 (18 July 1791) he inserts and praises Brissot’s Discours sur la question de savoir si le roi peut être jugé that he read to the jacobins on July 10, and has as its main argument that the king ”can and must be judged” following the flight. Desmoulins is close to over the moon about it:

Brissot's speech on this subject is so complete that we can say that he has exhausted the question. Robespierre, Péthion, Rœderer, Danton, Réal, Chepy, Ducancel etc, all said excellent things from the Jacobin tribune, but Brissot left nothing to say. We cannot give too much publicity to this peremptory speech; it would be conceited to pretend to say better. […] Reading this speech by Brissot one will recognize that it is not laziness, but my admiration and the salvation of the people who make me borrow here the pen of my honorable colleague.

In the evening of July 15 1791, Desmoulins was present when the jacobins entrusted Brissot with writing a petition asking Louis XVI to abdicate. In number 86 of Révolutions de France et de Brabant he describes said petition as ”constitutional, irreproachable, worthy of the majesty of the people.” Following the massacre on Champ de Mars two days later, Desmoulins, like several others journalists, came under suspicion and had to go incognito for a few months. He releases one final number 86 of his Révolutions de France et de Brabant, announcing his resignation from the journalist career and blaming this on Lafayette. Brissot on the other hand managed to stay in Paris and keep his journal running, something which Desmoulins would not miss to reproach him for a few months later.

By early September Desmoulins could resurface in Paris again, just in time for both him and Brissot to try to get elected members to the new Legislative Assembly. Brissot got in on September 14, while Desmoulins failed to even get into the candidacy. He instead went back to work as a lawyer while remaining politically active at the jacobin club. On November 16 both he and Brissot have put their signatures on a document as part of the club’s committee of correspondence. Exactly a month later, December 16, Brissot shows up at the club and delivers his first speech in favor of France going to war against German princes (Discours sur la nécessité de déclarer la guerre aux princes allemands qui protègent les émigrés). Desmoulins does however find the idea to be a poor one, less than ten days later, December 25, he officially joins the group around Robespierre cautioning against it, countering Brissot with a speech of his own. At one point in the speech, he once again reminds Brissot of his earlier support of Lafayette — ”these patriots […] who, a few days before the massacre on Champ de Mars, still published that the resignation of Lafayette would be a great calamity.”

At the start of 1792, the lawyer Desmoulins takes on the task of defending two persons, Martin Dithurbide and Marie Joseph Beffroy, who on January 18 had been sentenced to prison for hoasting a gambling house, despite the fact the punishment proscribed for such an offence was house arrest or getting released on bail. In the last days of the month, Desmoulins had written and plastered on the walls of Paris a defence of the defendants, alerting the public that the law has been violated, while also declaring Dithurbide and Beffroy are innocent and regretting that the law treats gambling with the same severity as stealing. This caused big reactions from the authors behind Le Patriote Français. In number 904 (January 31 1792) the journal declares that Camille’s defence contains ”gross injuries against the judges who have done their duty” and ”an abominable invective against morals and a scandalous apology for gambling.” The author himself gets denounced as ”a man who calls himself a patriot only to slander patriotism.” This was a label Desmoulins wouldn’t stand for, upon seeing it he wrote a letter to ”the editors of Patriote Français” daring them to publish the full defence. The letter was published already in number 905 (February 1) alongside a note explaining that the defence would not be published since 1, it was too long, and 2, ”because our paper must not serve as vehicle for poison.” In number 910 (February 6) and number 915 (11 February) Desmoulins was further attacked. The first of these four articles were however unsigned, while the latter three were all expressly written not by Brissot but rather his collaborator Jean-Marie Girey-Dupré. In fact, already in number 774 (September 23 1791), Brissot had underlined that he, following his election to the Legislative Assembly will have to occupy himself much less with the journal and leave most of the editing in other hands, but nevertheless continue to give it his ”full attention.” How much responsibility he actually is to take for this episode would in other words appear to be dubious.

Desmoulins did however see no reasons to spare him, choosing instead to the same February release the 60 page long pamphlet Jean Pierre Brissot Démasqué (the title can be used as evidence Brissot and Desmoulins had probably never been on a first name basis, considering that of the former was Jacques Pierre and not Jean Pierre). He begins by acknowledging the fact it’s Girey-Dupré who’s signed the articles to be of unimportance, because ”the master is guilty of the crimes of the domestic.” Desmoulins then explains his stance on the question yet again, declaring that while he himself detests gambling, it should still be allowed as it doesn’t hurt anyone but the gambler himself, and that the law doesn’t proscribe a worse punishment than house arrest — ”I am curious to see, Dom Brissot, your dissertation to prove that the gambler should be sent to Bicêtre.”

After explaining himself, Desmoulins turns to attacking Brissot in turn — ”I am very happy to show you that this man (me), who apparently only calls himself a patriot to slander patriotism, had ample reason to slander your patriotism, that you owed him some obligation for his silence.” He begins by bringing up some very serious charges he’s heard about — the Russian envoy M. Baron de Grimm has published a letter claiming Brissot before the revolution had been a police spy under Jean-Charles-Pierre Lenoir, only to later be corrupted and taken advantage of by Lafayette, while Marguerite-Louis-François Duport du Tertre has told Desmoulins in private that Brissot and Condorcet are two ”rascals” that he would reveal a thing or two about wasn’t it for the fact he’s the minister of justice. Desmoulins does however not want to make use of ”these witnesses that you can write off as aristocrats.” He even admits he himself doesn’t believe Brissot is really guilty of anything besides having a really bad head — ”I don’t think you’re a Sinon who mixes with the patriots only to push them to false measures, and comes to the Jacobins only to attack from behind the most formidable and far-sighted defenders. This character is too odious, and you are not capable of such an effort of crime.” Instead what he wants to do is look over Brissot’s conduct over the last few months, not using any witness but Brissot himself to do so.

He begins by tearing to shreds what Brissot has to say about Lafayette in his third big speech pushing for war, (he admits to having contented himself with quietly laughing at it alongside the people next to him when it was read at the jacobins on January 20 1792). In the speech, Brissot claims he’s only ever treated the latter ”with the justice due to any foreigner,” seeing him once a month only with the intention ”to prevent him from giving in to the seductions of men who had sworn our ruin,” up until ”the Saint-Barthelemy on July 17” when he broke entirely with him. Desmoulins counters this narrative by yet again reminding him of the fact he stated in his own journal that Lafayette’s resignation back in April 1791 was ”a calamity.” Desmoulins implies it’s partly thanks to Brissot’s attitude here that ”the dictator Lafayette” was able to come back to duty soon thereafter regardless, from which he draws the conclusion Brissot has the blood of the victims from Champ de Mars on his hands — ”It is you who we must blame, it is you who fathers must ask for their children, wives for their husbands.” Furthermore, Desmoulins argues it is not true Brissot has come to despise Lafayette after the massacre on Champ de Mars either  — ”see with what caution he always spoke of Lafayette. If he sometimes disagreed with it, we saw that it was lightly, in concert with him, to serve him better.”

After this Desmoulins also looks over Brissot’s principal political opinions, which are in his eyes ”against the purity of his intentions.” According to Desmoulins, Brissot has ”always lost us, by putting delicate questions on the agenda too early.” As examples of this, he lists Brissot’s fierce criticism of Barnavre and Lameth at a time when they were almost the only deputies supporting the jacobins and defending them from ”Lafayette’s satellites,” the fact that Brissot in the summer of 1791 went on and on about establishing a republic and pretended like the jacobins wanted one, even though it had been cemented France would be a monarchy, the word republic itself ”frightened 9 tenths of the nation,” and even ”the strongest democrats” wouldn’t even pronounce the word, and Brissot’s insistance on putting the topic of the status of men of color on the agenda which, even though he was undeniably in the right about the question itself, ought to have been saved for calmer times since it ”cooled the patriotism” in maritime cities. Desmoulins asks why Brissot extends so much energy to people hundreds of miles away, yet spares himself ”from moaning over the French guards, Château vieux and so many others.” He even distributes part of the blame for the current disorder on Saint-Domingue to Brissot:

I know what part the executive power and Spain, and the counter-revolution had in the fires, massacres and devastation of Saint-Domingue; but wasn’t it Brissot who was the first to set fire to these beautiful lands? We predicted these evils to you before they happened. If so many homes are reduced to ashes, if women have been disemboweled, if a child, carried on the end of a pike, has served as a banner for the blacks, if the blacks themselves have perished by the thousands, it is you, wretch, who has been the first cause of so much evil!

Finally, Desmoulins also brings up how Brissot, the man  who had edited ”this famous petition of Champ de Mars” (even though it wasn’t actually Brissot’s petition that was ultimately presented on July 17) was able to ”calmly walk in Paris” following the massacre while he and so many other journalists got prosecuted, and once again dismisses the idea of a war. Desmoulins concludes that, from the facts he’s gathered, ”it will be impossible for anyone to conclude that you are an honest man, that you, the official owner of the beautiful name of Le Patriote François, have alone done more harm to the cause of patriotism and the revolution, than all the aristocrats combined,” and that Brissot is ultimately a ”traitor” in the sense of ”someone who says what he doesn’t think.” Throughout the pamphlet he also calls Brissot both a ”Tartuffe,” ”hypocrite,” ”imposter,” ”charlatan,” ”wretch,” ”the most stupid of men” and ”the biggest killer of our political doctors.” He also picks up the term ”brissoter,” first used by the authors behind L’Argus patriote and Journal de la cour et de la ville — ”I warn you that you will not succeed in brissoter my reputation: it’s me who’s going to rip your mask off.”

In the journal La Tribune des Patriotes he starts two months later, Desmoulins gives his own review of Jean Pierre Brissot démasqué: ”After reading this pamphlet, one knows his Brissot by heart, and sees what deep wounds Le Patriote François, through its false policy, to use the mildest term, has caused to France and to patriotism.” Despite only running for four numbers, Brissot’s name still manages to get mentioned a total of 64 times in this journal, often while showing Desmoulins has not taken up the former friend’s advice to stop using sarcasm from a year ago:

I’ve said that Brissot was a mediocre orator. Honorary reparation. Justifying yesterday before the Jacobins the ministers, to whom this reproach has been made of using the jobs they had to distribute to make a party in society, […] I could not help admiring the orator, and leaning towards the ear of my neighbor Duhem I told him: ”I do not know in Cicero or Demosthenes, any piece more likely to excite interest! What art! The rascal!” Desmoulins in number 1 of La Tribune des Pattiotes

Already J. P. Brissot sees himself at least as the president of the Congress of Europe, and I have no doubt that in a short time he will have a globe painted in his hand like Charlemagne. Sire, since you need war to overthrow the constitution, and a Jacobin ministry to make it appear that you want to maintain it, choose ministers from among the Jacobins, the partisans of the system of war, appoint the friends of Brissot, and you will have war in fifteen days.  Desmoulins in number 4 of La Tribune des Patriotes

The day dawns, the charge rings, Brissot mounts the tribune; I take my head in both hands to support it while it inhales the opium of this long speech. I am silent until the end of the reading, and the contempt for this political Cotin and the hatred for the great harm that his sermons have done to patriotism and to France. What is my surprise? I finally arrive at the conclusions of this schoolboy's declamation, of this theologian's argument, and after this beautiful demonstration of the committee, I find myself half as educated as before, and everyone agrees to shout at the speaker. Desmoulins in number 3 of La Tribune des Patriotes

Desmoulins also starts using the term ”brissotins” to refer to the group surrounding Brissot, who have been ”insolent like upstarts, and ungrateful like intriguers towards us.” Although, according to Desmoulins, their true name should rather be ”Fayettiens,” because ”one sees that they whisper to each other: Lafayette, Lafayette.”

In the fourth and final number, Desmoulins does however talk about the session at the jacobins on June 28 1792, when Brissot came to take back everything good he had ever said about Lafayette following the latter’s suggestion the very same day to shut the club down, ending by taking Robespierre’s hand and declaring: I forget all the past. ”That is to say: I forget my faults,” Camille comments. Yet right after this he seems tempted to try to bury the hatchet once again and writes: ”But let us not bother the peace and the reunion of the jacobins, and forget also his faults.”

Needless to say, this reunion doesn’t last very long. In fact, the gap between ”girondins” and montagnards do nothing but grow up until May 17 1793, when Desmoulins could announce the release of a work with the title Les hommes d’État démasqués to the Jacobin club, which, after some debate, ordered commissioners to look over this work. At the next session, held May 19, the club ordered the work, now under the more famous name l’Histoire des Brissotins, to be printed, distributed and mailed to affiliated clubs. The pamphlet portrayed the girondins, of which Brissot got described as ”the soul,” as royalists, that were accomplices of Dumouriez and in the pay of foreigners. They had been leading an anglo-prussian committee working for the military failure of France, which they wanted to divide into 20-30 federalist republics, or to overturn the republican government altogether, and to set up the Duke of Orléans as monarch. As for Brissot himself, Desmoulins wrote that ”in [his] works a single page is scarcely to be found which does not tend to the advantage of England and their commerce, and to the utter ruin of France. He concluded that the establishment of a democratic republic won’t happen before ”the vomiting of the Brissotins from the bosom of the Convention.”

After Desmoulins had pressed the start button for the ousting of the girondins with his pamphlet, he appears to have taken a step back. He is recorded to have intervened in debates neither on May 31, when petitioners from the sections and the Commune appeared at the Convention and demanded the arrest of 22 Girondin deputies and members of the Commission of Twelve, nor on June 2, when the Convention voted for the arrest of 29 representatives and two ministers. But five days after that, June 7, he went to the jacobins to read (in spite of protests someone with better oratory skills should do it) Société des amis de la liberté et de l’égabilité aux citoyens des départemens, sur l’insurrection du 31 mai, an address to the departments regarding the insurrection that he had been tasked with writing. After some discussion, the address was adopted by the club.

Three days after this, Brissot, who had fled the capital following June 2, was arrested at Moulins. On June 22 he was back in Paris where he got locked up in the Abbaye prison. He there began working on his memoirs. Apropos of Camille, he wrote the following:

For these names (Danton, Robespierre, Desmoulins) which take me, in spite of myself, to the places where I see myself captive, to these words of aristocracy and royalism which I have just uttered, I feel neither hatred nor anger, but a sort of astonishment, before my destiny, which goes as far as amazement. Me, aristocrat! the author of Le Patriote Français of 89, royalist! and who accuses him? Camille, who thenceforth knew the depths of his heart so well, Robespierre who on this subject acquired so late the right to accuse someone!

Desmoulins also occupied himself with writing, among other things a letter to his father dated July 9 1793 where he expressed his pride over being, as he called it, the ”precursor” of the Insurrection of May 31:

You complain that I don’t write, it’s rather me who should reproach you of this, you who always have your pen in hand. As for me, I don’t pick it up until the last end as you can see through the latest writing which I’m sending you two copies of, and which here cost 4000, my Histoire des Brissotins. I’m surprised that you didn’t speak of it in the last letter I got from you. […] …my last work, precursor of the revolution of May 31, of which it was truly the manifesto, as well as the circular of the Jacobins on this revolution of which I was the editor, contributed not a little to fanning the great mine of Brissotins which was a masterpiece of underground work from Amiens to Marseille.

It is however possible Desmoulins hadn’t wished for the proscription to go so far as it did. On October 30 1793, the day Brissot and 21 other ”girondins” were sentenced to death by the Revolutionary Tribunal, he was there as spectator. In Les mysterès de la mère de Dieu dévoilès, released a few months after Camille’s death, Joachim Vilate described the following reaction from his part upon hearing the final verdict:

I observed that I was sitting, with Camille Desmoulins, on the bench placed in front of the jury table. When these returned from deliberation, Camille comes forward to speak to Antonelle, who was one of the last to return. Surprised by the change in his face, he said to him, quite loudly: ”ah my god, I pity you, these are very terrible functions.” Then, hearing the juror's declaration, he suddenly threw himself into my arms, agitated, tormenting himself: ”ah my god, my god, it's me who kills them: my Brissot dévoilé [sic], ah my god, it’s that which kills them.” As the accused returned to hear their judgment, eyes turned towards them. The deepest silence reigned throughout the room, the public prosecutor announced the death penalty, the unfortunate Camille, defeated, losing the use of his senses, let out these words: ”I'm leaving, I'm leaving, I want to leave.” He couldn't exit. […] The late hour of the night, the torches were lit, the judges and the public were tired from a long session, it was midnight, everything gave this scene a dark, imposing and terrible character, nature was suffering in all its ailments. Camille Desmoulins felt worse.

@theorahsart is this gonna be included in your comic? bc I can tots already picture it in my head. 😆

On December 14 1793, Lefort did in his turn accuse Desmoulins of having exclaimed ”they die as republicans, as Brutus!” on October 30. Desmoulins denied this to be true, but did admit to having said: ”They die as republicans, but as federalist republicans.”

His eventual guilty conscience did however not stop him from celebrating his victory over the girondins or bringing up their misdeeds in works released following their fall. The term ”brissotins” gets mentioned six times in Lettre de Camille Desmoulins, député de Paris à la Convention, au général Dillon en prison aux Madelonettes (July 1793), Desmoulins once again celebrating ”the blessed and so necessary insurrection of May 31st.” In his last journal, Le Vieux Cordelier (December 1793-January 1794), he writes that Brissot ”wanted to wage war on the human race and municipalize it” and warns Hébert that ”I’m going to unmask you like I unmasked Brissot!” Here he does however also do something as rare as indirectly praising Brissot, this for his stance on the colonies that he himself had earlier reproached him for in Jean Pierre Brissot démasqué: ”Cloots seems to feel less for the Negroes; because, at the time, he fought for Barnave and against Brissot, in the affair of the colonies.” Finally, in his defence worked out in the last days of his life, Desmoulins calls David and Amar ”enraged brissotins.”

As some final tiny trivia, it can be noted that the children of both Brissot and Desmoulins all at some point attended the college of Prytanée Français, Brissot’s Félix by 1800 (on October 15 of that year, his mother has written a letter asking that his scholarship be transferred to his youngest brother), Sylvain somewhere before 1803 (according to Études sur les girondins) and Anacharsis by 1802 (on 5 August of that year, Distribution des prix, faite aux élèves du prytanée, collège de Paris, lists him as one of the quatrieme students that have been rewarded prizes for their success), Desmoulins’ Horace from 1800 to 1803. So it is possible for the children to actually have run into each other and the situation to have gotten awkward…

[icannotgetoverbirds]

so you go to the train station in a us city right. and there's an old man sitting there, waiting for the train. the intercom announces that the next train will be there in five minutes. really odd since you just missed the last one and they usually go through in thirty minute intervals.

except the announcement says it's an evil train, and that's even weirder. you look at the old man, confused, and wonder aloud what could possibly make a train evil.

"Well," he begins, "the Evil Train comes every five minutes, and the drivers are paid a six figure salary, and every car is air conditioned, and the seats are extra wide with no armrests, but the cost to ride is a one-time payment of your immortal soul."

You stare at him, unsure if he's joking or not.

"Course, most people only have one soul, so that one time payment allows you to ride the Evil Train anytime, anywhere after your payment, however many times you want."

He says all of this in such a matter-of-fact manner that it leaves no room for doubt that he believes what he says, wholly and truly.

"How... How do they collect the payment?"

"Oh, that's really fascinating. See, those ticket booths have an option to sign a contract for an Evil Train pass, giving away your immortal soul. But there's nobody enforcing against fare evasion on the Evil Trains, so technically you can use them for free if you don't mind committing a crime that you'll never be persecuted for."

"Huh."

The old man leans in close. "Some people say that the reason they don't enforce it is because they're doing research on who's willing to commit a petty crime they know they can get away with. I think that's a load of bull, since they don't have any way to track the identity of the riders that evade the fare."

You can hear the train approaching. It's triple digit heat outside, and you don't have time to sign the contract before this train gets here. Then again, the next one should get here in another five minutes, but you don't know how long the contract is, or how many Evil Trains run before the schedule returns to normal trains that only run every thirty minutes, and the air conditioning in those is always broken, and the seats are so narrow you'd swear they're made for children.

Edit: this is your reminder to reblog for sample size.

[dykesynthezoid]

I think including the human audience in the trial is so integral bc it serves as a reminder that the depravity and cruelty of vampires are 100% human traits. Vampires have all the same negative qualities as human beings; they’ve just been given greater, more devastating tools to enact that cruelty, and an unending amount of time to do it.

And we’re able to see how the social mechanisms that allow these cruelties are functioning in both the coven and the human audience. We see how it is easier to hurt people when we’ve othered them, alienated and dehumanized them. We see that in-group vs out-group bias. We see the diffusion of responsibility. We see persecution being used to unify, to consolidate power by aligning everyone else against an imagined evil. We see the fear of social reprisal and rejection (and that fear is directly aligned by the narrative with the fear of actual violence and personal annihilation!) and how far most people will go to avoid it.

There’s a reason Santiago speaks directly into the camera in 2x02. And that’s because we, the audience beyond the theater, the one behind the digital screen, are just as culpable, just as a capable of allowing cruelty to be made manifest.

[beardedmrbean]

Now here’s a divine development. 

Just ahead of the holidays, archaeologists have “digitally unrolled” a 1,800-year-old silver amulet to decipher an inscription that’s being hailed as the oldest known evidence of Christianity in Europe. 

Authentic evidence of pure Christianity north of the Alps has never existed before now. And the findings have the potential to change holy history forever. 

“It will force us to turn back the history of Christianity in Frankfurt and far beyond by around 50 to 100 years,” said Mike Josef, mayor of Frankfurt, Germany, where the artifact was exhumed. 

“The first Christian find north of the Alps comes from our city,” added Josef. “We can be proud of that, especially now, so close to Christmas.”

The amulet housed a “wafer-thin” foil, measuring 1.4 inches, and featuring text referred to as the “Frankfurt silver inscription.”

It was found beneath the chin of a man’s skeleton at a burial site on the outskirts of Frankfurt in 2018. However, the ancient wording, dating back to between 230 and 270 — when the predominant religions in Europe were Judaism and paganism — has been virtually illegible until now.  

Specialists from the Leibniz Center for Archaeology (LEIZA) used computer tomography (CT) scans to decode the 18-line engraving, which declares Jesus Christ the “Son of God.”

“In the name of Saint Titus. Holy, holy, holy! In the name of Jesus Christ, Son of God! The Lord of the world resists with [strengths] all attacks [or setbacks]. The God grants entry to well-being. May this means of salvation protect the man who surrenders himself to the will of the Lord Jesus Christ, Son of God, since before Jesus Christ every knee bows: those in heaven, those on earth and those under the earth, and every tongue confesses (Jesus Christ),” reads the translation, per DailyMail.

The deific discovery closely trails the recent decrypting of the Meggido Mosaic, a 1,800-year-old relic that says, “Jesus is God.” It also follows the July 2024 unearthing of a nearly 2,000-year-old manuscript that details the earliest known account of Christ’s childhood. 

To crack the code on the Frankfurt silver inscription, which is written in Latin, LEIZA experts used sophisticated technologies on the extremely delicate scroll. 

“The challenge in the analysis was that the silver sheet was rolled, but after around 1,800 years, it was of course also creased and pressed,” Ivan Calandra, an archaeologist at LEIZA, said in a statement. “Using CT, we were able to scan it at a very high resolution and create a 3D model.”

The pros reportedly placed individual segments of the scan together, piece by piece, until most of the words were visible. 

However, there are said to be a few gaps in the text — which is being dubbed “purely Christian” as it spotlights Jesus Christ and Saint Titus, a missionary and church leader, but avoids pagan themes as well as elements of Judaism. 

Professor Markus Scholz, an archaeologist from Goethe University in Frankfurt, helmed the deciphering efforts. 

“I called in experts from the history of theology, among others, and we approached the text together, piece by piece, and finally deciphered it,” said Scholz, who was surprised that the etchings were in Latin.  

“Such inscriptions in amulets were usually written in Greek or Hebrew,” he noted. 

And while little is known about the man who was buried with the amulet, scientists reportedly believe that he was a devout Christian — although believers of the faith were still subject to persecution at the time of his death. 

According to insiders, the late Jesus-lover likely wore the amulet on a cord around his neck for protection before transitioning into the afterlife. His grave also boasted an incense bowl and a jug made of fired clay.

Researchers consider him the “first Christian north of the Alps,” and speculate that there could be more historical, untapped Christian burial sites around Europe. 

“This extraordinary find affects many areas of research and will keep science busy for a long time to come,” said Ina Hartwig, Frankfurt’s head of culture and science. 

“This affects archaeology as well as religious studies, philology and anthropology,” she continued. “Such a significant find here in Frankfurt is really something extraordinary.”