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mariacallous · 7 months ago

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India is in the middle of a 44-day exercise to elect its next government, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi tipped to return his Bharatiya Janata Party to power for a third consecutive term. Modi, who aims to win nearly three-quarters of the country’s 543 parliamentary seats, has surprised many observers by using dehumanizing anti-Muslim language on the campaign trail—rhetoric that is more direct than that of his past speeches.

So far, the BJP campaign has focused on creating an irrational fear among India’s Hindu majority that if Modi doesn’t return as prime minister, a share of their private wealth and affirmative action job quotas will be given to Indian Muslims. Modi and his party have doubled down on this narrative at a moment when reports suggest that their quest for a supermajority is unlikely to succeed. The brazen continuation of such anti-Muslim rhetoric differentiates this campaign from the two others that have put Modi in the prime minister’s office.

Hate speech is a criminal offense in India, and it is specifically barred during an election campaign. However, Modi chose the three leaders of India’s Election Commission, the agency charged with conducting free and fair polls, and it has ignored his flagrant violations of the election code. As a result, as the campaign continues through the end of May, so too will Modi’s anti-Muslim tirades. India is expected to announce its election results on June 4.

If the BJP wins and Modi is once again crowned prime minister, his Islamophobic rhetoric will not simply disappear. Many political leaders campaign in poetry and govern in prose, but hateful rhetoric has real-life consequences. Modi’s campaign speeches have put a target on Indian Muslims’ backs, redirecting the anger of poor and marginalized Hindu communities away from crony capitalists and the privileged upper castes. It underscores an attempt to make members of the Muslim minority second-class citizens in a de facto Hindu Rashtra, or state.

These social schisms need only a small spark to burst into communal violence, which would damage India’s global status and growth. Furthermore, Modi’s campaign rhetoric is matched by the BJP’s choice to not put up candidates in Muslim-majority Kashmir, reducing its stake in ensuring robust democracy in a region that New Delhi has ruled directly since 2019. His language will also have a direct bearing on India’s fraught ties with its neighbor Pakistan. Finally, the state-backed ill treatment will likely not be limited to Indian Muslims—meaning that other religious minorities, such as Christians and Sikhs, will also be affected.

Around 200 million Muslims live in India—the second-largest Muslim population in the world, after that of Indonesia. Few mainstream Indian political leaders have plummeted to such depths in castigating these citizens. Modi’s campaign rhetoric makes clear that if he is elected to a third consecutive term, the nation’s Muslims will stand politically disempowered, economically marginalized, and deprived of their constitutional rights.

Modi’s political rise came in the wake of significant violence against Muslims in Gujarat in 2002, when he was the state’s chief minister. Due to his role in the violence, the European Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States all temporarily barred his entry. Leading the party’s campaign to victory in the state assembly in the same year, his campaign speeches were full of crude language against Muslims. But the BJP’s electoral success in Gujarat—winning the next two assembly elections before the launch of Modi’s national campaign—ultimately gave Modi political credibility within an extreme fringe of the party.

By 2011, Modi had started reinventing himself as a business-friendly leader with an eye on a national role. By the time he became prime minister three years later, the narrative of a so-called Gujarat model of economic development concealed his anti-Muslim ideological moorings. Modi’s mask slipped occasionally, but he often spoke with a dog whistle. Mostly, the prime minister reiterated an imagination of India as a Hindu nation. In a post-9/11 world, Modi presented an alternative model of battling Islamic terrorism and consolidated a Hindu majoritarian voter base—delivering a stunning election victory in 2019 after an attempted airstrike against an alleged terrorist training camp inside Pakistan.

This year, Modi has not campaigned on his track record of the past decade or on the party manifesto for the next five years as often as he has attempted to further polarize Hindus and Muslims. In a speech given on April 21, Modi suggested that the opposition Indian National Congress party, if elected, would redistribute property to Muslims. The party would “calculate the gold with [Hindu] mothers and sisters” and transfer it “among those who are infiltrators and have more children,” he said—using terms by which his supporters regularly describe Muslims.

Elsewhere, Modi alleged that Congress was helping Muslims in a plot to take over India: “The opposition is asking Muslims to launch vote jihad,” he said in March. Speaking at a rally in Madhya Pradesh in early May, Modi said that voters would have to choose between “vote jihad” and “Ram Rajya,” the latter being a term referring to a mythical, idealized society that purportedly existed during the rule of Lord Rama, the hero of the famous Hindu epic Ramayana.

The prime minister’s economic advisory council soon released a paper that sought to stoke anxieties about a decline in the proportion of Hindus in India; during the period it covered—1950 to 2015—India’s population actually increased by five Hindus for every one Muslim citizen, but BJP leaders soon deployed the report to further demonize Indian Muslims.

The party’s official messaging has echoed Modi’s rhetoric. A now-deleted video posted on the Instagram account for the BJP’s Karnataka branch this month said, “If you are a non-Muslim, Congress will snatch your wealth and distribute it to Muslims. Narendra Modi knows of this evil plan. Only he has the strength to stop it.” It was followed by an animated clip depicting Congress leader Rahul Gandhi hatching a plan to benefit Muslims at the expense of Hindu groups.

Other Indian democratic institutions have done no better. Despite formal complaints from opposition parties and civil society groups, the election commission has neither punished nor restrained Modi. A petition in the Delhi High Court seeking immediate action against Modi for his “communally divisive speeches” was dismissed, with the judges arguing that it was “without merit” because the commission was already looking into the matter. “We can’t presume that they won’t do anything,” one judge said. But as the elections near the finish line, that is precisely what has happened.

Some observers are likely to dismiss Modi’s recent language as par for the course during an election campaign, when tempers run high. However, most surveys and polls have predicted an easy victory for the prime minister and the BJP; he has no need to resort to pandering to base emotions with toxic rhetoric. In an interview, Modi denied that he had uttered a word against Indian Muslims; he was proved wrong by fact-checkers and video evidence. India’s top political scientist said that through his denials in interviews, Modi is trying to influence the naive chroniclers while he continues with his anti-Muslim speeches for the masses and his supporters. Modi’s No. 2, Amit Shah, insists that the party will continue with this anti-Muslim campaign. By persisting with hateful speech, the BJP leadership is fueling a narrative that is likely to intensify discrimination against Indian Muslims during Modi’s rule.

As prime minister, Modi has spearheaded a project for the political disempowerment of Indian Muslims. For the first time in the history of independent India, the ruling party does not have a single Muslim member of parliament. In the current election, the party has put up just one Muslim candidate—on a list of 440—who is running for an unwinnable seat in Kerala. More broadly, religious polarization has made it difficult for Muslim candidates to win seats in areas without an overwhelming Muslim majority. During recent elections, there have been complaints of authorities barring voters in Muslim-majority localities in BJP-ruled states. Modi’s message to Indian Muslims is unequivocal: You do not matter politically.

India’s Muslims are economically disadvantaged, too. A 2006 committee under Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s Congress government found that the Muslim community faced high levels of poverty and poor outcomes on almost all socioeconomic indicators. India’s opposition parties have promised a new socioeconomic survey that could inform future policy without a focus on religion. Modi’s government, by contrast, opted to not conduct even the regular census in 2021—the first such instance in 140 years—due to COVID-19; it has not been conducted since.

Rather than relying on data, Modi and his supporters prefer an emotional response that pitches poor and marginalized Hindus against Muslims. India is a highly unequal country: About 90 percent of the population earns less than the average income of $2,800 per year. This gap has widened under Modi, with the richest 1 percent now owning 40 percent of India’s wealth. By othering Muslims, Modi puts them at risk of becoming the object of other deprived groups’ ire, which could lead to further communal violence. A Muslim man was allegedly lynched in Gujarat during the current election campaign, without making national headlines.

Islamophobia is at the core of the project to make India a Hindu state. Modi and the BJP frequently weaponize terrorism discourse to delegitimize critics and political opposition. In Kashmir, where the BJP is not running candidates this election, this tactic has fueled anger and hostility. The high turnout in the region seems to be an expression of rage against Modi’s 2019 decision to revoke its semi-autonomous status. When the ruling party leaders conflate Islam with terrorism, there is little chance of extending any hand of peace toward Pakistan, either. Modi and his ministers have vowed to take back Pakistan-administered Kashmir by force if necessary—no matter the grave risk of conflict between two nuclear-armed countries.

Finally, Modi’s rhetoric does not bode well for other religious minorities in India. In the border state of Manipur, the largely Christian Kuki community has suffered state-backed majoritarian violence for more than a year. In Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populated state, Christian priests and worshippers are being jailed, beaten, and threatened by both Hindu majoritarian groups and state police. Meanwhile, the BJP has demonized the Sikh farmers who led protests against agricultural laws in 2020 and 2021, labeling them as separatist Khalistani terrorists. (Last year, Modi’s government was accused of involvement in the killing of a Sikh separatist leader in Canada as well as in an attempted assassination in New York.)

Muslims, Sikhs, and Christians are India’s biggest religious minorities; they make up nearly one-fifth of the country’s population. To disempower these groups would spell the end of the historical bond between India and ideas of universal justice, human rights, and democracy. A majoritarian Indian state—a Hindu Rashtra—would instead make a covenant with bigotry, discrimination, and violence. The bipartisan U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom has repeatedly asked Washington to blacklist Modi’s government for its suppression of religious freedom, but the Biden administration has refused to act so far.

However, the evidence is there for all to see—and Modi has further substantiated the charge of bigotry with his campaign speeches targeting Indian Muslims. No matter if the BJP achieves its supermajority, this rhetoric will have significant consequences for India. Modi is serving a warning. The world should take note before it is too late.

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kuch-toh-garbad-hai-daya · 7 months ago

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Indian Elections: The Campaign and how much it worked (Part 1)

Since the results are out, let's talk about it (as if we haven't been doing it since the last few hours) properly.

First of all, Uttar Pradesh voters, you people are betrayers. I'm not saying it, BJP & its supporters are. But seriously, Samajvadi Party's campaign for this year was definitely strong. Yogi really thought that it's going to be a piece of cake didn't he. Thank you voters for showing them the ground reality. Ayodhya, Amethi, Raebareli, the trinity of my joy.

Rajasthan. Yes, BJP won here with 14 seats. But lost 10 seats. Congress really shone on its own here, gaining 8 seats when in the last election, it was on the zero mark. Sachin Pilot and that man alone worked on Rajasthan. Honestly they need to put him front and center.

Madhya Pradesh is 100% a well-deserved BJP sweep. Let's not forget that it's not the Modi factor that worked here, it was Shivraj Singh Chauhan. That man worked his ass off during Vidhaan Sabha campaign last year and it really paid off in Lok Sabha. (God, I still remember women crying when he didn't become the Chief Minister).

I guess it was tough for West Bengal voters, no? I'm not much familiar Bengal politics but from what I've heard, they had to choose between two evils. Still, Didi gets 29 out of 42 seats, leaving BJP and Congress on the 6 and 1 mark respectively.

Lmao, they fucked up in Bihar. I can rant for hours about this. The seat distribution was already messed up, but Nitish Babu leaving put the nail in the coffin. BJP and JD(U) won 12 seats each, with RJD and Congress winning 4 and 3 respectively. Left also got 2 or 3 seats. I'm glad Pappu Yadav (on Purniya seat) won nirdaliye. Well deserved.

As for Odisha, I guess people have lost all the hopes in Naveen Patnaik, because BJD remained on zero, BJP getting all of its seats (20). Congress won 1 seat here.

I don't have much to say about Delhi. It's a BJP sweep. I guess AAP didn't get to campaign much since Arvind Kejriwal was literally put in jail? I'm still salty that Kanhaiya Kumar lost.

That's all for now, rest in the next part.

#indian elections #indpol #election 2024 #anti bjp #anti modi #results

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tomorrowusa · 7 months ago

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This is a good idea...

Ban fossil fuel ads to save climate, says UN chief

Tobacco ads were banned on TV and radio in the early 1970s in the United States. That began a process of denormalization of tobacco which has continued in the years since then.

Climate change likely played a role in India's national election.

The hidden story behind India’s remarkable election results: lethal heat

The Bharatiya Janata party (BJP), led by India’s prime minister, Narendra Modi, has won more seats than the opposition alliance, and yet its victory tastes of defeat. Why? In the days leading to the election, the BJP’s main slogan had been Abki baar, 400 Paar, a call to voters to send more than 400 of its candidates to the 543-member parliament. This slogan, voiced by Modi at his campaign rallies, set a high bar for the party. Most exit polls had predicted a massive victory for the BJP – and now the results, with that party having won only 240 seats, suggest that the electorate has sent a chastening message to the ruling party and trimmed its hubris. [ ... ] People in Patna voted on 1 June, the last day of the seven-phase polling schedule. In Patna, the temperature had hovered above 40C. Local newspapers carried government ads exhorting voters to exercise their franchise, as well as half-page ads from the health ministry offering advice about how to avoid heatstroke. In the days leading to the voting in Patna, there were reports of personnel at polling stations dying from the heat. In the nation’s capital, Delhi, there were protests over water shortages. Last week, the temperature in Delhi hit 49.9C.

For the Celsius-challenged, 49.9° C = 121.8° F. That's just 0.2° F short of the all time record high temperature in Phoenix, Arizona which reputedly has "dry" heat.

As it turned out the ruling BJP did win the election but will be able to govern only with the help of electoral allies. The BJP had been boasting about getting 400 seats in the 543 seat Lok Sabha - the lower house of parliament. It ended up with just 240 with its allies winning 53 for a total of 293 seats. It is a modest working majority but is way down from the 353 seats won by the BJP & allies in the previous election.

Climate was certainly not the only issue in the election but experiencing a severe heat wave in which people were dropping dead at polling places is bound to have an impact. Politicians in India may now be more open to moving away from fossil fuels. The opposition would be wise to make climate change a bigger issue.

#climate change #ban fossil fuel ads #antónio guterres #india #heat wave #lok sabha elections #bjp #abki baar 400 paar #climate denial #clay bennett

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beardedmrbean · 3 months ago

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As an armed rebellion against Indian rule raged in Kashmir through the 1990s and 2000s, Jamaat-e-Islami, an influential socio-religious group, called for a boycott whenever an election was held, claiming the exercise was aimed at legitimising what it would describe as New Delhi’s occupation of the Himalayan region, which is also claimed in part or full by Pakistan and China.

But as Kashmir votes in the first regional election in a decade starting on Tuesday, the Jamaat has itself entered the political fray, backing at least 10 candidates in the election. It is a remarkable turnaround for a group that remains banned under India’s anti-terror laws and was once regarded as the mothership of the militant Hizbul Mujahideen.

After Narendra Modi’s government altered India’s constitution in 2019 to do away with the symbolic autonomy of the administrative region of Jammu and Kashmir, it cracked down hard on the separatist movement in the region, jailing thousands of people. The Jamaat, having long been at the vanguard of the movement, was a prime target. Schools associated with the group were ordered shut and the properties of many members were seized in an attempt to curtail its reach and operational capabilities.

As recently as February, the Indian government said that the Jamaat was “continuing to be involved in fomenting terrorism and anti-India propaganda for fuelling secessionism in Jammu and Kashmir, which is prejudicial to the sovereignty, security and integrity of India”.

This is what makes the Jamaat’s participation in the election perplexing, and even experts in the region are divided over what it means. Noor Baba, a renowned Kashmiri political scientist, says it could be a tactical move on the part of a minority within the movement – contesting the election as independents in the hope of “protection or rehabilitating themselves after the suffering they have endured”.

The decision to join the fray, he suggests, may not have involved the group’s jailed leadership. As a result of internal divisions in the past, Prof Baba says, the Jamaat has suffered at the hands of both the Indian authorities as well as the militants. Similar divisions may have cracked open again.

“There are many questions,” he tells The Independent. “Is the top leadership, which is in jail, on board with this or is it not?”

Another theory is that the decision stems from the Jamaat’s desire to have the anti-terror ban lifted. There have been reports about conversations between the Jamaat and intermediaries of the Indian government such as Altaf Bukhari, head of a local political party.

Ahead of this election, Omar Abdullah, the former chief minister of the former state, had urged the Narendra Modi government to lift the ban on the Jamaat to enable its participation in the assembly election. Mehbooba Mufti, another former chief minister and president of the People’s Democratic Party, said she would be “happy” to see the Jamaat return to the electoral arena.

Indian political analyst Apoorvanand Jha, however, sees a more sinister play at work. He says fielding independent candidates is part of a broader strategy of Modi’s BJP to weaken mainstream political parties such as the National Conference and the Congress and reap the dividend.

“The BJP’s aim is to install a government headed by a Hindu chief minister. That can be achieved by securing as many seats as possible in the Jammu region and fielding as many independents as possible in the valley [of Kashmir], making them win and then taking their support to form the government,” he tells The Independent.

The BJP is seeking to control Kashmir politically by creating chaos, he says. “To achieve that,” he adds, “the BJP can do anything. It can go to any extent, play any game, collaborate with the radicals, collaborate with separatists.”

The Independent has contacted the BJP for comment.

India has long held up Kashmir, its only majority Muslim territory, as a symbol of its secularism. But when the BJP government revoked its autonomy, Kashmiris accused the Hindu nationalist party of trying to change its religious demographic by settling Indians from elsewhere in the region.

Mr Jha says the BJP wants to win the election in order to show its core Hindu base that “see, this is a Muslim-populated area which we have now annexed”.

The candidates backed by the Jamaat maintain that their election participation is about local issues.

“Ideologies work in time and space. We have to be accommodative and flexible,” Talat Majeed, who is contesting the Pulwama constituency, told reporters recently.

Another candidate, Sayar Ahmad Reshi, says their participation in the election is necessary to fill a political vacuum created by regional parties such as the National Conference and the People’s Democratic Party.

The Jamaat’s participation seems to have enthused some pro-India factions in Kashmir. “This election is unique in recent times because the banned Jamaat-e-Islami is openly backing and campaigning for independent candidates owing allegiance to it,” Mr Abdullah said in an interview with the Hindustan Times. “This is a huge change from previous elections. Otherwise, ever since I have seen politics here from 1996 onwards, the Jamaat has been at the forefront of trying to stop people from voting.”

Ali Mohammad Watali, a former police chief of Kashmir, isn’t as enthused. The Jamaat was “pro-Pakistan and pro-terrorism”, he was quoted as saying by Frontline magazine. “Now they have changed their stance suddenly. It looks like this is being done by the agencies so that the BJP can form a government here with the help of new political fronts, including the Jamaat-e-Islami.”

“Agencies” is a catch-all term used in Kashmir for the intelligence, security and surveillance apparatus of the Indian state.

The Jamaat candidates have indicated their willingness to form alliances, before or after the election, with any party that works to “restore dignity to the people of Jammu and Kashmir”.

Prof Saddiq Wahid, a senior visiting fellow at the Centre for Policy Research think tank in New Delhi, tells The Independent the BJP’s actions in Jammu and Kashmir since the revocation of its autonomy have been aimed at creating confusion and chaos. “How is Jamaat suddenly into the picture?” he asks.

He fears that the political landscape of Kashmir is being manipulated to dilute local representation and prevent self-governance.

“They do not want the people of Jammu and Kashmir to have a government that will allow them to govern themselves,” he says, referring to the Indian government.

The fundamental question, though, is whether people will trust the candidates backed by the Jamaat, Prof Baba points out. “How many people will vote for them, support them?”

#nunyas news #interesting

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jobaaj · 7 months ago

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🔴BREAKING NEWS: BJP-led NDA got majority! But why did the BJP fail to get 300 seats this time? 🤔 What happened?

Indians closely followed the announcement of the latest election results, observing a surprising turn of events for the nationalist ruling government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which faced a humbling outcome yesterday.

In the 2019 elections, the BJP had a remarkable victory, securing 303 seats on its own. However, in the recent elections, the BJP's seat count significantly dropped to 240. Even with the support of its allies in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), the coalition couldn't reach the 300-seat threshold.

Although the BJP, along with its NDA allies, still holds a majority, the new government will have to be formed through a coalition, as the BJP did not achieve a sole majority this time around. This marks a notable change in the political scenario, indicating a more collaborative governance structure ahead.

🧐 Why?

Several factors contributed to the decline in the BJP's popularity:

▪ High unemployment rates, rising inflation, and the controversial Agniveer scheme significantly damaged the party's standing among voters.

▪ Additionally, the BJP, particularly Prime Minister Narendra Modi, adopted an aggressive campaign strategy. Modi's campaign included several controversial remarks, such as the mangalsutra comment, the mujra remark, and the infiltrator comment, which sparked widespread criticism.

▪ Conversely, the Opposition performed effectively. They successfully consolidated votes through their I.N.D.I.A. alliance, and Akhilesh Yadav skillfully leveraged the PDA strategy.

▪ Furthermore, the Congress party made several enticing promises that, while potentially harmful to economic health (such as the Mahalaxmi scheme, increased MNREGA wages, and MSP guarantee), resonated positively with many voters.

😕What now?: ▪ Despite the disappointing results, the BJP still has the most seats independently and has the majority in Parliament with its allies in NDA.

▪ However, if the JDU and TDP choose to leave the NDA, Narendra Modi would not become the PM!

▪ The NDA is set to meet in Delhi today for the same!!! ❓Is Narendra Modi set to be PM? Or will the NDA betray the BJP?? Follow Jobaaj Stories (the media arm of Jobaaj.com Group for more)

#india #government #economy #elections #election #bjp #nda #news #currentaffairs

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rajafatema · 9 months ago

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The Ladakh Protest: The 21-day Hunger Strike led by Sonam Wangchuk

Ladakh, famously known as “Mars on Earth”, is the perfect destination where the mind slows down and the soul finds its path.

It is the northeastern Union territory of India, known for its highest mountain ranges, mesmerizing landscapes, beautiful deep valleys, crystal clear blue lakes, diverse wildlife, highest motorable mountain roads, Buddhist heritage, and the overall picturesque beauty of the place.

Ladakh: A union territory without legislature

Ladakh, which was a part of Jammu and Kashmir since 1847, was separated from Indian-administered Kashmir in 2019 and was reconstituted as a Union territory on October 31, 2019.

People of Ladakh have constantly demanded separate territory since the 1930s due to the unfair treatment of Kashmir and the prevailing cultural differences between people of Kashmir and Ladakh.

The formation of Ladakh as a separate Union territory was widely celebrated. Still, people were disappointed because it was made a UT without a legislative assembly and would have a lieutenant governor, while Jammu and Kashmir had a legislature.

What does it mean to have no legislature in Ladakh?

Unlike J&K, Ladakh cannot elect its own representative.

Ladakh will be ruled directly by the central government through a lieutenant governor as an administrator.

The President of India has the power to form rules and regulations for Ladakh, according to Article 240.

Sonam Wangchuk following his Father’s footsteps

Sonam Wangyal was born in 1925 in a small village in the Leh district of Ladakh. He worked his entire life for the rights of the people of Ladakh. He had strong secular beliefs.

He was appointed as the MLC of Jammu and Kashmir from 1957–1967 and as the MLA from 1967–1972, due to his selfless service toward the people of Ladakh.

Wangyal was also an active member in the campaign for ST status for Ladakhis, which was carried out between 1982 and 1984.

In 1984, on his five-day hunger strike, the former Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, visited Leh and requested Wangyal to withdraw from the strike with the promise of granting the status of ST to the people of Ladakh.

Following his father’s strong morals and values and showcasing his devotion to the land and people of Ladakh, Sonam Wangchuk, a nature activist, engineer, innovator, and educationalist, began a “climate fast for 21 days” on March 6, 2024.

Why are they protesting?

The primary goal behind the protest is to raise awareness about the fragile ecosystem of Ladakh endangered by the growing industrial and developmental projects approved in New Delhi without consent, a threat posed as a result of having no legislative assembly in the Union territory of Ladakh.

The residents of Ladakh have two key demands:

Full-fledged statehood for Ladakh: the residents have demanded to elevate Ladakh’s status as a Union territory to a full-fledged state. This would enable Ladakh to have its own government and the right to form its own rules and regulations in favor of the land and people of the territory.

Integration of Ladakh in the 6th Schedule of the Constitution: The 6th Schedule aims to protect areas with tribal and indigenous populations. By including Ladakh in the 6th schedule, it would allow the state to establish autonomous districts and regional councils.

These elected bodies will have the power to administer and protect the tribal regions of the area. It would give the Ladakhis more control over water management, land use, and cultural preservation.

What is the government’s response to the ongoing protest?

Unlike the response and action taken upon the hunger strike carried out by Wangchuk’s father, the present-day government is MIA.

The current government seems unbothered by the demands and protests in Ladakh, just the way it is, and the deteriorating situation in Manipur.

The pioneers of the movement and every other active citizen in and out of Ladakh are furious about the inaction of the government and the PM, who knowingly promised in his 2019 manifesto of Lok Sabha, that Ladakh will be incorporated into the 6th schedule of the constitution. But apparently, they failed to honor their promises.

Lack of media coverage:

The lack of media coverage is infuriating for the people of Ladakh and the active citizens of India.

Although the independent media and journalists who are physically present in the ongoing protests do cover the news for the country, But it is disappointing to witness the lack of coverage by mainstream media and the big houses.

The scarcity of coverage of this major issue conceals the truth from the nation. The nation wants to know more about the concerns and affairs of the territory. Unless there is some news from the local media houses, the lack of coverage by the recognized media houses keeps the common man from knowing what is really happening there.

The current news on the Ladakh protest:

According to the current news,

Wangchuk survived solely on water and salt during the 21-day hunger strike (inspired by Gandhiji), which lasted from March 6th to March 26th.

In his speech, he talked about the “21-day fast"—that 21 days was the longest fast that Gandhiji kept during the independence movement.

Wangchuk states that the 21-day fast is over, but the protest will still continue. They will only rest when the government agrees to fulfill their demands.

Wangchuk said, “After me, women will begin a 10-day fast tomorrow. This will be followed by youth and Buddhist monks. Then it could be women, or I could come back. This cycle will go on.”

After ending his 21-day fast, Wangchuk stated “We will continue our struggle (in support of our demands). The gathering of 10,000 people at the venue and the participation of over 60,000 others over the past 20 days is a testimony of the people's aspirations.”

Conclusion:

All things considered, Ladakh, the "Land of High Passes," stands at a crossroads. While the echoes of their protests might fade from national headlines, the Ladakhi people's yearning for a brighter future persists. Whether they find resolution in the sixth schedule status or the full-throated roar of statehood, one thing is certain: Ladakh's story is far from over.

#ladakh #india #saveourplanet #sonam wangchuk

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5th-pillar · 7 days ago

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Get Real-Time Vidhan Sabha Election Updates on 5th Pillar

Navigating the complexities of state elections can be challenging, but 5th Pillar makes it easy with our real-time coverage of Vidhan sabha election news. Whether it’s breaking news, interviews with key political leaders, or voter sentiment analysis, we provide a holistic view of the electoral landscape. Our interactive features, such as live result tracking and expert panel discussions, ensure an engaging experience for our readers. Stay informed about the candidates, constituencies, and policies shaping your state with the trusted reporting of 5th Pillar.

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5thpillar2 · 1 month ago

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In-Depth Election Coverage in Hindi for Engaged Citizens

5th Pillar is dedicated to empowering voters with factual and comprehensive election news Hindi readers appreciate. Our coverage spans the entire election journey—from candidate announcements and campaign developments to voter turnout and result analysis. With a focus on clear, unbiased reporting, we aim to create an informed readership ready to engage in meaningful discussions about the future of our nation. By highlighting key issues, policies, and candidate promises, we make it easier for you to stay up-to-date on the latest political shifts. Count on 5th Pillar to keep you informed with relevant, real-time election updates tailored to Hindi-speaking audiences.

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inreportsnewsofficial · 7 months ago

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Chandrababu Naidu's wife raised Rs 535 crores in 5 days, daughter Nara Lokesh earned Rs 237 crores heritage foods

New Delhi: The company founded by Chandrababu Naidu scored high after his party TDP performed well in the Lok Sabha and Andhra Assembly elections. Shares of Heritage Foods have risen 55 per cent in the past five days, raising Rs 535 crore for Mr Naidu's wife, Nara Bhuvaneshwari, who is a promoter in the company. The stock was trading at 424 on June 3, hours before the election results were…

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odnewsin · 8 days ago

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Omar Abdullah tells Congress to stop whinging about EVMs, accept poll results

New Delhi: Opening another point of friction with an important ally, Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has dismissed the Congress party’s vehement objection to Electronic Voting Machines, and echoed the BJP’s defence — you can’t accept election results when you win, and blame EVMs when you lose. “When you get a hundred plus members of Parliament using the same EVMs, and you celebrate…

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mariacallous · 3 months ago

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As the northern Indian region of Jammu and Kashmir heads to the polls for its first regional-level elections in nearly a decade, voters and candidates alike are still feeling the political hangover from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 2019 decision to revoke the region’s special autonomous status.

In August 2019, the Indian government scrapped Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, reducing the former state of Jammu and Kashmir to two union territories—Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh—and bringing them under the direct control of New Delhi. The decision, a watershed in the region’s troubled history, sparked outrage. It also marked a shift in how India intended to govern Kashmir, which remains disputed territory with Pakistan.

Even as Jammu and Kashmir gears up to announce the winner of its legislative elections on Oct. 8, the local government will wield limited powers, constrained by a series of laws passed since 2019 that have reinforced the central government’s control over the region. Though the newly formed Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly will have power to make some laws, the region will be headed still by a New Delhi-appointed governor, who wields substantial authority over public order, police, bureaucracy, anti-corruption measures, and financial matters.

The region, particularly the Kashmir Valley, has witnessed decades of violence since the 1988 insurgency that drew India and Pakistan into three wars. Since it came to power in 2014, Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has asserted that its policies have brought development and democracy to Kashmir. However, people in the region have generally expressed anger over Modi’s revocation of Article 370, which consolidated power in the hands of nonlocals.

Meanwhile, other regional parties in Kashmir—including separatist groups such as Jamaat-e-Islami Kashmir (JeI), Tehreek-e-Hurriyat, and the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front—have been banned or marginalized and many of their leaders imprisoned. The remaining dissidents in Kashmir have either changed their stance or stayed quiet out of fear of repression. Kashmiris are thus using this election season as an outlet for expressing frustration and anger by supporting local political parties or non-BJP candidates.

To New Delhi, the elections represent a chance to signal that Kashmir has moved on from its long-standing demands for azadi, or freedom, and has instead flourished in the post-2019 environment. However, many separatist groups or individuals who previously boycotted elections, including some backed by the banned JeI, are now participating. Meanwhile, mainstream Kashmiri politicians are positioning themselves as the last line of defense against what they perceive as the BJP’s attempts to reshape the region’s political dynamics, urging voters to reject Modi’s narrative and promising to restore Kashmir’s autonomy.

Kashmir kick-started its phased elections on Sept. 18, with the second round of voting taking place on Sept. 25. The third and final round of voting will take place on Oct. 1, before results are announced a week later.

There are a total of 90 seats up for grabs, but with more than 300 independent candidates out of 873 in the race, it has become one of the most unpredictable elections in Kashmir’s history. The BJP has set a goal of winning at least 30-35 of 43 seats in Jammu, while it is contesting 19 of the 47 seats in the Kashmir Valley, a Muslim-majority region where it has traditionally struggled to gain traction.

Sheikh Abdul Rashid, popularly known as Engineer Rashid, has emerged as another key figure. Rashid represents the Awami Ittehad Party (AIP) and is a two-time lawmaker from northern Kashmir who contested and won a seat in India’s parliament in June, defeating prominent figures such as former Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah of the National Conference party and Sajad Lone, the leader of the People’s Conference party.

Rashid’s victory by a margin of more than 200,000 votes marked a shift in the region’s politics—signaling anger toward the politicians who had failed to safeguard Kashmir’s autonomy or bring about meaningful changes in their decades of rule. In the last year, Rashid’s AIP has gained traction and positioned itself as a formidable player in the regional elections. While campaigning on behalf of AIP candidates, Rashid has vehemently targeted Abdullah’s and Lone’s parties, accusing them of ganging up against him.

Rashid, who was arrested in 2019 on terrorism funding charges under India’s draconian Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, was recently released on interim bail. At a campaign rally in Baramulla, a town in northern Kashmir, on Sept. 13, he spoke to an energized crowd.

“[Modi’s] naya [new] Kashmir was [meant] to kill, arrest, harass, and humiliate people,” he told the gathering. “Kashmiris don’t like to throw stones, but that doesn’t mean we will surrender before your power,” he added, while his supporters cheered him on.

Rashid has promised the reinstatement of Kashmir’s autonomy, the release of all political prisoners, and the repeal of controversial laws such as the Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act. The campaign offers a platform that appeals to people, especially the youth, who feel that their voices have been stifled since 2019. But many of Rashid’s opponents—including Abdullah and Lone, as well as Mehbooba Mufti, another former chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir—have accused him of being an agent of the BJP.

The BJP has also been accused of supporting other political parties and independent candidates, further complicating the region’s political landscape. Another such example is JeI—which remains banned under the country’s anti-terrorism law. Though most of its leaders remain imprisoned and its assets seized, it is trying to make a comeback in this year’s elections and has demanded the suspension of its ban.

Abdullah, who was Jammu and Kashmir’s chief minister from 2009 to 2015, has voiced concerns over the proliferation of independent candidates and accused the BJP of using them to dilute the opposition’s vote. “Independent candidates are being deliberately fielded to create confusion and divide votes in critical constituencies,” he said at a recent rally. “The BJP is leaving its options open. … Voters need to be cautious. Fragmented votes will only serve to help those who do not have Jammu and Kashmir’s best interests at heart.”

To bolster its chances and stave off a BJP victory in Kashmir, the National Conference has formed an alliance with Rahul Gandhi, India’s opposition leader from the Indian National Congress party. Yet the Gandhi-Abdullah alliance’s promises to restore the region’s autonomy are viewed skeptically, even by their own supporters. New Delhi has made it abundantly clear that Article 370 will never be reinstated.

Mufti, the leader of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and who was chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir from 2016 to 2018, has also thrown her hat in the ring. After the 2014 elections, the PDP formed an alliance with the BJP—which has cost it support—but since 2019, the PDP has been the strongest opponent of the BJP and its policies in Kashmir. On Sept. 25, Mufti told a gathering: “Jammu and Kashmir will never have a BJP government. There will be a secular government. … PDP will be an important factor.”

Mufti’s party has also pledged to bring back statehood, revoke detention laws, and release prisoners, among other promises. Meanwhile, the BJP has continued to target both Abdullah and Mufti as “dynasts” who have kept Kashmir mired in conflict.

Though the debate over Kashmir’s autonomy has taken center stage among candidates, voters across polling stations in Kashmir are also concerned about their daily cost of living and issues such as high unemployment, increased electricity costs, limited infrastructure, and continuous detentions and police verifications.

The current political climate in Kashmir harks back to the 1970s, when Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, then the chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir, pledged to safeguard the region’s autonomy while New Delhi’s Janata Party—a precursor to today’s BJP—led by Morarji Desai, tried to block his return to power.

Similar to the 1977 regional elections, today’s promises of autonomy now ring hollow to many residents, as successive governments have failed to preserve Kashmir’s special status. Kashmiris feel that elections have historically served as a tool to dilute their aspirations rather than fulfilling them. Manzoor Ahmad, a 49-year-old from Srinagar, voted for the first time this year. “I voted for a greater good,” he said. “We are facing lots of problems as we have been crushed. We want a local party to win to stop this.”

No matter who wins the elections, however, the new government is likely to be weak with limited powers, overshadowed by the New Delhi-appointed governor. The elections have thus become a ballot on the region’s lack of autonomy—and by extension, a test of how voters view Modi’s government.

“These election rallies have the same nomenclature as that of protest rallies in the past,” said Waheed Parra, a PDP candidate from southern Kashmir. “I see people, mostly youth, in campaigns, and it is visible they are angry. They want space to be expressed and be heard. Nobody has listened to them in the past five years.” Parra warned that if the mandate of these elections is not respected by New Delhi, the situation on the ground could turn dangerous.

The undercurrents may already exist. It appears not everyone in Kashmir is excited about the elections. Compared with the 2014 regional elections, some parts of the valley have either witnessed low voter turnout or only a slight increment. In Srinagar, for example, which is the summer capital, turnout in the second phase of voting was low, at just under 30 percent.

New Delhi has invited a delegation of 15 diplomats from foreign countries, including the United States, to observe the local elections, though many of the BJP’s opponents, including Abdullah, have questioned the visit.

Kashmir’s political future may still be fragile, but its path is being steadily reshaped by forces both old and new. As the elections progress, one thing is evident: New Delhi’s attempts to suppress dissent and tighten its grip on Kashmir over the last five years have inadvertently reignited the region’s political landscape, bringing back to the stage individuals and groups who once led mass protests and called for election boycotts. Simultaneously, the fear of continued repression has prompted many to vote, in a bid to see some change—even as the region’s underlying tensions remain unresolved.

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