#Crown Prince of UAE

[rightnewshindi]

भारत की पहली यात्रा पर आएंगे संयुक्त अरब अमीरात के क्राउन प्रिंस, पीएम मोदी ने दिया था निमंत्रण

भारत की पहली यात्रा पर आएंगे संयुक्त अरब अमीरात के क्राउन प्रिंस, पीएम मोदी ने दिया था निमंत्रण #news #viral #trending #update #newspaper #breakingnews #currentaffairs #dailynews #newsletter #newspapers #newsupdate #People #Media #info #Journalism #Press

Delhi News: संयुक्त अरब अमीरात के क्राउन प्रिंस शेख खालिद बिन मोहम्मद बिन जायद अल नाहयान अगले हफ्ते भारत की 2 दिवसीय यात्रा पर आने वाले हैं। कुछ महीने पहले उन्हें प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी ने भारत आने का निमंत्रण दिया था। अबू धाबी के क्राउन प्रिंस शेख खालिद बिन मोहम्मद बिन जायद अल नाहयान ने पीएम मोदी के निमंत्रण को स्वीकार कर लिया है। अब वह आगामी 9-10 सितंबर को भारत की आधिकारिक यात्रा…

[hamdan-fazza]

Sheikh Hamdan /Fazza / Giraffe Dubai afternoon snacks 👋🏼

[chloeworships]

Prepare

[plitnick]

What’s Really Behind the OPEC+ Price Hike?

What’s Really Behind the OPEC+ Price Hike?

To hear the Biden administration tell it, the Saudis are completely irrational actors who will happily throw the US and Europe under the bus just to help Russia, even though that offers far less economic benefit to them. But that’s not what’s going on here. Instead, this is Saudi Arabia pulling out the big guns to get the kind of American leadership they want: one which will do business with them…

[good-old-gossip]

U.S.A.'s Favorite Dictator is SUPPRESSING ANTI-ISRAELI SPEECH in Saudi Arabia

Saudi Arabia has reportedly launched a crackdown on citizens who express views critical of Israel’s ongoing war on Gaza online.

The claims in a Bloomberg report on Wednesday come as US officials suggested talks are underway for a Saudi-Israel normalisation deal.

According to the report, citing unnamed diplomatic sources, the detentions include an executive who works for a company involved in Vision 2030, the flagship economic project spearheaded by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Sources familiar with the matter said that the person was arrested in connection with expressing “incendiary” views on the current Israel-Gaza conflict.

A second detainee is a media personality who Bloomberg reports had said that “Israel should never be forgiven”, and another is someone who called for a boycott of US fast food restaurants in the kingdom.

MEE has contacted the Saudi foreign ministry for comment but had not received a response by the time of publication. In 2020 and 2021, Israel reached US-brokered normalisation agreements with the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco.

Since then, there has been persistent speculation about a similar deal with Saudi Arabia, a key US ally.

In January, Prince Khalid bin Bandar, the Saudi ambassador in London, said that a normalisation deal was “close” but the kingdom paused US-brokered talks after the deadly attack on Israel on 7 October by Hamas-led fighters.

The Saudi foreign ministry said in February that no normalisation will take place without a ceasefire and progress toward Palestinian statehood.

However, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said this week that Washington and Riyadh have engaged in intensive diplomacy over the past month to reach the normalisation deal.

“The work that Saudi Arabia, the United States have been doing together in terms of our own agreements, I think, is potentially very close to completion,” he said on Sunday.

Crackdowns on free speech, particularly the detention of people for social media posts, has been a common practice since Bin Salman became crown prince in 2017. The kingdom does not disclose the number of those detained, and does not prosecute them within the normal judiciary.

[groupfazza]

حمدان بن محمد

يصدر قراراً بإنشاء السّجِل المُوحّد لسُكّان إمارة دبي ..

أصدر سموّ الشيخ حمدان بن محمد بن راشد آل مكتوم، ولي عهد دبي، نائب رئيس مجلس الوزراء وزير الدفاع، بصفته رئيساً للمجلس التنفيذي لإمارة دبي، قرار المجلس التنفيذي رقم (50) لسنة 2024 بشأن السّجل المُوحّد لسكان إمارة دبي المُنشأ بمُوجب هذا القرار ويتضمّن بيانات مُحدّثة لحظيّاً لكل الخصائص التفصيلية لسُكّان دبي.

يحتوي السجل المركزي لسُكّان دبي على بيانات دقيقة وشاملة ومُحدَّثة، ويهدف إلى حصر البيانات الخاصة بالسّجل، وتصنيفها وتوفيرها بشكل لحظي، مما يسهم  في عملية إعداد الخطط والاستراتيجيات والسياسات الحُكوميّة، بناءً على بيانات ومعلومات دقيقة، كما يسهم  في توفير نتائج التعداد السُّكاني لإمارة دبي دوريّاً ولحظيّاً، والاستجابة لتطبيق سياسات الإمارة المُتعلّقة بالتحوّل الرقمي، والمُساهمة في تطوير وتقديم الخدمات والبرامج الحكومية بكفاءة وفاعلية، وكذلك إعداد نماذج التنبُّؤ المُستقبلي لسُكّان دبي، بهدف دعم الخطط التنموية ورسم السياسات الاقتصادية والاجتماعية.

His Highness Sheikh Hamdan bin Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Crown Prince of Dubai, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defence of the UAE, and Chairman of The Executive Council of Dubai, issued Executive Council Resolution No. (50) of 2024 pertaining to the creation of a unified Dubai population registry, which seeks to provide comprehensive real-time data on Dubai’s residents.

The registry aims to centralise Dubai's population data, ensuring accuracy, comprehensiveness, and real-time updates. It supports the development of government plans, strategies, and policies and provides regular census results in line with Dubai’s digital transformation goals. Additionally, it helps improve government services and programmes while enabling future population forecasting to guide economic and social policies. According to the resolution, the unified Dubai population registry will be established on the digital platform of the Dubai Data and Statistics Establishment. This Registry will be the official and sole source of population data for the emirate.

Wednesday, 11 September 2024 الأربعاء

[zvaigzdelasas]

In the apolar world of the 21st century, the US metric of power is archaic. It is no longer about how many boots you can put on the ground, but how you effectively orchestrate all levers of a nation’s influence to advance your interests – more through appeal and subversion than compulsion and coercion.[...]

But the US messaging towards the region has been everything but consistent, riddled with say-do gaps between what Washington says and what it delivers. And while the partnership between the United States and the Gulf was always built around interests more than values, the appeal of what America stands for would be strengthened if it were as passionately for the rights of Palestinians as it is for the rights of Ukrainians.[...]

In recent months, Middle Eastern officials and policymakers have asked me what it is that the West stands for in Ukraine. They do not buy into the East versus West, authoritarian versus liberal divide that is at the heart of a new war over narratives. And while the Ukraine war has become a new liberal rallying point, this value-based consensus in the West appears to be an illusion outside Nato boundaries.

The threats issued by US lawmakers and the Biden administration are hardly going to generate tangible consequences for Riyadh

Consequently, especially Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have honoured Obama’s call to take on more responsibility - but doing so as they see fit. They have developed networks and partnerships of their own, which they use to advance their own interests with little regard for western interests or values.

The Ukraine war has put the Gulf states ever more in the driver’s seat. Beyond their dominance in global energy markets, they have become the centre of gravity of the entire region, making them the focus of increased great power interest from China and Russia.

This newly won confidence has been on display over the past week in the different rounds of a bilateral shouting match driven by politicised rhetoric more than substance – for the most part actually not between the United States and Saudi Arabia but between the Democratic party and the kingdom. [...]

No wonder the narratives coming from the Biden administration and Democratic lawmakers are extremely vicious towards the Saudis. Framing it within the emergent bipolarity of you-are-either-with-us-or-against-us, Democratic senators have pushed for US-Saudi relations to be put on ice.

Meanwhile, UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed exploited the anti-Saudi “storm” coming from Washington to commit to a formal state visit to Russia. The UAE used the opportunity to cement a bilateral partnership that for Russia is far more strategic and important for survival than the relationship with Riyadh.

After all, the UAE has become the most important hub for Russian sanctions evasion.

In the meantime, salvos of weaponised narratives are fired at Saudi Arabia to which the kingdom and its information networks always have an immediate response.

Amid the Gulf’s pivot to the East, these shouting matches are highly destructive to America’s credibility in the region as the erstwhile superpower struggles to come to terms with its new role as a primus inter pares whose former client states refuse to act as vassals.

The problem at the heart remains that beyond all that narrative, the threats issued by US lawmakers and the Biden administration are hardly going to generate tangible consequences for Riyadh, because the United States is unable or unwilling to develop a sustainable and credible US foreign and security policy towards the region that could actually do without Saudi Arabia or its partners in the Gulf.

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman has literally gotten away with murder [more than] once and is unlikely going to stumble over an oil production curb he can credibly sell as energy price stabilisation.

17 Oct 22

[jordanianroyals]

30 January 2024: King Abdullah II inaugurated the new JAF headquarters, accompanied by Crown Prince Hussein.

He was received by Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Maj. Gen. Yousef Huneiti, and an official ceremony was held at the new headquarters, located in Yajouz area.

During a tour of the premises, the King commended JAF’s efforts and professionalism in executing this modern and advanced project.

His Majesty listened to a briefing on the various facilities at the headquarters, built on an area of 300 dunums according to the highest standards. (Source: Petra)

The briefing, which highlighted the role of the United Arab Emirates in supporting the project, included an elaboration on the structure of JAF’s directorates within the premises, which also includes a marching area of 10,000 square.

The King signed the guestbook at the new headquarters, expressing pride in JAF personnel and appreciation of their sacrifices to the homeland.

UAE Minister of State for Defence Affairs Mohammed Mubarak Al Mazrouei, UAE Ambassador to Jordan Sheikh Khalifa bin Mohammed Al Nahyan, and senior JAF officers attended the inauguration.

[coldwellbankerswap]

On this special day, Coldwell Banker Swap Real Estate wishes our Dubai Crown Prince Sheikh Hamdan bin Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum a very Happy Birthday!

ColdwellBankerSwap #ColdwellBankerUAE #ColdwellBanker #dubai #mydubai #uae #fazza #faz3 #dxb #almaktoum #dubaiprince #mrm #princeofdubai #princehamdan #royalfamily #sheikhhamdan #crownprinceofdubai #fazzafans #princefazza

[howieabel]

'Among the most brutal aspects of this period for Palestinians have been the loss of support for their cause in neighboring Arab states. The Arab political party in Israel, Balad, said that by signing this pact, “the UAE has officially joined Israel against Palestine, and placed itself in the camp of the enemies of the Palestinian people.” The UAE’s change from supporting Palestinian dignity and freedom to supporting Israel’s never-ending occupation is a calculated move by UAE Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed, a shrewd Middle East dictator who uses his country’s military and financial resources to thwart moves towards democracy and respect for human rights under the guise of fighting Islamic terrorism.' - Medea Benjamin in The Deceptive Trump, UAE-Israel ‘Peace Deal’, Consortium News, (14 August 2020)

[mariacallous]

Fighting in Sudan, now in its third month, shows no signs of abating. The country’s two rival generals have flouted multiple cease-fires as they vie for control. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, who first gained power after the 2019 ousting of longtime Sudanese dictator Omar al-Bashir and later cemented his position in a 2021 coup, is fighting Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemeti, who heads the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

Under Bashir, Hemeti led the RSF (formerly known as the janjaweed) alongside Burhan’s army in Darfur. After a so-called Sovereign Council was formed following the 2021 coup, Hemeti stepped in as Burhan’s deputy. However, their relationship became turbulent as both generals squabbled over power and how to merge the RSF into the Sudanese military. The clashes—which began on April 15—have so far resulted in hefty humanitarian costs, with more than 3,000 people dead and some 2.1 million internally displaced.

But the conflict between Burhan and Hemeti is not just a domestic squabble. Sudan is a bridge that links the Middle East and Africa, and its abundant natural resources mean the battle for Khartoum has taken on a regional dimension. Gulf heavyweights Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates view the war as a chance to cement their hegemonic status in the Middle East. While Saudi Arabia supports Burhan, the UAE has backed Hemeti.

Given Burhan’s international legitimacy, the chances of an RSF victory over the Sudanese military are slim. More likely is that Burhan and Hemeti establish rival spheres of control in Sudan that mimic the situation in Libya, where an ongoing rivalry between various political and military factions has created a fragmented state with multiple centers of power. In such a scenario, the RSF would be a thorn in the side of Burhan and his external benefactors—giving the UAE added leverage in the country’s future and helping to cement Abu Dhabi as the emerging preeminent power in the Gulf.

Riyadh and Abu Dhabi—both members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)—have been ostensible allies for decades. But their relationship has always featured a hint of competition for regional primacy that is now escalating.

For a long time, tensions within the Middle East required Saudi Arabia and the UAE to prioritize partnership over competition. Now, as Riyadh normalizes ties with its archrival Tehran—and appears be to mediating in Lebanon, Syria, as well as among feuding Palestinian political parties—Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has taken his rivalry with the UAE up a notch.

Geopolitical changes have been buttressed by economic ones. In recent years, Saudi Arabia and the UAE focused on diversifying their economies away from oil, forging more prominent regional and international roles in aviation, sports, infrastructure, and other areas. Riyadh under Mohammed bin Salman has shifted from an identity dominated by Islam to hypernationalism, while Abu Dhabi under President Mohammed bin Zayed has adopted a cultural policy that promotes more religious diversity and acceptance.

Abu Dhabi and Riyadh began butting heads in 2009, when they disagreed over where to locate the GCC’s proposed central bank, which would have promoted a more unified Gulf economy and a common currency. The council agreed that the UAE would house the bank, only for Riyadh to pull out of the plan at the last minute without explanation. Neither the bank nor the currency has since come to fruition. Instead, tensions between Saudi Arabia and the UAE have bubbled to the surface—sometimes violently by proxy.

The UAE is considered a partner in Saudi Arabia’s ongoing war against Houthi rebels in Yemen. But since the conflict began in 2015, Riyadh’s and Abu Dhabi’s objectives gradually diverged, as Riyadh supported the internationally recognized government of Yemeni President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi, while Abu Dhabi opted to back the Southern Transitional Council. This gave the UAE control over many of Yemen’s ports and islands—and therefore access to the Bab el-Mandeb Strait and the Horn of Africa.

In 2019, fierce clashes broke out between the Southern Transitional Council and Hadi’s forces in a bid to control the port city of Aden. But the Saudi-Emirati rivalry in Yemen was not limited to ports. Reports leaked to Al Jazeera in 2018 showed that Riyadh had planned to construct a pipeline transporting Saudi oil to the Yemeni seaport of Nishtun on the border with Oman, which would have reduced the risk of any Iranian threats by bypassing the Strait of Hormuz. The project would have undermined the UAE’s key position in oil and gas transportation and given the kingdom more control within OPEC.

Outside the Middle East, Washington has also become a key venue for Saudi-Emirati competition. The rise of Mohammed bin Salman—who U.S. intelligence concluded ordered the 2018 murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi—has caused the relationship between Riyadh and U.S. policymakers to become frosty in recent years. This gave the UAE a golden opportunity to replace Riyadh as Washington’s favorite Gulf military ally.

Abu Dhabi’s standing was only bolstered when it signed the U.S.-sponsored Abraham Accords to normalize ties with Israel in 2020. (The United States is currently promoting Saudi-Israeli normalization, to little bite from Riyadh so far.) While the United States suspended arms sales to Saudi Arabia over the war in Yemen, the Trump administration chose to supply its most advanced fighter jet, the F-35, to the UAE—although the Biden administration paused the sale for review. If the deal goes through, it would make the UAE the first Arab country to receive the plane.

In recent years, Saudi Arabia and the UAE have expanded their competition to Africa—and resource-rich, strategically located Sudan in particular.

Gulf countries have played a significant role in Sudan since Bashir’s ouster. Abu Dhabi and Riyadh immediately funded the Transitional Military Council, the junta that took over, with $3 billion worth of aid. At the time, Saudi and Emirati interests in Sudan were generally aligned, and both helped play a role in the country’s short-lived democratic transition. Both states also extracted concessions from Khartoum: Sudan provided military support for Saudi Arabia in Yemen, and the UAE mediated Khartoum’s accession to the Abraham Accords.

Saudi Arabia and the UAE have also long invested in Sudan’s economy. As of 2018, Abu Dhabi had cumulatively invested $7.6 billion in the country. Since Bashir fell, the UAE has added another $6 billion worth of investments that include agricultural projects and a Red Sea port. In October 2022, Riyadh announced that it would invest up to $24 billion in sectors of Sudan’s economy including infrastructure, mining, and agriculture.

As emerging Middle East hegemons, Riyadh and Abu Dhabi are now at odds—each seeking to control Sudan’s resources, energy, and logistics gateways by aligning with Burhan and Hemeti, respectively. While their interests in the country initially aligned—particularly when Bashir remained neutral during the Saudi-Emirati blockade on their foe Qatar—Burhan has since sought to thaw relations with Doha. The UAE gained trust in Hemeti because RSF fighters had been active in southern Yemen since 2015 and in 2019 expanded to Libya to back Gen. Khalifa Haftar, one of the country’s rival leaders who is backed by Abu Dhabi.

While Saudi Arabia has cooperated with Egypt in supporting Burhan, the UAE has collaborated with Russia in supporting the RSF through the paramilitary Wagner Group. The Wagner Group has been active in Sudan since 2017, when it signed contracts with the country’s resource ministry for projects in Darfur, where the RSF was active. Wagner in 2019 became active in Libya, fighting on behalf of Haftar. (After Wagner’s failed mutiny in Russia last month, its future is uncertain, though reports suggest the group is still operating “as usual” in the many countries where it is active.)

Abu Dhabi has kept silent about its alliance with the RSF. But reports suggest Hemeti has acted as a custodian of Emirati interests in Sudan, guarding gold mines controlled by Wagner; gold from these mines is then shipped to the UAE en route to Russia. The three-way relationship between the UAE, the RSF, and Russia via the Wagner Group was cemented by Russia’s February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, when Moscow became more dependent on gold and other finances to mitigate the impact of Western sanctions. The U.S. Treasury Department recently sanctioned two firms associated with Hemeti that operate in the gold industry, Al Junaid and Tradive. They are based in Sudan and the UAE. (Treasury also sanctioned two defense companies associated with Burhan.)

While the UAE has been fighting for gold, Saudi Arabia has worked tirelessly to brand itself as a peacemaker and humanitarian in Sudan. Riyadh has sponsored cease-fire talks with the United States in the Saudi city of Jeddah, provided aid to the Sudanese people both inside and outside the country, and helped evacuate many civilians out of Khartoum. Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi—a Saudi ally—has also provided aid to the Sudanese military, particularly air support, in its bid to regain full control of the state.

Analysts have suggested that Egypt may be considering a full-scale invasion of Sudan in a bid to help Burhan fight the RSF. This would ensure that Saudi investments in Sudan are protected and also expand Riyadh’s influence into Africa. But, as Mahmoud Salem recently wrote in Foreign Policy, Egypt finds itself in a Catch-22: Cairo “does not have the resources or the desire to fight a war, yet it cannot afford to ignore the situation any longer.”

The fall of Sudan under the control of either Burhan or Hemeti—and thereby either the Saudi or Emirati sphere of influence—would shift the balance of power in the Gulf and escalate tensions between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi. But it is unlikely that the outcome of the war will be this clear-cut: Similar to Libya, Sudan is likely to fracture even further, perhaps along ethnic and tribal lines.

The conflict in Sudan is an opportunity for both Saudi Arabia and the UAE to expand their regional presence—and control. For Riyadh, a total victory for the Sudanese military would reinforce its stature as a leader in Arab and Islamic worlds. For the UAE, any RSF gains create leverage to weaken Riyadh’s grip over the Middle East—which would be a win for Abu Dhabi.

[rightnewshindi]

सऊदी के क्राउन प्रिंस मोहम्मद बिन सलमान को सता रहा हत्या के डर, जानें क्यों अमेरिका के सामने व्यक्त की चिंता

Saudi Arabia Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman: सऊदी अरब के शासक और क्राउन प्रिंस मोहम्मद बिन सलमान (MBS) ने अपनी सुरक्षा को लेकर चिंता जाहिर की है। पोलिटिको की एक हालिया रिपोर्ट के अनुसार, एमबीएस ने अमेरिका के सामने अपनी जान की खतरे की आशंका जताया है। उन्होंने यह चिंता खासतौर पर इजरायल के साथ संबंधों को सामान्य बनाने की अमेरिका की योजना के संदर्भ में व्यक्त की है। MBS को क्यों सता रहा है जान के…

[hamdan-fazza]

18.07.2024 📢Sheikh Hamdan bin Mohammed: We pledge that we will faithfully fulfil our duties and responsibilities, unwaveringly uphold the interests of the union and its people and continue on the path that was set by our founding fathers. May Allah protect the UAE, its leadership and people. 🇦🇪 In front of UAE President His Highness Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, and His Highness Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Vice President, Prime Minister and Ruler of Dubai .. His Highness Sheikh Hamdan bin Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Crown Prince of Dubai, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defence, and newly appointed ministers in the UAE's government are sworn in at Qasr Al Watan in Abu Dhabi.

[makhonkit]

Unforgettable Steak in Dubai (11 Woodfire One Michelin Star)

This was one unforgettable trip. Started off a little bumpy as I was worried that my friend  @MelVinegar  couldn't get on plane but we manage to create miracles, thanks Yully! Thanks Qimen too! His Royal Hai-Ness, Our Crown Prince of Rawang finally managed to arrive in Dubai.

Our  @SheratonHotels  Hotel is connected to Mall Of Emirates, so it's really really convenient for both travel and shopping!! The hotel lounge is beautiful and usually filled with good food so we will never get hungry.

Did some shopping and had lunch at Cheesecake Factory. Then we took a little afternoon nap.

Dinner was divine. We had dinner at 11 Woodfire. It's a One Michelin Star Restaurant. Every dish was delicious and their steaks are especially unforgettable. It's the way that the steaks are prepared. So juicy, flavorful, succulent, and totally a new experience to me. Especially the flavor. My first Michelin Star anyway. I was actually really full when the steaks arrived because we had a train of appetizers before the main course, steaks! Thank you Team Top G.

After dinner, we walked to a nearby mall to chill a bit before heading back to hotel. There was some celebration in the mall because it was UAE National Day. What an experience!

PS : Since Dubai I've been always craving for steaks....

[deeptalewombat]

Why Arab countries seems to be ignoring pakistan in recent years….

In the complex web of global diplomacy, alliances and friends are always calibrated. In recent years, there has been a noticeable shift in the dynamics between Arab countries and Pakistan.

In fact, during the recent G20 summit, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman Al-Saud and the President of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, visited India and returned, while there was no halt in Pakistan to engaging in any bilateral ties.

While there could be multiple reasons for this change, it is essential to examine the possible factors that have contributed to what appears to be a growing indifference towards Pakistan in the Arab region.

There could be multiple reasons ranging from the lack of governance to the rise of religious extremism, from anti-Arab sentiments to the perceived threat of exploitation of Arab resources. Experts have started to speculate about the growing distance between the Arab nations and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.

However, Saudi Arabia and UAE will not forsake Pakistan fully, because of its strategic location, its status as a nuclear-armed nation, and its role as a major Muslim country in South Asia make it a valuable partner for these Arab nations. Moreover, creating new adversaries by mere forsaking, won’t be something the Arab nations would like.

Lack of stability and governance

The apparent indifference of Arab nations towards Pakistan in recent years can be largely attributed to concerns about Pakistan’s stability and governance.

Pakistan has grappled with a series of formidable challenges, resulting in an unstable political landscape and hindered economic progress. Consequently, this has led to a diminished level of credibility on the global platform.

The primary contributors to this instability are rooted in internal issues, including corruption, political discord and governance deficiencies. No prime minister in Pakistan has served the full term. They were either cooed or assassinated.

The prevailing “dog-eat-dog” phenomenon within Pakistan has, regrettably, acted as a regressive force, pulling the nation back into what feels like medieval times. This cutthroat environment, marked by ruthless competition has hampered the country’s progress and development.Just like any other nation, Arab countries seek to engage in partnerships with nations that exhibit stability and reliability, as these qualities are pivotal in fostering positive contributions to regional development.

Loyalty and Trust in Arab-Pakistani Relations

Arab countries’ perceptions of Pakistan are influenced significantly by the concept of loyalty and reliability as a friend.

Historically, Saudi Arabia, in particular, has been a steadfast supporter of Pakistan, offering substantial support, including financial bailouts and significant investments.

However, Pakistan’s ongoing challenges in repaying loans and recurrent financial crises have raised legitimate questions about its loyalty and commitment as a trusted partner.

In international diplomacy, every nation seeks stable and self-sufficient allies. When a country finds itself mired in financial turmoil and unable to meet its financial obligations, it inevitably strains its relationships with other nations.

This financial instability becomes a focal point in assessing the reliability of a partner. Consequently, addressing these financial challenges becomes paramount for Pakistan if it hopes to rekindle the trust and respect of its Arab counterparts.

Moving forward

It’s significant to stress that no one wishes ill for Pakistan as it is in the interest of regional stability to have a prosperous and secure Pakistan.

But Pakistan needs to understand that it can get the respect and attention it wants from Arab nations and the rest of the world by being a responsible and reliable country.

On the contrary, India has shown that it can keep its promises and work well with other countries, which has made people notice and respect India on the world stage. Pakistan can learn from India and aim to be a trustworthy partner that helps its region grow and stay peaceful.

The road to regaining its standing and influence in the international arena lies in Pakistan’s commitment to shut down extremism and terrorism completely, and its assurance to have responsible governance, diplomatic maturity, and constructive cooperation with its neighbours and the global community.

The author is a Saudi-based Indian national. He is Director of Milli Chronicle Media London. He holds a PG-Diploma in Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning (AI-ML) from IIIT. He did a certificate program in Counterterrorism from the University of Leiden, Netherlands. He tweets under @ZahackTanvir. Views expressed are personal.

Moreover, many Pakistanis behave or act as if they are the sole protectors of Islam and Muslims. They often talk negatively about Arab leaders and governments in their private conversations, criticising them for not following Islam as they see it.

It’s important for them to understand that this kind of meddling and interference can create problems. Criticising the governments of the countries they’re in and trying to impose their own beliefs can lead to conflicts and misunderstandings.

In international relations, it’s essential to be respectful and not interfere in the affairs of the host nation.

Expatriate attitudes and their impact

While Indians, Americans, British, Sri Lankans and others typically come to these nations, earn their livelihoods and eventually return to their home countries, Pakistani expatriates sometimes exhibit a different mindset—one that involves laying claims over the resources of Gulf nations.

This trend has not gone unnoticed, and there are concerns that it could potentially lead to problems in host countries.

One particularly troubling example of this behaviour was exhibited by the hardliner cleric, Salman Hussein Nadwi, who maintained close associations with banned preachers Salman Audah and Yusuf Qardawi. Nadwi went as far as suggesting that the revenue of Saudi Arabia should be considered the property of the entire Muslim Ummah, and thus, Saudi Arabia should share its wealth with all Muslims.

Such claims and narratives, propagated by individuals like Nadwi, can potentially create discord and complications in the countries that host expatriate workers. They disrupt the harmony of the host nations.

[arabicroyalfamily]

22.12.2022

It's a boy:

Congratulations to Crown Prince of Ras Al Khaimah (UAE), HH Sheikh Mohammed bin Saud bin Saqr Al Qasimi and his wife Sheikha Shaikha bint Butti bin Maktoum bin Juma Al Maktoum for the birth of their third child Sheikh Zayed bin Mohammed bin Saud Al Qasimi 👶🏻🇦🇪