#Crown Prince of UAE

[rightnewshindi]

भारत की पहली यात्रा पर आएंगे संयुक्त अरब अमीरात के क्राउन प्रिंस, पीएम मोदी ने दिया था निमंत्रण

भारत की पहली यात्रा पर आएंगे संयुक्त अरब अमीरात के क्राउन प्रिंस, पीएम मोदी ने दिया था निमंत्रण #news #viral #trending #update #newspaper #breakingnews #currentaffairs #dailynews #newsletter #newspapers #newsupdate #People #Media #info #Journalism #Press

Delhi News: संयुक्त अरब अमीरात के क्राउन प्रिंस शेख खालिद बिन मोहम्मद बिन जायद अल नाहयान अगले हफ्ते भारत की 2 दिवसीय यात्रा पर आने वाले हैं। कुछ महीने पहले उन्हें प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी ने भारत आने का निमंत्रण दिया था। अबू धाबी के क्राउन प्रिंस शेख खालिद बिन मोहम्मद बिन जायद अल नाहयान ने पीएम मोदी के निमंत्रण को स्वीकार कर लिया है। अब वह आगामी 9-10 सितंबर को भारत की आधिकारिक यात्रा…

[hamdan-fazza]

Sheikh Hamdan /Fazza / Giraffe Dubai afternoon snacks 👋🏼

[trendynewsnow]

Gulf Leaders Address Economic Challenges Amid Regional Conflicts

Gulf Leaders Address Economic Prospects Amid Regional Turmoil This week, senior officials from Saudi Arabia took to the stage at the kingdom’s prestigious annual investment forum, often referred to as the “Davos of the Desert.” Interestingly, the ongoing war that has disrupted the Middle East for over a year was barely acknowledged. Instead, Gulf leaders aimed to reassure foreign investors and…

[chloeworships]

Prepare

[groupfazza]

حمدان بن محمد يستعرض مع رئيس مايكروسوفت مستقبل التعاون في مجال بناء القدرات الرقمية

سجل سمو الشيخ حمدان بن محمد بن راشد آل مكتوم، ولي عهد دبي نائب رئيس مجلس الوزراء وزير الدفاع، في آخر تدوين لسموه عبر حسابه في «إكس» 🔻

‏خلال الاجتماعات السنوية لحكومة دولة الإمارات 2024، التقيت براد سميث، نائب رئيس مجلس الإدارة رئيس مايكروسوفت، وأعلنّا عن شراكة لإطلاق مبادرة تهدف إلى تأهيل مليون شخص بمهارات الذكاء الاصطناعي في الإمارات بحلول 2027.

‏ندرك تماماً أنه وفي المستقبل القريب، ستصبح مهارات الذكاء الاصطناعي والمعرفة بتطبيقاته وأدواته أساساً لبناء اقتصاد مستدام ومجتمع مبتكر، وسيبقى هدفنا دفع مسيرة التنمية الشاملة نحو مستقبل أفضل لبلادنا …

‏في الإمارات تعلمنا دائماً أن نكون الرواد وأن نبدأ السباق مبكراً .. في الإمارات لن ننتظر المستقبل، فنحن قادرون على صنعه اليوم.

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His Highness Sheikh Hamdan bin Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Crown Prince of Dubai, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defence of the UAE, in his latest tweet on his «X» account 🔻

At the 2024 UAE Government Annual Meetings, I joined Brad Smith, Microsoft’s Vice Chair and President, to announce a partnership to equip one million people in the UAE with AI skills by 2027.

As we usher in the AI era, mastering AI skills is crucial for fostering innovation and driving economic sustainability. In the UAE, we’ve always embraced the role of pioneers, setting the pace and starting the journey early. We don’t wait for the future; we are building it today.

Wednesday, 6 November 2024 الأربعاء

[good-old-gossip]

U.S.A.'s Favorite Dictator is SUPPRESSING ANTI-ISRAELI SPEECH in Saudi Arabia

Saudi Arabia has reportedly launched a crackdown on citizens who express views critical of Israel’s ongoing war on Gaza online.

The claims in a Bloomberg report on Wednesday come as US officials suggested talks are underway for a Saudi-Israel normalisation deal.

According to the report, citing unnamed diplomatic sources, the detentions include an executive who works for a company involved in Vision 2030, the flagship economic project spearheaded by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Sources familiar with the matter said that the person was arrested in connection with expressing “incendiary” views on the current Israel-Gaza conflict.

A second detainee is a media personality who Bloomberg reports had said that “Israel should never be forgiven”, and another is someone who called for a boycott of US fast food restaurants in the kingdom.

MEE has contacted the Saudi foreign ministry for comment but had not received a response by the time of publication. In 2020 and 2021, Israel reached US-brokered normalisation agreements with the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco.

Since then, there has been persistent speculation about a similar deal with Saudi Arabia, a key US ally.

In January, Prince Khalid bin Bandar, the Saudi ambassador in London, said that a normalisation deal was “close” but the kingdom paused US-brokered talks after the deadly attack on Israel on 7 October by Hamas-led fighters.

The Saudi foreign ministry said in February that no normalisation will take place without a ceasefire and progress toward Palestinian statehood.

However, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said this week that Washington and Riyadh have engaged in intensive diplomacy over the past month to reach the normalisation deal.

“The work that Saudi Arabia, the United States have been doing together in terms of our own agreements, I think, is potentially very close to completion,” he said on Sunday.

Crackdowns on free speech, particularly the detention of people for social media posts, has been a common practice since Bin Salman became crown prince in 2017. The kingdom does not disclose the number of those detained, and does not prosecute them within the normal judiciary.

[mariacallous]

Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza—and the assassinations, tanker wars, and drone attacks it has provoked throughout the broader Middle East—means the Gulf states are on edge. As the U.S. election approaches, the region’s two powerhouses—Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE)—might be expected to lean toward stability in the form of Vice President Kamala Harris, the Democratic nominee for president. But Harris’s policies may not bring the sort of stability that they desire.

Harris is likely to take a tougher stance on the conflicts in Sudan and Yemen and engage diplomatically with Iran, positions that are at odds with the two Gulf states’ geopolitical aspirations. Both countries, therefore, would likely prefer to see former President Donald Trump return to the White House. Trump’s transactional approach to diplomacy and disregard for political norms were vital to amplifying both Saudi Arabia’s and the UAE’s regional power.

This preference reflects a deeper strategic calculation. Under Trump’s previous administration, the Gulf states enjoyed unprecedented levels of U.S. support, including via arms deals and Washington’s hard-line stance against Iran. Harris’s expected approach to U.S. foreign policy presents a stark contrast. Although the Biden administration has maintained some tough positions on Iran, they are no match for the Trump era.

Harris would likely revive diplomatic engagements from the era of former President Barack Obama, shifting away from aggressive policies that have favored the Gulf states’ strategic objectives. The vice president argued in 2019, when she was a U.S. senator, that she would return to the 2015 Iran nuclear deal that Trump withdrew from, and that she would take whatever action was necessary to counteract Iran and its proxies and defend U.S. troops stationed in the region. Biden made a similar pledge during his 2020 presidential campaign, but the negotiations stalled for a variety of reasons.

Harris generally favors a more diplomatic and multilateral approach to regional dilemmas. Trump, by contrast, closely aligned himself with Gulf interests while in office, particularly on Iran and Yemen. In a potential second Trump presidency, Riyadh and Abu Dhabi see an opportunity to further bolster their regional ambitions.

Under Trump, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman began negotiating a megadeal with the United States. It would establish a security pact, civilian nuclear cooperation, and defense cooperation—including arms sales—between the two countries.

There was a catch, however: Saudi Arabia would have to normalize ties with Israel, contingent on significant progress toward Palestinian statehood. Those talks have been hampered by the ongoing war in Gaza.

While it has been referred to by commentators as a NATO-style agreement, the proposed pact is more similar to the defense treaty that the United States has with Japan. Unlike NATO’s Article 5, this deal stops short of guaranteeing an automatic U.S. military action in the event of an attack, allowing Washington some discretion in how much support it gives Saudi Arabia.

By all accounts, Harris is more likely to limit the scope of U.S. security commitments to Riyadh—and adhere to established regulations—than Trump. In 2019, during Trump’s administration, Saudi Arabia suffered an attack on two Aramco oil installations. In response, the United States deployed additional troops, missile defense systems, and radar equipment to Saudi Arabia. Mohammed bin Salman is convinced that Trump’s willingness to provide unconditional support for Saudi security interests makes a formalized deal with the United States more feasible, even if the two-state solution remains a sticking point.

The Saudi crown prince seeks a military edge over his regional neighbors. The defense component of the agreement aims to bolster U.S.-Saudi military ties through joint training, advisory programs, and increased arms sales. Riyadh is keen to secure advanced air defense systems to counter drone and missile threats from regional adversaries, particularly Iran and its so-called axis of resistance.

Trump has a track record of delivering: In 2017, his administration facilitated a major arms deal with Riyadh, potentially worth $110 billion. This move may have significantly bolstered Saudi military capabilities and regional dominance. (Some analysts have argued that this figure was exaggerated, noting that much of the package consisted of informal letters of intent or interest rather than contracts.)

In 2021, by contrast, Biden froze military sales to Saudi Arabia as part of a broader reassessment of U.S.-Saudi relations, citing concerns over the “humanitarian and strategic catastrophe” in Yemen. While military sales were restarted in 2024, with Washington citing escalating regional threats from Iran and Houthi forces, analysts have argued that Harris may impose greater scrutiny on arms sales to Riyadh, given her votes against Saudi arms sales while in the Senate.

Saudi Arabia also has nuclear ambitions—and the deal seeks to advance Riyadh’s goal of building a civilian nuclear program, akin to Iran’s. But the U.S. Senate and the international community have expressed concerns that the kingdom could eventually use that technology and infrastructure to develop nuclear weapons.

These fears are not unfounded: Mohammed bin Salman has explicitly argued that if Iran develops nuclear weapons, Saudi Arabia would follow suit.

During the Trump presidency, however, members of the administration and U.S.-based nuclear firm Westinghouse are alleged to have held private negotiations with Saudi Arabia with minimal oversight, according to a report published in 2019 by Democrats in the House of Representatives. This signaled that Trump might be willing to assist Riyadh in developing nuclear infrastructure.

While Riyadh has always seen Tehran as its major regional threat, it was Mohammed bin Salman who advanced an explicitly aggressive and confrontational position against Iran. Trump’s withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal and new punitive measures significantly dented Iran’s economy; he positioned his administration as a key ally in curbing Iran’s regional influence.

Although Saudi Arabia and Iran have enjoyed official détente since 2023 thanks to a deal that China sponsored, Riyadh still perceives Tehran as the most significant threat to its security and regional ambitions. Harris’s signaling that she is willing to restart talks with Tehran and rejoin the nuclear deal may pose a strategic concern and dilemma for Riyadh—and could also reignite fears among Gulf countries of Iranian regional dominance.

The UAE’s preference for Trump is rooted in Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed’s diplomatic, security, and geopolitical considerations. Abu Dhabi’s strategic goals include gaining a military advantage over its neighbors—something that the Trump administration assisted the country with in the past.

In 2020, under Trump, the UAE became a signatory to the Abraham Accords, enhancing its diplomatic and economic clout. By 2022, bilateral trade with Israel had exceeded $2.5 billion, covering various sectors such as technology, agriculture, defense, and health care. Abu Dhabi’s relationship with Israel has proved useful in its quest to diversify its economy. Since its signing, the UAE has fostered collaborations with Israeli firms dealing in cybersecurity, artificial intelligence, financial technology, and renewable energy.

As part of Trump’s efforts to get the UAE to sign the Abraham Accords, he promised to sell the country F-35 fighter jets; Abu Dhabi expected that its military capabilities would experience a boost as a result. But Biden initially froze the sale due to regional security concerns and human rights issues. The freeze was lifted in April 2021 after a review.

Under Harris, this deal may face further delays or stricter conditions, particularly given the UAE’s involvement in conflicts in Yemen and Libya, and more recently, Sudan.

In Sudan, the UAE is supporting the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, possibly in collaboration with Russia, in the militia’s war against the Sudanese government. With Trump expected to adopt a more lenient stance toward Moscow, this Emirati-Russia cooperation may continue to flourish.

Meanwhile, in Somalia and the Horn of Africa, the UAE has been developing military and port infrastructure, including the controversial Ethiopia-Somaliland port deal. This deal, which granted landlocked Ethiopia access to Somaliland’s coastline, has sparked outrage from the Somali government and escalated regional tensions. It has also contributed to the formation of an anti-Ethiopian “axis”; Egypt, Eritrea, and Somalia recently formalized a security partnership aimed at countering Ethiopia’s growing influence.

Under Trump, Abu Dhabi pursued its ambitions with little interference, benefiting from the former U.S. president’s transactional foreign policy, which prioritized economic deals over political concerns. Biden, by contrast, has criticized the Saudi-led coalition, and in his first foreign-policy speech as president, he signaled that his administration would be “ending all American support for offensive operations in the war in Yemen, including relevant arms sales” in Yemen.

During a second Trump presidency, Abu Dhabi would have greater leeway to pursue its new goals.

Palestine remains the central political issue in the Arab and Muslim worlds, and managing this file—particularly the future of Gaza—could allow Abu Dhabi to overshadow Riyadh as a leading Islamic power, at least as long as a U.S.-brokered deal between Israel and Saudi Arabia remains elusive.

During the Gaza war, the UAE has supplied humanitarian aid to civilians and pushed for a cease-fire at the U.N. Security Council. Abu Dhabi has also advocated for a two-state solution while also balancing its Abraham Accords commitments with Israel, such as increasing trade and establishing a land corridor to bypass the Houthis’ attacks on ships in the Red Sea.

Although both Saudi Arabia and the UAE may prefer Trump over Harris, he could also heighten the rivalry between the two states. Trump’s transactional foreign policy tends to be superficial—and it often overlooks the underlying tensions between countries.

While Saudi Arabia and the UAE each stand to gain militarily and economically under Trump, their competition could intensify if one secures a closer relationship with Washington, potentially shifting the regional balance of power and complicating U.S. relations with both nations.

[dzthenerd490]

News Post

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TW - R4PE mention, S4xual Ass4ult

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Palestine

Israel attacks school sheltering displaced Palestinians in Gaza | Israel-Palestine conflict News | Al Jazeera

Europeans, Arab and Muslim nations launch new initiative for independent Palestinian state | AP News

Saudi crown prince said he personally 'doesn't care' about Palestinian issue | Middle East Eye

Posting pro-Palestine slogans may prevent German citizenship - The Jerusalem Post (jpost.com)

Ukraine

Zelensky gives his Ukraine 'victory plan' a hard sell in the US - did the pitch fall flat? (bbc.com)

Has Russia’s military improved enough to take on NATO? | Russia-Ukraine war | Al Jazeera

Ukraine said it struck a Russian ammo depot with long-range drones right after Iranian missiles arrived there (yahoo.com)

Volodymyr Zelensky says his latest US trip 'saved bipartisan support of Ukraine'  (thehill.com)

Sudan

Sudan becoming ‘fertile ground’ for jihadis, says ex-prime minister (ft.com)

Sudan war: ‘R*** me, not my daughters' - Women narrate Sudan's horrific war - BBC News Pidgin

Sudan army general visits key battleground north of Khartoum as fighting eases - Sudan Tribune

Sudan military denies targeting UAE diplomatic post in Khartoum | Conflict News | Al Jazeera

Lebanon

Live updates: Israel-Hezbollah war, strikes on Houthi targets in Yemen | CNN

Hezbollah deputy delivers defiant message following killing of Nasrallah | Israel-Lebanon attacks News | Al Jazeera

What is Hezbollah and why is Israel attacking Lebanon? (bbc.com)

What happened in Lebanon and why is Israel attacking Hezbollah? | CNN

Other

Israeli forces kill dozens across Gaza as tanks advance deeper into Rafah | Israel-Palestine conflict News | Al Jazeera

Rwanda's army and an armed group shelled displaced people camps in Congo, rights group says | AP News

What to know about the humanitarian crisis in Democratic Republic of the Congo - CBS News

A child bride won the right to divorce - now the Taliban say it doesn't count (bbc.com)

How the Taliban’s new ‘vice and virtue’ law erases women by justifying violence against them (theconversation.com)

Afghanistan: Taliban impose new restrictions on media – DW – 09/27/2024

Somalia's PM to Ethiopia: Somalia has 'rights to defend its territorial integrity' | Africanews

Meskel in Ethiopia: Festival fires burn bright despite downpour (bbc.com)

Myanmar rebels reject embattled junta's peace offer (bbc.com)

Myanmar's opposition rejects a military appeal for talks on a political solution to armed conflict | AP News

Morocco brings together Sahel countries in New York (yabiladi.com)

Three Sahel Military Juntas Sign Satellite Deal With Russia (thedefensepost.com)

[zvaigzdelasas]

The Saudis had infuriated the US last year by siding with Russia to cut oil production in a move that Biden feared would spike domestic inflation. Biden told Saudi Arabia there would be "consequences" for their decision, echoing campaign trail rhetoric in which he had pledged to make the crown prince a "pariah" over the assassination of dissident Jamal al-Khashoggi. But Crown Prince Mohammed's decision to draw closer to China, the US' arch global rival, has shifted attitudes in Washington — and it looks like Biden has made a u-turn.

The US has replaced its threats with lucrative contracts for the crown prince as part of a high stakes power game being waged over dominance of the region. Biden last weekend dispatched his national security advisor, Jake Sullivan, to Saudi Arabia, for discussions with Saudi officials. He was the most prominent US official to visit the kingdom since Biden himself made the trip last summer. [...]

"For the Biden administration, challenging China's rising influence in the Middle East and other parts of the world is a high priority," Giorgio Cafiero, CEO of Washington DC based consultancy Gulf State Analytics told Insider. In an indication of the rapidly-shifting power dynamics in the region, Sullivan offered the Saudis lucrative infrastructure investment to improve links between railways and ports in Gulf states and India, one of the world's fastest growing economies and a geopolitical rival of China, reports say, [...]

According to The Wall Street Journal, the crown prince believes that by playing rival superpowers against each other, he'll be able to secure valuable concessions from the US in areas such as nuclear technology.

10 May 23

The current reality supports a framework for the ongoing, unprecedented alignment between India, Israel, and the Sunni Arab states (UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt) to balance the rising Eurasian powers of the region and prepare a US shift towards the Indo-Pacific. Two major obstacles were the Arab-Israeli conflict and the India-Pakistan conflict. As the world is drifting towards a multipolar system, pragmatism is prevailing and legacy relationships with no strategic purpose are running out of time — paving the way for the Abraham Accords in 2020 and more interest-based relations between India and Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Egypt. [...]

Saudi Arabia and India established a Strategic Partnership Council in 2019 for cooperation in defense, security, counterterrorism, energy security, and renewable energy. Both sides aim to enhance overall defense cooperation by expanding military-to-military engagements, such as joint exercises, expert exchanges, and industry cooperation. The current robust relationship between Saudi Arabia and India signals a departure from Riyadh's longstanding strategy of leaning towards Pakistan in South Asia. This shift can be attributed to the pragmatic approaches adopted by the two largest economies in the region and their increasing global strategic and economic importance.

12 May 23

[coldwellbankerswap]

On this special day, Coldwell Banker Swap Real Estate wishes our Dubai Crown Prince Sheikh Hamdan bin Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum a very Happy Birthday!

ColdwellBankerSwap #ColdwellBankerUAE #ColdwellBanker #dubai #mydubai #uae #fazza #faz3 #dxb #almaktoum #dubaiprince #mrm #princeofdubai #princehamdan #royalfamily #sheikhhamdan #crownprinceofdubai #fazzafans #princefazza

[rightnewshindi]

सऊदी के क्राउन प्रिंस मोहम्मद बिन सलमान को सता रहा हत्या के डर, जानें क्यों अमेरिका के सामने व्यक्त की चिंता

Saudi Arabia Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman: सऊदी अरब के शासक और क्राउन प्रिंस मोहम्मद बिन सलमान (MBS) ने अपनी सुरक्षा को लेकर चिंता जाहिर की है। पोलिटिको की एक हालिया रिपोर्ट के अनुसार, एमबीएस ने अमेरिका के सामने अपनी जान की खतरे की आशंका जताया है। उन्होंने यह चिंता खासतौर पर इजरायल के साथ संबंधों को सामान्य बनाने की अमेरिका की योजना के संदर्भ में व्यक्त की है। MBS को क्यों सता रहा है जान के…

[hamdan-fazza]

Sheikh Hamdan (فزاع 𝙁𝙖𝙯𝙯𝙖) Crown Prince of Dubai

2014 Dubai

[howieabel]

'Among the most brutal aspects of this period for Palestinians have been the loss of support for their cause in neighboring Arab states. The Arab political party in Israel, Balad, said that by signing this pact, “the UAE has officially joined Israel against Palestine, and placed itself in the camp of the enemies of the Palestinian people.” The UAE’s change from supporting Palestinian dignity and freedom to supporting Israel’s never-ending occupation is a calculated move by UAE Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed, a shrewd Middle East dictator who uses his country’s military and financial resources to thwart moves towards democracy and respect for human rights under the guise of fighting Islamic terrorism.' - Medea Benjamin in The Deceptive Trump, UAE-Israel ‘Peace Deal’, Consortium News, (14 August 2020)

[makhonkit]

Unforgettable Steak in Dubai (11 Woodfire One Michelin Star)

This was one unforgettable trip. Started off a little bumpy as I was worried that my friend  @MelVinegar  couldn't get on plane but we manage to create miracles, thanks Yully! Thanks Qimen too! His Royal Hai-Ness, Our Crown Prince of Rawang finally managed to arrive in Dubai.

Our  @SheratonHotels  Hotel is connected to Mall Of Emirates, so it's really really convenient for both travel and shopping!! The hotel lounge is beautiful and usually filled with good food so we will never get hungry.

Did some shopping and had lunch at Cheesecake Factory. Then we took a little afternoon nap.

Dinner was divine. We had dinner at 11 Woodfire. It's a One Michelin Star Restaurant. Every dish was delicious and their steaks are especially unforgettable. It's the way that the steaks are prepared. So juicy, flavorful, succulent, and totally a new experience to me. Especially the flavor. My first Michelin Star anyway. I was actually really full when the steaks arrived because we had a train of appetizers before the main course, steaks! Thank you Team Top G.

After dinner, we walked to a nearby mall to chill a bit before heading back to hotel. There was some celebration in the mall because it was UAE National Day. What an experience!

PS : Since Dubai I've been always craving for steaks....

[groupfazza]

سمو الشيخ حمدان بن محمد بن راشد آل مكتوم، ولي عهد دبي نائب رئيس مجلس الوزراء وزير الدفاع، يزور السيد محمد سهيل بن عويضان العامري، للاطمئنان على صحته.

His Highness Sheikh Hamdan bin Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Crown Prince of Dubai, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defence of the UAE, visited Mr. Mohammed Suhail bin Awidan Al Ameri, to check on his health.

Saturday, 19 October 2024 السبت

[deeptalewombat]

Why Arab countries seems to be ignoring pakistan in recent years….

In the complex web of global diplomacy, alliances and friends are always calibrated. In recent years, there has been a noticeable shift in the dynamics between Arab countries and Pakistan.

In fact, during the recent G20 summit, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman Al-Saud and the President of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, visited India and returned, while there was no halt in Pakistan to engaging in any bilateral ties.

While there could be multiple reasons for this change, it is essential to examine the possible factors that have contributed to what appears to be a growing indifference towards Pakistan in the Arab region.

There could be multiple reasons ranging from the lack of governance to the rise of religious extremism, from anti-Arab sentiments to the perceived threat of exploitation of Arab resources. Experts have started to speculate about the growing distance between the Arab nations and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan.

However, Saudi Arabia and UAE will not forsake Pakistan fully, because of its strategic location, its status as a nuclear-armed nation, and its role as a major Muslim country in South Asia make it a valuable partner for these Arab nations. Moreover, creating new adversaries by mere forsaking, won’t be something the Arab nations would like.

Lack of stability and governance

The apparent indifference of Arab nations towards Pakistan in recent years can be largely attributed to concerns about Pakistan’s stability and governance.

Pakistan has grappled with a series of formidable challenges, resulting in an unstable political landscape and hindered economic progress. Consequently, this has led to a diminished level of credibility on the global platform.

The primary contributors to this instability are rooted in internal issues, including corruption, political discord and governance deficiencies. No prime minister in Pakistan has served the full term. They were either cooed or assassinated.

The prevailing “dog-eat-dog” phenomenon within Pakistan has, regrettably, acted as a regressive force, pulling the nation back into what feels like medieval times. This cutthroat environment, marked by ruthless competition has hampered the country’s progress and development.Just like any other nation, Arab countries seek to engage in partnerships with nations that exhibit stability and reliability, as these qualities are pivotal in fostering positive contributions to regional development.

Loyalty and Trust in Arab-Pakistani Relations

Arab countries’ perceptions of Pakistan are influenced significantly by the concept of loyalty and reliability as a friend.

Historically, Saudi Arabia, in particular, has been a steadfast supporter of Pakistan, offering substantial support, including financial bailouts and significant investments.

However, Pakistan’s ongoing challenges in repaying loans and recurrent financial crises have raised legitimate questions about its loyalty and commitment as a trusted partner.

In international diplomacy, every nation seeks stable and self-sufficient allies. When a country finds itself mired in financial turmoil and unable to meet its financial obligations, it inevitably strains its relationships with other nations.

This financial instability becomes a focal point in assessing the reliability of a partner. Consequently, addressing these financial challenges becomes paramount for Pakistan if it hopes to rekindle the trust and respect of its Arab counterparts.

Moving forward

It’s significant to stress that no one wishes ill for Pakistan as it is in the interest of regional stability to have a prosperous and secure Pakistan.

But Pakistan needs to understand that it can get the respect and attention it wants from Arab nations and the rest of the world by being a responsible and reliable country.

On the contrary, India has shown that it can keep its promises and work well with other countries, which has made people notice and respect India on the world stage. Pakistan can learn from India and aim to be a trustworthy partner that helps its region grow and stay peaceful.

The road to regaining its standing and influence in the international arena lies in Pakistan’s commitment to shut down extremism and terrorism completely, and its assurance to have responsible governance, diplomatic maturity, and constructive cooperation with its neighbours and the global community.

The author is a Saudi-based Indian national. He is Director of Milli Chronicle Media London. He holds a PG-Diploma in Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning (AI-ML) from IIIT. He did a certificate program in Counterterrorism from the University of Leiden, Netherlands. He tweets under @ZahackTanvir. Views expressed are personal.

Moreover, many Pakistanis behave or act as if they are the sole protectors of Islam and Muslims. They often talk negatively about Arab leaders and governments in their private conversations, criticising them for not following Islam as they see it.

It’s important for them to understand that this kind of meddling and interference can create problems. Criticising the governments of the countries they’re in and trying to impose their own beliefs can lead to conflicts and misunderstandings.

In international relations, it’s essential to be respectful and not interfere in the affairs of the host nation.

Expatriate attitudes and their impact

While Indians, Americans, British, Sri Lankans and others typically come to these nations, earn their livelihoods and eventually return to their home countries, Pakistani expatriates sometimes exhibit a different mindset—one that involves laying claims over the resources of Gulf nations.

This trend has not gone unnoticed, and there are concerns that it could potentially lead to problems in host countries.

One particularly troubling example of this behaviour was exhibited by the hardliner cleric, Salman Hussein Nadwi, who maintained close associations with banned preachers Salman Audah and Yusuf Qardawi. Nadwi went as far as suggesting that the revenue of Saudi Arabia should be considered the property of the entire Muslim Ummah, and thus, Saudi Arabia should share its wealth with all Muslims.

Such claims and narratives, propagated by individuals like Nadwi, can potentially create discord and complications in the countries that host expatriate workers. They disrupt the harmony of the host nations.