#Canadian regulations

[indiesellersguild]

Attention Canadian Sellers! The government is looking to update Canadian copyright law for the age of AI-generated art, and they want your input!

Comments are open until 1/15/24.

[allthecanadianpolitics]

The Alberta Energy Regulator is investigating after dozens of bird carcasses were discovered at an oilsands site near Fort McMurray, Alta.

A post on the AER website on Saturday afternoon said Suncor reported around 4 p.m. Friday that 32 dead waterfowl were found at a tailings pond 29 kilometres north of the community. An update from the regulator late that night said a sweep had been completed by Suncor on Saturday and revised the count to 43 birds as well as two muskrats, one bat and one vole.

An AER inspector was immediately sent to the site to investigate, the announcement said, to ensure mitigation strategies are in place and implemented appropriately by the energy company.

Full article

Tagging: @politicsofcanada

[if-you-fan-a-fire]

Internment

"On January 11, 1940, the DOCR [Defence of Canada Regulations] were amended so as to permit preventive detention, internment before the fact of having committed a crime, ie. article 21. This meant that even though charges for precise offences might not hold up in court, communists could still be interned using vague terms. As well, should the police fail in making a DOCR charge stick, then the freed prisoner could quickly be interned. This situation applied to Ottawans Louis Binder and Arthur Saunders, and to westerners  Charles Weir, John McNeil, Pat Lenihan, Alex Miller, and Ben Swankey.

In June, 1940, via DOCR regulation 39C, the Communist Party and related  associations were made illegal. These associations included the Young Communist  League, the League for Peace and Democracy, which had succeeded the League to Fight  War and Fascism, and the Canadian Labour Defence League, as well as several pro-communist, ethnic associations: The Ukrainian Labour-Farmer Temple Association, the  Canadian Ukrainian Youth Federation, the Finnish Organization of Canada, the Russian  Workers and Farmers Club, the Croatian Cultural Organization, the Hungarian Workers  Club, and the Polish People’s Association. Membership in these organizations became illegal; it came to be the grounds most often used for internment.

The first internments took place on June 26, 1940, when Jacob Penner and John Navis, from Winnipeg, and Ottawans Louis Binder and Arthur Saunders were interned. Arrests for internment could follow at any time, but there were more active periods. On June 28 and 29, 1940, nine Montrealers as well as Nicholas Pyndus, from Trois-Rivières, and Robert Kerr and Fergus McKean, each from Vancouver, were interned. On July 8, 1940, seventeen Ukrainian Winnipegers were interned. On August 9, 1940, seven men  including five Montrealers were interned. On September 8 and 9, 1940, five more were  arrested for internment; on October 10, 1940, four more were interned. The last internment in Hull began on February 10, 1942 when Harvey Murphy was transferred from a Toronto prison.

The cases of Jacob Penner and Pat Sullivan provided important legal precedents about the question of habeas corpus. Were the governments and the police obliged to provide motives for the decision to intern someone, other than article 21 of the DOCR, whereby people presented a danger to the security of the state or the prosecution to the war, or article 39C, whereby people were members of an illegal organization? Jacob Penner was a highly-respected communist and municipal councillor in Winnipeg. After being interned in Kananaskis, Penner’s family hired a lawyer who successfully applied for habeas corpus , however, federal authorities simply held him during the summer of 1940 in an immigration centre in Winnipeg. In August, 1940, a federal appeals judge ruled that habeas corpus did not apply to DOCR article 21. Penner was returned to Kananaskis, providing an important precedent relative to internees from Western Canada.

In central Canada, Pat Sullivan, President of the Canadian Seamen’s Union, was arrested on June 18, 1940. The only explanation for Sullivan’s arrest offered to lawyer J. L. Cohen was Sullivan’s membership in the Communist Party, which the defendant denied. Cohen then launched unsuccessful habeas corpus proceedings in which an Ontario judge ruled that habeas corpus was not relevant since the detainer was not the minister of Justice, and the latter was not required to accept recommendations of a consulting committee considering the detention. Cohen was going to subject this tortured logic of the Ontario Appeals Court judge to the Supreme Court, but decided to desist when the federal government promised to improve the workings of the consulting committees, and to reveal more about the motives for Sullivan’s internment. Nevertheless, after considerable stalling by the minister of Justice, it became clear that the real reasons for Sullivan’s internment were strikes by the Canadian Seamen’s Union in 1938 and 1939, and especially in April, 1940, when Sullivan’s union closed shipping on the Great Lakes from the Lakehead to Montreal. Conciliation following this last strike was proceeding when Sullivan was arrested. Not only did Sullivan’s case show that habeas corpus was of no effect with respect to the internees, it also showed that for some internees, at least for Sullivan, the real motive of internment was union activity.

One suspects the considerable influence of C. D. Howe and his business colleagues working in Ottawa. This was also the case for several of Sullivan’s colleagues within the Canadian Seamen’s Union. A month after Sullivan was arrested, Jack Chapman, union secretary, was arrested while a few days later, Dave Sinclair, editor of the union’s newspaper Searchlight, was arrested for having written about the Sullivan case. Sinclair’s case also demonstrated farcically the incompetence of the RCMP. Sinclair was the nom de plume of David Siglar, a fact he did not hide. During his appeal before the consulting committee, the RCMP presented as evidence activities of someone unknown to Siglar named ‘Segal’, a common name among Jews. Siglar had no idea about whom or what the RCMP was talking not knowing the ‘Segal’ in question, but he did plead guilty to having known several people named ‘Segal’.

The case of Charles Murray, organizer for a fishermen’s union in Lockeport, Nova Scotia, a union affiliated with the Canadian Seamen’s Union, provided another example of how union activities might lead to internment. On June 15, 1940, Nova Scotia’s labour minister, L. D. Currie, sent a letter to Murray stating that:

…You are a communist and as such, deserve to be treated in the same manner as I would be treated if I endeavoured to carry on in Russia as you are doing in Nova Scotia. I warn you now to desist from your efforts to create industrial trouble, and I warn you too that your conduct will from now on be carefully watched and examined, and if I find out that you do not quit this sort of business, then it will be most certainly the worst for you. I am giving you this final word of warning. My advice to you is to get out of Lockeport and stay out…

A few days later, Murray was interned in Petawawa.

Other union leaders received similar fates to those of the leaders of the Canadian Seamen’s Union. Fred Collins had led a successful strike against furniture manufacturers in Stratford, Ontario. James Murphy was the leader of the Technical Employees Association of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, and was arrested in the middle of negotiations. Orton Wade was negotiating with meat packing companies in Winnipeg when he was arrested. Bruce Magnuson was a union leader from Port Arthur, where he was local president of the Union of Lumber and Sawmill Workers. Unfortunately, his  federal MP was none other than C. D. Howe. In August, 1940, Howe responded to one of Magnuson’s colleagues complaining about the internment of Magnuson.

For very obvious reasons, the normal course of the law must be supplemented by special powers. Otherwise, the effort of the government to suppress fifth-column activities would be of no avail. The now tragic account of fifth-column activities in Norway, the Netherlands, Belgium, and France is ample proof of the inadequacy of the ordinary peacetime machinery of the law in  controlling subversive elements… Persons who are considered to be friendly towards Canada’s enemies, or who in any way interfere with Canada’s war effort, are recommended for internment on the strength of evidence assembled by the Force (RCMP).

The motive given for Magnuson’s internment was his membership in the Party, but after the Party began supporting the war effort, Howe wrote to Magnuson in October, 1941: 

… do you think that the ends of justice would be served by your release merely because circumstances have caused a change of front by the Communist Party? You were interned because you were out of sympathy with Canada’s war effort, and because you were an active member of an organization which sought to impede that effort.

The case of Clarence Jackson also demonstrated the long arm of Howe. On June 11, 1941, Howe wrote to Justice minister Lapointe, demanding that Jackson be arrested. 

Please permit me to call your attention to the activities of one C. S. Jackson, who is undoubtedly one of the most active trouble makers and labour racketeers in Canada today. Jackson has been expelled from the Canadian Congress of Labour as a Communist. He has  been responsible for strikes at the R.C.A. Victor plant, the Canadian General Electric plant, and he is now boring in to the Canadian Westinghouse plant at Hamilton. The Westinghouse plant is the most important war manufacturer in Canada, having contracts for anti-aircraft guns, naval equipment, and a wide variety of electrical work important to our production. A strike at Westinghouse would directly stop many branches of our munitions programme. I cannot think why Canada spends large sums for protection against sabotage and permits Jackson to carry on his subversive activities. No group of saboteurs could possibly effect the damage that this man is causing. I feel sure that this is a matter for prompt police action. I suggest that responsible labour leaders can supply any information that you may require on which to base police action.

There is evidence, furthermore, according to the biographer of Jackson, that the Canadian Congress of Labour was complicit in the internment of Jackson. Jackson was arrested on June 23, 1941, but was released from Hull six months later owing to pressure by the American section of his union. 

Others were interned for strange reasons. Rodolphe Majeau, a member of the Canadian Seamen’s Union, was interned for having aided Communist candidate Évariste Dubé during the federal election of 1940, when the Party was still legal, an example of a retroactive charge. Scott McLean, a Cape Breton millwright was interned because of dynamite he had in his possession when arrested, dynamite he was using to explode rocks and a manure pile on his farm. John Prossack, from Winnipeg, an elderly Ukrainian  charged with membership in the Party, was not in the least involved in politics. Prossack believed that he was interned owing to a bad relationship with his former son-in-law, a paid police informer. Muni Taub, a Montreal tailor left the Party at the end of 1939,  one of the many Europeans disgusted at the Hitler-Stalin pact. Nevertheless, motives given for Taub’s internment included his writing for a leftist, Jewish newspaper; his  membership in the banned Canadian Labour Defence League, and most of all, Taub’s challenge of the constitutionality of Duplessis’ Padlock Law during the 1930s."

- Michael Martin, The Red Patch: Political Imprisonment in Hull, Quebec during World War 2. Self-published, 2007. p. 124-131

[an-android-in-a-tutu]

I was in Canadian Tire today looking wistfully at welding accessories and a big dude in camo pants walked up to look at power tools and he was accompanied by the faint but unmistakeable sound of alex jones' voice but I could not determine where it was coming from. Like I have to assume it was his phone but was he watching a youtube video? Listening to a podcast? Without headphones? In a public space? Sir we are here to look at expensive power tools and dream of owning them one day, there is No Room in this aisle for bigotry.

[prairietrashdotcom]

air canada would truly be the goofiest airline in the world if their Three Stooges-level of ineptitude didn't constantly leave disabled people in humiliating and painful situations. like how are you losing all these wheelchairs ? are you throwing them out of the plane ? how do any of you still have jobs?

[generalfarttyphoon]

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[catmemey]

all I need to do is spend less money <- said while crying and sobbing

[cherryblossomshadow]

Rather than creating hand-washing rules for restaurant kitchens, we should let restaurateurs decide whether it's economically rational to make us shit ourselves to death. The ones that choose poorly will get bad online reviews and people will "vote with their dollars" for the good restaurants

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Regulation is corruptible, but it need not be corrupt

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Google and Apple and Meta … claim that a bunch of eminently possible things are impossible. Apple claims that it's impossible to have a secure device where you get to decide which software you want to use and where publishers aren't deprive of 30 cents on every dollar you spend. Google says it's impossible to search the web without being comprehensively, nonconsensually spied upon from asshole to appetite. Meta insists that it's impossible to have digital social relationship without having your friendships surveilled and commodified

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We can have nice things … The truth is knowable. Doing stuff is possible. Things don't have to be on fire. (quoted from above)

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Great explanation of how neoliberalism keeps the Overton window small, so the real solutions we need don't become part of the conversation. (comment courtesy of @fr-economics)

Greenwashing set Canada on fire

On September 22, I'm (virtually) presenting at the DIG Festival in Modena, Italy. On September 27, I'll be at Chevalier's Books in Los Angeles with Brian Merchant for a joint launch for my new book The Internet Con and his new book, Blood in the Machine.

As a teenager growing up in Ontario, I always envied the kids who spent their summers tree planting; they'd come back from the bush in September, insect-chewed and leathery, with new muscle, incredible stories, thousands of dollars, and a glow imparted by the knowledge that they'd made a new forest with their own blistered hands.

I was too unathletic to follow them into the bush, but I spent my summers doing my bit, ringing doorbells for Greenpeace to get my neighbours fired up about the Canadian pulp-and-paper industry, which wasn't merely clear-cutting our old-growth forests – it was also poisoning the Great Lakes system with PCBs, threatening us all.

At the time, I thought of tree-planting as a small victory – sure, our homegrown, rapacious, extractive industry was able to pollute with impunity, but at least the government had reined them in on forests, forcing them to pay my pals to spend their summers replacing the forests they'd fed into their mills.

I was wrong. Last summer's Canadian wildfires blanketed the whole east coast and midwest in choking smoke as millions of trees burned and millions of tons of CO2 were sent into the atmosphere. Those wildfires weren't just an effect of the climate emergency: they were made far worse by all those trees planted by my pals in the eighties and nineties.

Writing in the New York Times, novelist Claire Cameron describes her own teen years working in the bush, planting row after row of black spruces, precisely spaced at six-foot intervals:

https://www.nytimes.com/2023/09/15/opinion/wildfires-treeplanting-timebomb.html

Cameron's summer job was funded by the logging industry, whose self-pegulated, self-assigned "penalty" for clearcutting diverse forests of spruce, pine and aspen was to pay teenagers to create a tree farm, at nine cents per sapling (minus camp costs).

Black spruces are made to burn, filled with flammable sap and equipped with resin-filled cones that rely on fire, only opening and dropping seeds when they're heated. They're so flammable that firefighters call them "gas on a stick."

Cameron and her friends planted under brutal conditions: working long hours in blowlamp heat and dripping wet bulb humidity, amidst clouds of stinging insects, fingers blistered and muscles aching. But when they hit rock bottom and were ready to quit, they'd encourage one another with a rallying cry: "Let's go make a forest!"

Planting neat rows of black spruces was great for the logging industry: the even spacing guaranteed that when the trees matured, they could be easily reaped, with ample space between each near-identical tree for massive shears to operate. But that same monocropped, evenly spaced "forest" was also optimized to burn.

It burned.

The climate emergency's frequent droughts turn black spruces into "something closer to a blowtorch." The "pines in lines" approach to reforesting was an act of sabotage, not remediation. Black spruces are thirsty, and they absorb the water that moss needs to thrive, producing "kindling in the place of fire retardant."

Cameron's column concludes with this heartbreaking line: "Now when I think of that summer, I don’t think that I was planting trees at all. I was planting thousands of blowtorches a day."

The logging industry committed a triple crime. First, they stole our old-growth forests. Next, they (literally) planted a time-bomb across Ontario's north. Finally, they stole the idealism of people who genuinely cared about the environment. They taught a generation that resistance is futile, that anything you do to make a better future is a scam, and you're a sucker for falling for it. They planted nihilism with every tree.

That scam never ended. Today, we're sold carbon offsets, a modern Papal indulgence. We are told that if we pay the finance sector, they can absolve us for our climate sins. Carbon offsets are a scam, a market for lemons. The "offset" you buy might be a generated by a fake charity like the Nature Conservancy, who use well-intentioned donations to buy up wildlife reserves that can't be logged, which are then converted into carbon credits by promising not to log them:

https://pluralistic.net/2020/12/12/fairy-use-tale/#greenwashing

The credit-card company that promises to plant trees every time you use your card? They combine false promises, deceptive advertising, and legal threats against critics to convince you that you're saving the planet by shopping:

https://pluralistic.net/2021/11/17/do-well-do-good-do-nothing/#greenwashing

The carbon offset world is full of scams. The carbon offset that made the thing you bought into a "net zero" product? It might be a forest that already burned:

https://pluralistic.net/2022/03/11/a-market-for-flaming-lemons/#money-for-nothing

The only reason we have carbon offsets is that market cultists have spent forty years convincing us that actual regulation is impossible. In the neoliberal learned helplessness mind-palace, there's no way to simply say, "You may not log old-growth forests." Rather, we have to say, "We will 'align your incentives' by making you replace those forests."

The Climate Ad Project's "Murder Offsets" video deftly punctures this bubble. In it, a detective points his finger at the man who committed the locked-room murder in the isolated mansion. The murderer cheerfully admits that he did it, but produces a "murder offset," which allowed him to pay someone else not to commit a murder, using market-based price-discovery mechanisms to put a dollar-figure on the true worth of a murder, which he duly paid, making his kill absolutely fine:

https://pluralistic.net/2021/04/14/for-sale-green-indulgences/#killer-analogy

What's the alternative to murder offsets/carbon credits? We could ask our expert regulators to decide which carbon intensive activities are necessary and which ones aren't, and ban the unnecessary ones. We could ask those regulators to devise remediation programs that actually work. After all, there are plenty of forests that have already been clearcut, plenty that have burned. It would be nice to know how we can plant new forests there that aren't "thousands of blowtorches."

If that sounds implausible to you, then you've gotten trapped in the neoliberal mind-palace.

The term "regulatory capture" was popularized by far-right Chicago School economists who were promoting "public choice theory." In their telling, regulatory capture is inevitable, because companies will spend whatever it takes to get the government to pass laws making what they do legal, and making competing with them into a crime:

https://pluralistic.net/2022/06/13/public-choice/#ajit-pai-still-terrible

This is true, as far as it goes. Capitalists hate capitalism, and if an "entrepreneur" can make it illegal to compete with him, he will. But while this is a reasonable starting-point, the place that Public Choice Theory weirdos get to next is bonkers. They say that since corporations will always seek to capture their regulators, we should abolish regulators.

They say that it's impossible for good regulations to exist, and therefore the only regulation that is even possible is to let businesses do whatever they want and wait for the invisible hand to sweep away the bad companies. Rather than creating hand-washing rules for restaurant kitchens, we should let restaurateurs decide whether it's economically rational to make us shit ourselves to death. The ones that choose poorly will get bad online reviews and people will "vote with their dollars" for the good restaurants.

And if the online review site decides to sell "reputation management" to restaurants that get bad reviews? Well, soon the public will learn that the review site can't be trusted and they'll take their business elsewhere. No regulation needed! Unleash the innovators! Set the job-creators free!

This is the Ur-nihilism from which all the other nihilism springs. It contends that the regulations we have – the ones that keep our buildings from falling down on our heads, that keep our groceries from poisoning us, that keep our cars from exploding on impact – are either illusory, or perhaps the forgotten art of a lost civilization. Making good regulations is like embalming Pharaohs, something the ancients practiced in mist-shrouded, unrecoverable antiquity – and that may not have happened at all.

Regulation is corruptible, but it need not be corrupt. Regulation, like science, is a process of neutrally adjudicated, adversarial peer-review. In a robust regulatory process, multiple parties respond to a fact-intensive question – "what alloys and other properties make a reinforced steel joist structurally sound?" – with a mix of robust evidence and self-serving bullshit and then proceed to sort the two by pantsing each other, pointing out one another's lies.

The regulator, an independent expert with no conflicts of interest, sorts through the claims and counterclaims and makes a rule, showing their workings and leaving the door open to revisiting the rule based on new evidence or challenges to the evidence presented.

But when an industry becomes concentrated, it becomes unregulatable. 100 small and medium-sized companies will squabble. They'll struggle to come up with a common lie. There will always be defectors in their midst. Their conduct will be legible to external experts, who will be able to spot the self-serving BS.

But let that industry dwindle to a handful of giant companies, let them shrink to a number that will fit around a boardroom table, and they will sit down at a table and agree on a cozy arrangement that fucks us all over to their benefit. They will become so inbred that the only people who understand how they work will be their own insiders, and so top regulators will be drawn from their own number and be hopelessly conflicted.

When the corporate sector takes over, regulatory capture is inevitable. But corporate takeover isn't inevitable. We can – and have, and will again – fight corporate power, with antitrust law, with unions, and with consumer rights groups. Knowing things is possible. It simply requires that we keep the entities that profit by our confusion poor and thus weak.

The thing is, corporations don't always lie about regulations. Take the fight over working encryption, which – once again – the UK government is trying to ban:

https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2023/feb/24/signal-app-warns-it-will-quit-uk-if-law-weakens-end-to-end-encryption

Advocates for criminalising working encryption insist that the claims that this is impossible are the same kind of self-serving nonsense as claims that banning clearcutting of old-growth forests is impossible:

https://twitter.com/JimBethell/status/1699339739042599276

They say that when technologists say, "We can't make an encryption system that keeps bad guys out but lets good guys in," that they are being lazy and unimaginative. "I have faith in you geeks," they said. "Go nerd harder! You'll figure it out."

Google and Apple and Meta say that selectively breakable encryption is impossible. But they also claim that a bunch of eminently possible things are impossible. Apple claims that it's impossible to have a secure device where you get to decide which software you want to use and where publishers aren't deprive of 30 cents on every dollar you spend. Google says it's impossible to search the web without being comprehensively, nonconsensually spied upon from asshole to appetite. Meta insists that it's impossible to have digital social relationship without having your friendships surveilled and commodified.

While they're not lying about encryption, they are lying about these other things, and sorting out the lies from the truth is the job of regulators, but that job is nearly impossible thanks to the fact that everyone who runs a large online service tells the same lies – and the regulators themselves are alumni of the industry's upper eschelons.

Logging companies know a lot about forests. When we ask, "What is the best way to remediate our forests," the companies may well have useful things to say. But those useful things will be mixed with actively harmful lies. The carefully cultivated incompetence of our regulators means that they can't tell the difference.

Conspiratorialism is characterized as a problem of what people believe, but the true roots of conspiracy belief isn't what we believe, it's how we decide what to believe. It's not beliefs, it's epistemology.

Because most of us aren't qualified to sort good reforesting programs from bad ones. And even if we are, we're probably not also well-versed enough in cryptography to sort credible claims about encryption from wishful thinking. And even if we're capable of making that determination, we're not experts in food hygiene or structural engineering.

Daily life in the 21st century means resolving a thousand life-or-death technical questions every day. Our regulators – corrupted by literally out-of-control corporations – are no longer reliable sources of ground truth on these questions. The resulting epistemological chaos is a cancer that gnaws away at our resolve to do anything about it. It is a festering pool where nihilism outbreaks are incubated.

The liberal response to conspiratorialism is mockery. In her new book Doppelganger, Naomi Klein tells of how right-wing surveillance fearmongering about QR-code "vaccine passports" was dismissed with a glib, "Wait until they hear about cellphones!"

https://pluralistic.net/2023/09/05/not-that-naomi/#if-the-naomi-be-klein-youre-doing-just-fine

But as Klein points out, it's not good that our cellphones invade our privacy in the way that right-wing conspiracists thought that vaccine passports might. The nihilism of liberalism – which insists that things can't be changed except through market "solutions" – leads us to despair.

By contrast, leftism – a muscular belief in democratic, publicly run planning and action – offers a tonic to nihilism. We don't have to let logging companies decide whether a forest can be cut, or what should be planted when it is. We can have nice things. The art of finding out what's true or prudent didn't die with the Reagan Revolution (or the discount Canadian version, the Mulroney Malaise). The truth is knowable. Doing stuff is possible. Things don't have to be on fire.

If you'd like an essay-formatted version of this post to read or share, here's a link to it on pluralistic.net, my surveillance-free, ad-free, tracker-free blog:

https://pluralistic.net/2023/09/16/murder-offsets/#pulped-and-papered

[itsrockinronnie]

Regulator #1 by Arthur Pequegnat

One clock that holds a special meaning and one that I would like to add to my collection someday is the Arthur Pequegnat Regulator #1, a single-weight eight-day clock. This clock is truly a rare find, though the prices I’ve encountered thus far are a bit steep for my budget. Arthur Pequegnat Regulator #1, photo taken at The Canadian Clock Museum in Deep River Ontario, Canada The Arthur…

[if-you-fan-a-fire]

"Charivari comprises a cross-cultural range of originally European practices, symbolic means, and purposes. At their most extreme, charivaris approach or even achieve riot status; when benign they are simply playful gatherings. They include noisemaking, house visiting – usually unexpected and late at night – and often pranks. Most are associated with weddings – demonstrating approval of matches the community deemed suitable, or the converse, showing or stirring up disapproval of old/old, old/young, interracial, or inter-religious ones. Still others provide overt negative commentary on individuals’ behaviour, particularly in the political and sexual realms (see Alford 1959; Amussen 1985; Atwood 1964; Burke 1978; Davis 1975, 1984; Desplat 1982; DeVoto 1947; Dobash and Dobash 1981, 1992; Dufresne 2000; Greer 1993; Ingram 1984, 1985; Jones 1990; Kent 1983; Le Goff and Schmitt 1981; Pettitt 1999; Rey-Flaud 1985; Thompson 1992, 1993; Underdown 1985, 1987; Ziff 2002).

There has long been a range of wedding-associated practices usually gathered by academics under the heading of charivari (LeGoff and Schmidt 1981). In English Canada, charivaris were probably historically associated most often with heterosexual marriages considered in some way problematic by the communities in which they took place. In that form, charivari can be understood as an extra-legal mode of social control, ‘to publicly ridicule an object of communal scorn’ (Gilje 1996, 47). Historian Natalie Zemon Davis argues, ‘At best, a charivari in its boisterous mixture of playfulness and cruelty tries to set things right in a community’ (1984, 42). According to sociologists Russell P. Dobash and R. Emerson Dobash in their discussion of historic charivaris, ‘Public shamings were attempts to make unspeakable community grievances and private disputes into matters of community concern’ (1981, 565). At their worst, charivaris were a kind of local terrorism – directed to specifically punish a wrongdoer, but also making an example for the rest of the community to show what would happen if they were to do likewise – culminating, particularly in the case of interracial marriages, in murder (e.g., Moodie 1997; Roberts 2002). However, even negative charivaris by no means always led to bad outcomes; usually the recipients simply paid the charivariers to go away, because ‘accepting to make the payment demanded by the crowd brought charivaris and community disapproval to an end’ (Noël 2003, 61).

Canadian historian Bryan Palmer notes, ‘In nineteenth-century Upper Canada … the charivari was often a force undermining social authority, resolutely opposed by magistrate and police’ (1978, 24–5). Specifically, for example, ‘Three Kingston, Upper Canada, charivaris of the mid-1830s, all directed against remarriage, forced the hand of the local authorities, one leading to two arrests, another necessitating the calling into action of the Summary Punishment Act, the third leading to the creation of a special force of constables, 40 strong, to enforce the peace’ (ibid., 26). Just because it opposed formal legal structures, however, does not mean that charivari was not in its own way a quasi-legal form – enforcing good behaviour by negative example (this is what happens when you step outside the bounds of community morality) as well as punishing specific culprits. Well into the twentieth century, charivaris certainly provided a context for both criminal and civil charges. The combination of guns (used as noisemakers) and alcohol (lubricating the participants) made bodily harm and even homicide a rare but nevertheless predictable outcome. Recipients of charivaris sometimes brought trespass charges, and other illegal acts such as disturbing the peace and public drunkenness also occasioned court cases.

The significance of the quête manifests the charivari’s quasi-legal form. Reciprocity and mutual obligation were significant in working-class culture in the nineteenth century, as evidenced by the practice of the tavern ‘treat’:

Commensurate with early tavern culture was the practice of treating or the buying of rounds of liquor for all men present. Those on the receiving end were obliged to drink and to reciprocate at a later date, and those treating others were obligated by expenditure. Such obligatory expressions of manhood and economic exchange exhibited character and reputation that invoked a certain fraternity among drinking men’ (Wamsley and Kossuth 2000, 417).

[A] 1881 Ottawa charivari ... shows that the wedding of two older people (including the further problematic aspects of differing ages, widow- and widowerhood of the parties, and divorce) called for a payment in recompense to young men. That payment was also clearly part of the culture of reciprocity among those young men themselves, as the first set of charivariers went to a tavern to drink together. In some ways, the charivari treat money was a fine paid by the couple for their contravention of expectation. As Allan Greer argues, ‘More was involved than a simple clearing of the air; charivari was also … a punitive procedure. Victims were punished through both humiliation and monetary extraction’ (1993, 77). That fine, however, needed to be redistributed in a specific way, just as legal fines are paid to the court, not to a wronged individual.

But the notion of reciprocity and sharing of wealth is equally significant in rural cultures, as the examples of early- to mid-twentieth century western Canadian charivaris show. Individuals and communities survived the rigours of farming, economic depression, and wartime (among many others) primarily by working together, and the reciprocity of the treat echoed and cemented the relations involved. However, as the charivari changed from disapproval to a more positive statement, the quête as a collection of money – mere exchange value – was replaced by a treat in the form of specific commodities marking special occasions, such as alcohol, candy, and cigarettes, or, alternatively, as a full-blown party with sociability as well as consumption. Crucially, though it did not involve money, and sometimes not even the sharing of alcohol (though in the alternative, ritual tea and coffee would be served) that often marks a social occasion, this part of the charivari was frequently still called a ‘treat.’ The common nomenclature of charivari/shivaree is not surprising, however, especially considering that it retained the form of a special kind of sharing and reciprocity among community members.

The culture of the rural ‘good sport’ underlines these ideas of redistribution. Good sports are quintessential community participants, who endure hardships together but who also celebrate together. The quality of being able to take a joke, to laugh at oneself as well as at others, extensively comprises the male bonding experience of rural western Canadian good sports (Taft 1997). The development of solidarity means that no one must be consistently elevated or, conversely, debased. This notion of equality persists across the contemporary charivari. Reciprocity employs the notion that no individual should be markedly wealthier than another; similarly, no individual should be ritually raised above others – as happens during a wedding, when the bride and groom are the centre of attention – without experiencing some parallel ritual debasement (often seen in sexualized humiliation in charivari tricks).

The links between the earlier (disapproval) and later (approval) charivari are underlined further by the fact that just because a charivari was intended as a celebration of the wedding did not necessarily preclude damage or harm. Often such events came to the attention of the authorities because of problems that arose. According to folklorist Monica Morrison, who studied New Brunswick serenades:

General questioning also brought [this] response, especially from women. “I don’t like that kind of thing, it can go too far,” followed by a sort of cautionary tale … “This guy he was drunk and he put a fire extinguisher – a fire hose – he put the stuff in it in the groom’s drink … And he drank it and that poor guy was unconscious for two days … and that guy his kidneys were shot and they had to take them out and he died within a week. And that guy who did it, he didn’t know that the chemical was poison, he probably thought it was just water. But that’s where that sort of thing goes’ (1974, 295).

- Pauline Greenhill, Make the Night Hideous: Four English-Canadian Charivaris, 1881–1940. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010. p. 17-19

[arora297consultancy]

Ensuring Food Safety Through the Safe Food for Canadians License Regulations

In today's world, food safety is a paramount concern for governments, businesses, and consumers alike. In Canada, ensuring the safety of food products is a top priority, and this responsibility falls under the purview of the Safe Food for Canadians License Regulations. This comprehensive regulatory framework governs all aspects of food safety, from Food License Registration to Food Safety Canada, Food Safety Certificate Canada, and more.

The Safe Food for Canadians License Regulations: An Overview

The Safe Food for Canadians License Regulations is a vital piece of legislation in Canada aimed at safeguarding the nation's food supply. These regulations cover a wide range of areas, ensuring that food and beverage manufacturers, importers, and distributors adhere to stringent food safety standards. Let's delve into some of the key aspects of these regulations and how they contribute to the safety of our food supply.

Food License Registration: To operate a business in the food industry in Canada, you need to obtain a Food License Registration. This license is a critical requirement, and it ensures that businesses are accountable for the quality and safety of the food they produce, distribute, or import. Food License Registration is a clear demonstration of a commitment to food safety.

Food Safety Regulations: The core of the Safe Food for Canadians License Regulations revolves around food safety. These regulations establish safe food handling, processing, and transportation requirements. They encompass everything from the cleanliness of facilities to the safe storage of food products.

Canada Food Labelling: Proper labeling of food products is essential for consumers to make informed choices. The regulations mandate clear and accurate Canada Food Labelling, ensuring that consumers have access to critical information about the products they purchase, including ingredient lists, allergen information, and nutritional content.

Food and Drug Regulations Canada: Food and Drug Regulations Canada is a comprehensive set of rules that govern the safety, efficacy, and quality of food and drug products. These regulations are an integral part of the broader framework of food safety in the country, ensuring that not only food but also pharmaceuticals and medical devices meet stringent standards.

HACCP Process: Hazard Analysis and Critical Control Points (HACCP) is a systematic approach to identifying, evaluating, and controlling food safety hazards. The Safe Food for Canadians License Regulations require food businesses to implement HACCP processes to identify potential risks and take preventive measures to mitigate them. This proactive approach is key to preventing foodborne illnesses and other safety issues.

Food Safety Certificate Canada: A Food Safety Certificate Canada is a mark of compliance with the regulations. It is evidence that a business has met the necessary requirements to ensure food safety, from proper handling to labeling. This certificate not only builds consumer trust but also allows businesses to expand and export their products to international markets.

Food Safety Canada: Food Safety Canada is a collective effort by government agencies, industry stakeholders, and consumers to maintain the highest standards of food safety. The Safe Food for Canadians License Regulations are a cornerstone of these efforts, providing a legal framework for food safety practices across the country.

The Importance of Food Safety Regulations

The significance of robust food safety regulations cannot be overstated. Foodborne illnesses are a real and present danger, and unsafe food can severely affect public health. The Safe Food for Canadians License Regulations play a crucial role in minimizing these risks and ensuring that the food we consume is safe.

For businesses in the food and beverage industry, compliance with these regulations is not just a legal requirement; it's also a matter of responsibility. Failing to adhere to these regulations can result in serious consequences, including fines, business closures, and damage to a company's reputation.

Furthermore, food safety is not limited to domestic concerns. In an increasingly globalized world, food products are frequently traded across borders. To maintain Canada's reputation for safe and high-quality food products, these regulations are essential. They ensure that Canadian food products meet international standards, allowing businesses to access international markets and enhancing the nation's global standing in the food industry.

The Role of Food License Registration

One of the first and most crucial steps for any business in the food industry is obtaining Food License Registration. This process involves submitting an application that outlines the type of food activities the business will engage in, including manufacturing, processing, importing, or exporting. The information provided in the application is critical in determining the appropriate level of oversight and regulation for the business.

Food License Registration is not a one-time process. It requires ongoing compliance with the Safe Food for Canadians License Regulations. This includes maintaining records, providing access to inspectors, and ensuring that facilities and equipment meet established standards. The purpose of these ongoing requirements is to ensure that businesses maintain a consistent commitment to food safety.

Canada Food Labelling and Transparency

Accurate and clear Canada Food Labelling is a fundamental component of food safety regulations. Food labels provide consumers with vital information, allowing them to make informed choices about the products they purchase. This includes ingredient lists, nutritional information, allergen warnings, and safe handling instructions.

Proper labeling also extends to the presentation of food products. Misleading packaging or labeling can not only deceive consumers but can also have serious health consequences. Food safety regulations dictate that labels must be truthful, easy to understand, and properly placed on the product.

Food and Drug Regulations Canada

The Safe Food for Canadians License Regulations is part of a broader regulatory framework that includes the Food and Drug Regulations Canada. These regulations govern not only food but also pharmaceuticals and medical devices. This comprehensive approach reflects Canada's commitment to public health and safety.

The Food and Drug Regulations Canada specify standards for product quality, efficacy, and safety. They provide the foundation for ensuring that food and drug products in Canada are of the highest quality and pose minimal risks to consumers. This comprehensive regulatory approach is crucial for maintaining public trust in the safety and efficacy of products.

HACCP Process for Preventive Control

The HACCP process is a preventive control system that focuses on identifying and mitigating potential food safety hazards. It is a proactive approach that involves identifying critical control points where hazards can be controlled, monitoring these points, and taking corrective action when necessary. This systematic approach is designed to prevent food safety issues before they occur.

Businesses in the food and beverage industry are required to implement HACCP systems as part of their compliance with the Safe Food for Canadians License Regulations. This ensures that they have processes in place to monitor and address potential risks, reducing the likelihood of foodborne illnesses and other safety issues.

Food Safety Certificate Canada: A Mark of Quality

A Food Safety Certificate Canada is a testament to a business's commitment to food safety. It is issued to businesses that have demonstrated compliance with the Safe Food for Canadians License Regulations. This certificate not only enhances consumer trust but also opens doors to international markets.

For businesses looking to export their food products, a Food Safety Certificate Canada is often a requirement for entry into foreign markets. It demonstrates that the products meet rigorous food safety standards, allowing Canadian businesses to compete on the global stage.

The Safe Food for Canadians License Regulations are a comprehensive framework designed to ensure the safety and quality of food products in Canada. From Food License Registration to Food Safety Certificate Canada, these regulations cover all aspects of the food and beverage industry. They provide a foundation for maintaining public trust, expanding into international markets, and, most importantly, safeguarding public health.

Food safety is a shared responsibility, and these regulations provide the necessary structure and guidance for businesses to meet their obligations. By adhering to these regulations, businesses not only ensure their success but also contribute to the overall safety of the Canadian food supply. In a world where food safety is paramount, the Safe Food for Canadians License Regulations stand as a beacon of assurance for both businesses and consumers.

[mgeist]

Why the Government’s Bill C-18 Draft Regulations Are Stacked Against Small, Independent, and Digital-First Media Outlets

The problems with government’s Bill C-18 draft regulations involve more than just what amounts to a 4% link tax on Google and Meta alongside little effort to ensure the resulting revenues are used to support spending on journalists and news content. As noted in previous posts, the draft regulations put an end to the claim that the Online News Act involves compensation for news creation since the…

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[cannabisbusinessexecutive]

Schrödinger’s Lozenge: Is a lozenge an edible, or an extract? In Canada, the answer depends on if it’s a cannabis product.

In January 2023, Health Canada, the federal authority overseeing the sale of medical and adult-use cannabis in Canada, began issuing stop-sale letters to licensed producers manufacturing “edible extracts,” mostly lozenges and dissolvable gummies. These products, producers held, were classified as extracts rather than edibles because they were intended for sublingual absorption and their…

[ciaai]

Informational Institution

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The Canadian Institute of Animal-Assisted Interventions is a comprehensive and lively source of information on Animal-Assisted Interventions in Canada and around the world.

Our mission is to educate and inform about Animal-Assisted Interventions (AAI) and present its most innovative and original programs in Canada and worldwide. We welcome practitioners of AAI, animal lovers and people who are just curious.

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Animal-assisted interventions are goal-oriented and structured interventions that intentionally incorporate animals in health, education and human service for the purpose of therapeutic gains and improved health and wellness.

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