#BJP Leadership

[jasminewilson143]

BJP Begins Process to Elect New Party President with Appointment of National Returning Officer

BJP Begins Process to Elect New Party President with Appointment of National Returning Officer The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has officially initiated the process of electing its new party president by appointing K Laxman as the national returning officer. This appointment marks the beginning of a critical phase for the party’s organizational elections, leading up to the selection of a new…

[townpostin]

Discontent Grows in Jamshedpur BJP Over Leadership Issues

Senior BJP members in Jamshedpur oppose district president’s unilateral decisions. Key Points: – BJP leaders meet Shivraj Singh Chouhan over district leadership issues. – Allegations of senior leaders being sidelined in decision-making. – Chouhan promises to address concerns after discussions with all parties. JAMSHEDPUR – The ongoing disputes within the Jamshedpur BJP Metropolitan unit have…

[phoenixx-news]

Amitbhai Anilchandra Shah (Amit Shah) – A Biography

Early Life and Education

Amitbhai Anilchandra Shah, born on October 22, 1964, in Mumbai to Mrs. Kusum Ben and Mr. Anilchandra Shah, hails from a family with deep roots in Gujarat. His grandfather was a prosperous merchant (Nagar Seth) in Mansa, a small princely state of the Baroda State of Gaikwad. Shah spent his early years in Mansa, where he received his primary education. His upbringing was steeped in the ‘Indian Value Tradition,’ under the guidance of eminent scholars from the Gaikwad State, focusing on Indian scriptures, historical texts, grammar, and epics.

Influences and Early Political Engagement

After completing his primary education, Shah’s family relocated to Ahmedabad. Influenced by his mother, an ardent Gandhian, Shah embraced the simplicity of Khadi. His fascination with the biographies of patriots and the writings of K.M. Munshi deeply influenced his young mind.

At the age of 13, during the 1977 general elections amidst the Emergency period, Shah actively participated in the campaign, supporting Maniben Patel, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel’s daughter, who contested from the Mehsana Lok Sabha seat as a Jana Sangh candidate.

Early Political Career

Shah’s formal political journey began at 16 when he joined the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) as a young Swayamsevak in 1980. By 1982, he was the joint secretary of the Gujarat unit of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) and worked as a polling agent for the BJP in 1984. He joined the BJP Yuva Morcha in 1987 and became involved with the Deendayal Research Institute, serving as its treasurer for eight years. This period allowed him to learn from the social reformer Nanaji Deshmukh.

Rise in the BJP

In 1989, Shah became the BJP secretary of Ahmedabad, playing a pivotal role during the Ram Janmabhoomi movement and the Ekta Yatra. He managed election campaigns for senior leaders like L.K. Advani and Atal Bihari Vajpayee in Gandhinagar until 2009. Shah’s association with Narendra Modi began in the 1990s when Modi was the BJP’s Organization Secretary in Gujarat. Shah’s business acumen helped him significantly when he became the chairman of the Gujarat Pradesh Finance Corporation in 1995, turning around the corporation’s financial health.

Political Achievements in Gujarat

Shah was appointed the National Treasurer of the BJP’s Yuva Morcha in 1997 and won the Sarkhej assembly by-election by a margin of 25,000 votes. He continuously won assembly elections until 2012, with increasing margins each time. As an MLA, Shah facilitated numerous development projects and became the state secretary of Gujarat BJP in 1998, and state vice-president within a year.

Leadership in Cooperative Sector and Further Political Roles

At 36, Shah became the youngest chairman of the Ahmedabad District Co-operative Bank (ADCB) in 2000, transforming its financial status. He was appointed as the convener of the BJP’s National Cooperative Cell in 2001. He played a crucial role in the 2002 Gujarat assembly elections under Narendra Modi’s leadership and served as a minister in the Gujarat government, holding key portfolios like Home, Traffic, Prohibition, Parliamentary Affairs, Law, and Excise.

National Politics and BJP Presidency

In 2013, Shah became the BJP’s National General Secretary. During the 2014 elections, he was pivotal in the BJP’s success in Uttar Pradesh, securing 73 seats. On July 9, 2014, Shah became the BJP National President. Under his leadership, the BJP expanded its organizational base and achieved significant electoral successes, forming governments in states like Assam, Tripura, Manipur, Haryana, and Maharashtra. He was re-elected as the national president in 2016 and became a trustee of the Somnath Temple Trust the same year.

Ministerial Roles and Legislative Achievements

In 2017, Shah was elected to the Rajya Sabha from Gujarat and continued to strengthen the party’s presence across India. He contested the 2019 Lok Sabha elections from Gandhinagar, winning by a significant margin. Appointed as the Home Minister in 2019, Shah played a crucial role in major legislative changes, including the abrogation of Article 370 and the enactment of the Citizenship Amendment Act.

Contributions to Security and Disaster Management

Shah has been instrumental in resolving long-standing issues in Kashmir and the northeastern states, implementing a zero-tolerance policy against Left-Wing Extremism, and improving disaster management protocols. His efforts have bolstered internal security and the National Disaster Response Force’s (NDRF) effectiveness.

Ministry of Cooperation and Personal Life

In 2021, Shah was appointed as the Minister of Cooperation, focusing on revitalizing the cooperative movement. Despite his busy political career, Shah enjoys various cuisines, old films, and chess. He has not traveled abroad since 2006, maintaining a disciplined and spiritual lifestyle.

Amitbhai Anilchandra Shah’s journey from a young activist to one of India’s most influential politicians is marked by strategic acumen, dedication to public service, and a deep commitment to the nation’s security and development.

[newspatron]

Lok Sabha Elections: The Verdict

Thank you for following our Lok Sabha Elections series. Your engagement has made this analysis a meaningful dialogue. Stay tuned for more insightful content on newspatron.

Unravelling the Election Saga Welcome to the concluding chapter of our insightful journey through the Lok Sabha Election Results Analysis of 2024. As we’ve navigated through the intricate narratives of political strategies and voter tides in our previous four parts, we now stitch together the final threads of this election’s story. Lok Sabha Elections: The VerdictUnravelling the Election…

[currentmediasstuff]

Tamil Nadu BJP Chief Annamalai Plans UK Fellowship Sabbatical

In a surprising move, Tamil Nadu BJP chief K Annamalai is set to take a three-month sabbatical to the UK for a fellowship programme, following the party’s recent electoral setback in the Lok Sabha elections. Despite not winning any seats, Annamalai’s decision to pursue the Chevening Gurukul Fellowship for Leadership and Excellence at the University of Oxford was reportedly made well before the election results were announced.

Fellowship Details and Annamalai’s Intentions

The prestigious Chevening Gurukul Fellowship is designed for young leaders and mid-career professionals with notable leadership potential. Running from mid-September to December, the fellowship offers an opportunity for participants to hone their leadership skills and gain international exposure. According to BJP sources, Annamalai had planned this sabbatical in advance and has approached the party high command for permission to accept the fellowship.

Annamalai’s Leadership and Electoral Campaign

Annamalai, an IPS officer-turned-politician, led a vigorous Lok Sabha campaign in Tamil Nadu with the backing of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and other senior BJP leaders. Although the party didn’t secure any seats, Annamalai’s efforts have been credited with laying a strong foundation for the BJP in the state. In 12 out of Tamil Nadu’s 39 Lok Sabha seats, the BJP-led NDA finished second, outperforming the AIADMK.

Reaction from Party Leaders

Party insiders stress that Annamalai’s sabbatical should not be seen as a consequence of the election results. Instead, it is viewed as a personal decision to recharge after an intense campaign and statewide foot-march, ‘Enn Mann, Enn Makkal’. “Annamalai wants to be different from the typical politician who spends all day in politics. He believes this break will be beneficial in the long run,” said an aide.

Internal Party Dynamics

Despite the sabbatical, Annamalai remains a crucial figure within the Tamil Nadu BJP. Some party leaders acknowledge his dissatisfaction with the lack of cooperation from senior members and the support for contesting the 2026 Assembly polls in alliance, which contrasts with Annamalai’s preference for the BJP to contest alone. His outspoken criticism of AIADMK leader and former Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa also contributed to the AIADMK breaking ties with the BJP ahead of the Lok Sabha elections.

Looking Ahead

Annamalai’s application for the Chevening Gurukul Fellowship, which included an interview in Delhi in May, underscores his commitment to personal and professional growth. As he prepares for his fellowship at the University of Oxford, the Tamil Nadu BJP chief aims to return recharged and ready to lead his party with renewed vigor.

[manoj2992]

जनता के वोट का धंधा: नेताओं की सत्ता की प्यास?

[expo-newz]

The BJP's Strategy Behind the 'Great Congress Exodus' in Madhya Pradesh

In recent months, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has claimed a significant surge in the number of Congress leaders and workers defecting to its ranks in Madhya Pradesh. Former Bhopal corporator Sanjay Varma, now a dedicated BJP member, finds himself in a unique position, actively engaging with Congress workers to facilitate their transition to the BJP fold.

Under the stewardship of former state Home Minister Narottam Mishra, a committee has been diligently overseeing the induction of Congress members into the BJP. According to their data, over 16,000 Congress leaders and workers, along with a few from other parties, have joined the BJP since March 21. This surge is strategically timed ahead of the upcoming elections, with the BJP eyeing victory in all 29 Lok Sabha constituencies in Madhya Pradesh.

However, the Congress disputes these claims, asserting that the actual number of defections is much lower. Regardless, it’s evident that the BJP’s primary focus in Madhya Pradesh is to dismantle the Congress organizationally, aiming for a sweeping victory in the upcoming elections.

The BJP’s recruitment drive has seen notable figures from the Congress, including former Union Ministers and MLAs, crossing over to the ruling party. The emphasis has been on attracting booth-level workers, with plans to decentralize the joining committee down to the booth level. This strategic move aims to further weaken the Congress’s grassroots support base.

The exodus from the Congress is particularly pronounced in districts where the BJP has historically been dominant. Dissatisfaction with the Congress leadership, coupled with promises of better prospects in the BJP, has driven many to switch allegiances. Criticisms of the current state Congress president Jitu Patwari’s leadership style and lack of vision have also contributed to the defections.

In response, the Congress frames these departures as a “purification campaign,” asserting that true party members remain steadfast. However, the BJP sees this influx of former Congress members as an opportunity to strengthen its position and consolidate power in Madhya Pradesh.

As the political landscape continues to evolve in Madhya Pradesh, the ‘great Congress exodus’ orchestrated by the BJP reflects the complex dynamics of power and influence shaping the region’s political future.

[digikhabarind]

Who is the most popular politician in India after PM Modi?

Rahul Gandhi, as a prominent leader of the Indian National Congress party and a member of the Nehru-Gandhi family, does indeed hold significant political influence. After Prime Minister Modi, Rahul Gandhi is considered popular among many. However, opinions on his popularity can vary depending on different factors such as political affiliations, regions, and demographics. Other politicians like Mamata Banerjee, Arvind Kejriwal, and several others also have significant popularity and influence in Indian politics

[jobaaj]

Explore the powerful speeches of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, a charismatic leader and poet, whose words ignited patriotism and hope in rural India. Reflect on his impactful speeches on no-confidence, party pride, corruption, and nuclear tests, leaving a lasting legacy. Pay tribute to this unforgettable personality who inspired generations.

🔗 For more details, click here: https://lnkd.in/dn-ZkDXf

[npskudlu]

Get ready to put your knowledge of Indian history to the test with this exciting quiz!

Here's a hint for the answer to the quiz question: This person played a crucial role in the unification of India and is remembered as a great statesman and leader.

Good luck guessing! 

[townpostin]

Deepak Prakash Appointed BJP Whip in Rajya Sabha

Former state president takes on dual roles, including co-in-charge of Bihar BJP. Deepak Prakash, BJP Rajya Sabha MP and former state president, has been appointed as the BJP Whip in the Rajya Sabha. RANCHI – Deepak Prakash, a Member of Parliament in the Rajya Sabha from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and former state president, has been given the responsibility of being the BJP Whip in the…

[newspatron]

Vinod Tawde: BJP's Rising Star - 5 Key Insights

What are your thoughts on Vinod Tawde's political journey? Share your insights and join the conversation below!

Vinod Tawde: The BJP’s Rising Star – A Deep Dive into His Political Ascent Discover the captivating story of the meteoric rise of Vinod Tawde within the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) and his potential impact on Indian politics. This in-depth profile reveals the strategies and alliances that have shaped his career, from his early days as a grassroots organizer to his current position as a key…

[colonelrajyavardhanrathore]

Col Rajyavardhan Rathore Calls for Congress to Clarify Its Stand on Article 370

The political landscape of India is often shaped by powerful discussions that touch upon sensitive and pivotal issues. One such issue that has remained in the national spotlight is Article 370 of the Indian Constitution — a provision that grants special status to the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Recently, Col Rajyavardhan Rathore, the Member of Parliament and prominent leader from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), called on the Congress Party to clarify its position on Article 370. Rathore’s statement has sparked a wave of political debates and discussions across the country.

Understanding Article 370: A Historical Context

Article 370 was originally included in the Indian Constitution to provide special autonomy to the state of Jammu and Kashmir. The provision, drafted in 1949, gave the state a certain degree of independence in its governance. It allowed Jammu and Kashmir to have its own Constitution and significant powers to make laws on most matters except defense, foreign affairs, finance, and communications.

This provision was meant to recognize the unique circumstances under which Jammu and Kashmir had acceded to India post-independence, following the partition. While this article was intended to safeguard the cultural identity, autonomy, and distinctiveness of the region, over the years, its application has been controversial.

The Repeal of Article 370: A Turning Point in Indian Politics

On August 5, 2019, the BJP-led government, under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, made a historic decision to revoke Article 370. This move effectively revoked Jammu and Kashmir’s special status and bifurcated the state into two Union Territories: Jammu and Kashmir, and Ladakh. The government’s action was backed by the belief that this would lead to greater integration of Jammu and Kashmir with the rest of India and promote economic development and security in the region.

This bold step, however, led to widespread protests and opposition from several political parties, including the Indian National Congress (INC). While the BJP and its supporters hailed the move as a necessary step for national unity, opposition parties, particularly the Congress, raised concerns about the constitutional propriety and the potential for escalating tensions in the region.

Rajyavardhan Rathore’s Statement: The Call for Congress to Clarify Its Stand

In the wake of this ongoing debate, Col Rajyavardhan Rathore took to social media and public forums to demand clarity from the Congress Party regarding its position on Article 370. Rathore, who is known for his vocal support for the BJP’s stance on national security and Jammu and Kashmir, questioned why the Congress Party had not taken a definitive stand on the issue after the revocation of Article 370.

The former Olympic medalist turned politician pointed out that Congress had historically maintained a position of favoring autonomy for Jammu and Kashmir, but with the revocation of Article 370, the party’s silence was no longer acceptable. According to Rathore, Congress needed to either support the government’s decision or present a well-thought-out alternative.

Political Implications of Rathore’s Statement

Rathore’s remarks highlight the divisive nature of the debate surrounding Article 370. On one side, the BJP and its allies have staunchly supported the revocation, arguing that it was a necessary step to ensure that Jammu and Kashmir is treated as an integral part of India. On the other side, opposition parties, led by Congress, have been more cautious in their response. They argue that the move violated constitutional norms and undermined the democratic process by bypassing the local legislative assembly in Jammu and Kashmir.

For Congress, this issue presents a political conundrum. The party has traditionally supported the concept of Jammu and Kashmir’s autonomy, but it must balance this with its broader political agenda. The demand for clarification by Rajyavardhan Rathore places pressure on Congress to decide whether it will continue to oppose the government’s decision or if it will reassess its stance.

Congress Party’s Position: Supporters and Critics

Proponents of Autonomy: Congress’ Historical Stance

The Congress Party has long been associated with advocating for a special status for Jammu and Kashmir. During its tenure in power, Congress often sought to maintain the status quo of Article 370, viewing it as a pillar of the region’s autonomy. The Congress leadership, especially under Jawaharlal Nehru and later Indira Gandhi, viewed the provision as a means to protect the unique cultural and religious identity of Jammu and Kashmir.

However, in the years following the 1990s insurgency and the rise of militancy in the state, Congress’s position on Article 370 became more nuanced. Some within the party advocated for reforms, while others continued to support the idea of maintaining the special status.

Critics of Congress’ Stance on Article 370

The critics of Congress argue that the party’s hesitation to take a firm stand on the revocation of Article 370 is a sign of political inconsistency. They point out that Congress, while in power, never took bold steps to address the issue and allowed Kashmir to remain an unresolved political challenge. According to these critics, Congress’ lack of clarity in the post-revocation period only complicates the political discourse around Jammu and Kashmir and hinders efforts at national integration.

What Does Clarity from Congress Mean for India?

The demand for clarity on Article 370 is not merely a matter of political rhetoric. The issue directly impacts the future of Jammu and Kashmir and its people. The region has been a flashpoint for political tension, and the revocation of Article 370 was viewed by many as an opportunity to bring economic development, political stability, and security to the state.

However, the situation remains highly sensitive, and any further delay in addressing the concerns of the people of Jammu and Kashmir could exacerbate tensions. Clarity from Congress could play a key role in bridging divides, and it would be important for the party to present a constructive and pragmatic approach to Jammu and Kashmir’s future.

The Role of Political Leadership in Shaping National Policy

Rajyavardhan Rathore’s call for Congress to take a clear stance highlights the role of political leadership in shaping national policy. It underscores the need for transparent, decisive leadership on critical issues that affect India’s democratic and constitutional fabric. While Congress continues to deliberate on its position, the public’s expectations from political leaders, across party lines, are clear: they want clarity, transparency, and a vision for a united and prosperous India.

Conclusion

The issue of Article 370 remains one of the most consequential matters in India’s political discourse. With the revocation of this provision in 2019, the question of Jammu and Kashmir’s future remains at the forefront of national debate. Col Rajyavardhan Rathore’s call for Congress to clarify its stance on the matter adds another layer to this ongoing discussion.

As India continues to evolve, it is essential for political parties, especially Congress, to take a stand that reflects the aspirations of the people of Jammu and Kashmir while upholding the values of national unity and constitutional integrity. Only through clarity, dialogue, and a commitment to democratic principles can India hope to navigate the challenges that lie ahead.

[beardedmrbean]

As an armed rebellion against Indian rule raged in Kashmir through the 1990s and 2000s, Jamaat-e-Islami, an influential socio-religious group, called for a boycott whenever an election was held, claiming the exercise was aimed at legitimising what it would describe as New Delhi’s occupation of the Himalayan region, which is also claimed in part or full by Pakistan and China.

But as Kashmir votes in the first regional election in a decade starting on Tuesday, the Jamaat has itself entered the political fray, backing at least 10 candidates in the election. It is a remarkable turnaround for a group that remains banned under India’s anti-terror laws and was once regarded as the mothership of the militant Hizbul Mujahideen.

After Narendra Modi’s government altered India’s constitution in 2019 to do away with the symbolic autonomy of the administrative region of Jammu and Kashmir, it cracked down hard on the separatist movement in the region, jailing thousands of people. The Jamaat, having long been at the vanguard of the movement, was a prime target. Schools associated with the group were ordered shut and the properties of many members were seized in an attempt to curtail its reach and operational capabilities.

As recently as February, the Indian government said that the Jamaat was “continuing to be involved in fomenting terrorism and anti-India propaganda for fuelling secessionism in Jammu and Kashmir, which is prejudicial to the sovereignty, security and integrity of India”.

This is what makes the Jamaat’s participation in the election perplexing, and even experts in the region are divided over what it means. Noor Baba, a renowned Kashmiri political scientist, says it could be a tactical move on the part of a minority within the movement – contesting the election as independents in the hope of “protection or rehabilitating themselves after the suffering they have endured”.

The decision to join the fray, he suggests, may not have involved the group’s jailed leadership. As a result of internal divisions in the past, Prof Baba says, the Jamaat has suffered at the hands of both the Indian authorities as well as the militants. Similar divisions may have cracked open again.

“There are many questions,” he tells The Independent. “Is the top leadership, which is in jail, on board with this or is it not?”

Another theory is that the decision stems from the Jamaat’s desire to have the anti-terror ban lifted. There have been reports about conversations between the Jamaat and intermediaries of the Indian government such as Altaf Bukhari, head of a local political party.

Ahead of this election, Omar Abdullah, the former chief minister of the former state, had urged the Narendra Modi government to lift the ban on the Jamaat to enable its participation in the assembly election. Mehbooba Mufti, another former chief minister and president of the People’s Democratic Party, said she would be “happy” to see the Jamaat return to the electoral arena.

Indian political analyst Apoorvanand Jha, however, sees a more sinister play at work. He says fielding independent candidates is part of a broader strategy of Modi’s BJP to weaken mainstream political parties such as the National Conference and the Congress and reap the dividend.

“The BJP’s aim is to install a government headed by a Hindu chief minister. That can be achieved by securing as many seats as possible in the Jammu region and fielding as many independents as possible in the valley [of Kashmir], making them win and then taking their support to form the government,” he tells The Independent.

The BJP is seeking to control Kashmir politically by creating chaos, he says. “To achieve that,” he adds, “the BJP can do anything. It can go to any extent, play any game, collaborate with the radicals, collaborate with separatists.”

The Independent has contacted the BJP for comment.

India has long held up Kashmir, its only majority Muslim territory, as a symbol of its secularism. But when the BJP government revoked its autonomy, Kashmiris accused the Hindu nationalist party of trying to change its religious demographic by settling Indians from elsewhere in the region.

Mr Jha says the BJP wants to win the election in order to show its core Hindu base that “see, this is a Muslim-populated area which we have now annexed”.

The candidates backed by the Jamaat maintain that their election participation is about local issues.

“Ideologies work in time and space. We have to be accommodative and flexible,” Talat Majeed, who is contesting the Pulwama constituency, told reporters recently.

Another candidate, Sayar Ahmad Reshi, says their participation in the election is necessary to fill a political vacuum created by regional parties such as the National Conference and the People’s Democratic Party.

The Jamaat’s participation seems to have enthused some pro-India factions in Kashmir. “This election is unique in recent times because the banned Jamaat-e-Islami is openly backing and campaigning for independent candidates owing allegiance to it,” Mr Abdullah said in an interview with the Hindustan Times. “This is a huge change from previous elections. Otherwise, ever since I have seen politics here from 1996 onwards, the Jamaat has been at the forefront of trying to stop people from voting.”

Ali Mohammad Watali, a former police chief of Kashmir, isn’t as enthused. The Jamaat was “pro-Pakistan and pro-terrorism”, he was quoted as saying by Frontline magazine. “Now they have changed their stance suddenly. It looks like this is being done by the agencies so that the BJP can form a government here with the help of new political fronts, including the Jamaat-e-Islami.”

“Agencies” is a catch-all term used in Kashmir for the intelligence, security and surveillance apparatus of the Indian state.

The Jamaat candidates have indicated their willingness to form alliances, before or after the election, with any party that works to “restore dignity to the people of Jammu and Kashmir”.

Prof Saddiq Wahid, a senior visiting fellow at the Centre for Policy Research think tank in New Delhi, tells The Independent the BJP’s actions in Jammu and Kashmir since the revocation of its autonomy have been aimed at creating confusion and chaos. “How is Jamaat suddenly into the picture?” he asks.

He fears that the political landscape of Kashmir is being manipulated to dilute local representation and prevent self-governance.

“They do not want the people of Jammu and Kashmir to have a government that will allow them to govern themselves,” he says, referring to the Indian government.

The fundamental question, though, is whether people will trust the candidates backed by the Jamaat, Prof Baba points out. “How many people will vote for them, support them?”

[mariacallous]

In April, an unassuming old building in New Delhi’s furniture market housed roughly 30 youngsters. Some were hunched over their laptops crunching data on Excel or analyzing a heat map, while others huddled to discuss strategy. These were engineering graduates, economists, political scientists, and others. There were office chairs, desks, and a couple of white boards.

The entire setup could easily have passed as a startup office, but it wasn’t. This was an election war room.

From there, Sapiens Research founder Rimjhim Gour’s team served as the brains of Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party, or BJP. The party’s senior leadership had entrusted Gour with mobilizing 12.5 million female voters across India, and her team spent their days crunching historical polling trends, using data to pinpoint critical constituencies, browsing WhatsApp for real-time on-ground updates, and shaping electoral strategies to usher in BJP for a third consecutive term.

Gour’s team was successful: Modi was sworn in as the Prime Minister on June 9 after the BJP formed the government through an alliance with 293 seats. India’s general elections happen once in five years, and in 2024, a record-breaking 642 million Indians voted. Of the total voters polled, 312 million were women. This was BJP’s grand experiment: The party wanted to micro-target and mobilize female voters, and hired people like Gour to make it happen—revealing, says Amogh Dhar Sharma, author of the forthcoming book The Backstage of Democracy: India’s Election Campaigns and the People Who Manage Them, “the hidden power of a new technocratic elite that has become critical for parties and politicians to fight elections and win votes in India.”

“In most places [in India], electorates who are registered but not voting are always women,” says Gour, who previously worked as a media strategist at Indian Political Action Committee, the legendary firm widely recognised for propelling Modi to victory in 2014. Dressed in an off-white salwar kameez, with a big pair of round glasses keeping her hair off her face, Gour is suave and confident, and fluently switches between English and Hindi. “That’s when it struck me that if we have to mobilize someone, it has to be women; they make up 50% of the electorate but still haven’t been tapped into completely in a systematic approach.”

Over the past decade, the Indian electioneering landscape has been overhauled by the advent of social media, data-driven insights, and political consultants. “I think the 2024 Indian general election confirms … the inordinate role of campaign professionals in Indian elections,” says Sharma. From call centers being used for “screening” party supporters, to WhatsApp for real-time updates, and a specialized app for reporting and documenting meetings, each tool served a unique purpose in this BJP campaign. “The speed at which these technologies are being embraced by parties and the growing emphasis on them is certainly unique,” says Sharma.

The BJP’s use of technology and social platforms has evolved as politics has, as they have gone from being niche tools to essential infrastructure. The BJP emerged as the highest spender on political ads on Meta platforms this election. If the 2019 election was characterized as the “WhatsApp Election” because of the excessive use of the messaging platform, the 2024 campaign was the “YouTube Election.” It marked an unprecedented use of YouTube influencers by BJP that featured softball questions with political candidates and paid promotions. While rival parties worked to catch up, the BJP still leads the pack with dedicated cyber troops for year-round content creation—and not just during elections.

And the BJP’s decision to hire a dedicated consultant to woo women votes seems like the next step in this broader evolution of using tech.

Historically, women voters lean towards progressive parties. But over the past decade, under Modi’s rule—characterized by what critics describe as creeping authoritarianism due to attacks on civil society, religious polarization, and cracking down on dissent—there has been a noticeable shift, with both the 2014 and 2019 elections recording higher female participation and increased support for the BJP amongst female voters. The BJP had been launching female-friendly welfare schemes including subsidized cooking gas cylinders and maternity leaves, for greater equality. As a result, in 2019, women’s poll participation exceeded men’s for the first time. This time it was about going a step ahead to remind a specific cohort of targeted women about Modi’s policies and nudge them to go out to vote.

Gour’s get-out-the-vote effort, which used a potpourri of apps, data analysts, and personal outreach by party workers, thus represented a convergence of two trends in an attempt to consolidate a women’s vote newly open to the BJP.

For Modi to return to power, BJP had to win 272 of the 534 parliamentary seats. Gour’s young team was focused on 235 seats, which they identified as “critical seats”—areas where the BJP has either won or lost by less than 10% margin of votes in the past. The goal was to identify women self-help groups, or SHGs, in those 235 critical voting areas, and then use BJP’s party workers, or karyakartas, to meet, motivate, and mobilize female voters.

India’s rural SHGs are collectives of 10 or more women who pool their money and support each other through savings; nearly 100 million women are part of SHGs. And women involved with SHGs are already more politically active.

“Often the hardest problem for political parties who want to engage with women and get women to participate in public life is to figure out how to get these women to participate in a political cause,” says Anirvan Chowdhury, a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University who studies the BJP’s attempts to target female voters. “And in a context where politics is often seen as unsuitable for women, reframing politics as seva [selfless service] or using existing institutional frameworks like the SHG structure helps solve that problem.” Because of this sustained effort, there has been a pro-BJP tilt in women’s political preference in many northern states which have a strong history of support for Modi’s BJP, research shows.

For Gour’s Sapiens Research team, the challenge wasn’t merely to locate these self-help groups but to identify potential BJP supporters within these groups—a task that requires data analysis. Ujjawal Agrawal, the program manager at Sapiens Research, spearheaded the initiative of meticulously mapping voter and demographic information to phone numbers of women in “critical” SHGs. Agrawal then mustered the BJP’s in-house network of 20,000 call center operators—run by another Indian Political Action Committee alumnus Diggaj Mogra—to identify BJP sympathizers within the large SHG cohort.

The call centers did so by asking a few pointed questions. One key question was whether the woman would help mobilize 10 other women for the BJP. If she responded positively, she was deemed a supporter. If the SHG member’s response was no, then she would be categorized as a swing voter or non-supporter. For instance, in West Bengal, Agrawal said, 10% of women who were part of the SHG refused to mobilize voters for the BJP. (Interestingly, this approach bears some broad similarities to the Donald Trump campaign’s strategy for this year’s US election.)

Soni Bam is the sort of SHG mobilizer Gour’s team was looking for. She is from the Leparada district in the northeastern state of Arunachal Pradesh and her eight-member group, called Hiri Molo, is dedicated to making women independent by finding ways to earn and save. But since October 2023, she has been involved in the BJP’s election-related work: going door-to-door explaining women about the elections, and advocating BJP schemes that will help women. She also asks women to attend meetings organized by the BJP workers.

Gour’s team used the 20,000 callers from the BJP’s call center to do 300,000 “screening” calls a day to create the final target list. “We are the brain and call centers are basically your eyes [of political campaigns],” says Gour.

It has become commonplace in India for political parties to set up call centers in the weeks leading up to polling, says Sharma. “These call centers can provide a range of functions—encouraging citizens to update their voter ID card, reminding them of the party’s manifesto promises, gauging their intention to vote, and even soliciting their feedback on the ticket distribution or chief minister nomination process.” But what’s unique, says Sharma, about the BJP is the massive investment in an in-house network of 20,000 call center operations across 350 locations. No other party has a comparable infrastructure for electioneering.

BJP’s central leadership monitored the SHG meetings organized by party workers through the revolutionary SARAL app, which stands for Sangathan Reporting and Analysis. (Sangathan in Hindi means “organization.”) It’s the BJP’s “digital handheld office.” Nearly 4 million BJP party workers use the app monthly, where they can upload party activities and share images of events, and details of people they meet during campaigns. In the months leading up to elections, the BJP ran a campaign on the app called “Shakti Chaupal” to mobilize female voters. It was overseen by Gour’s team.

The tech-savvy team of data analysts at Sapiens’ office in Delhi would then aggregate the trends, and submit weekly or monthly reports on the extent of voter mobilization to party leaders. “If they send us those two photos on a WhatsApp number, it will be difficult for us to monitor,” Agrawal said. “We get clear, systematic data from SARAL.” In the three months leading up to May, an estimated 5000 meetings were conducted, and 5877 party workers helped Sapiens team in mobilization.

In late April, during the first phase of the election, where nearly one-fifth of all parliamentary seats were going to polls, witnessed poor voter turnout. The dip in voter turnout compared to elections in 2019, gripped Gour and the BJP with panic. Early doubts over BJP’s decisive victory surfaced online. Soon, the BJP machinery redoubled outreach activity and notched up demands on state-incharges to address voter apathy.

One crucial battlefield for the BJP was the Kendrapara constituency in the eastern state of Odisha, which has been ruled by the Biju Janata Dal, or BJD, for two decades. Gour’s team was responsible for mobilizing the SHGs in the area. When it came time to vote, Gour’s war room sprang into action. Her team began calling party workers every few hours for updates on the SHGs voting. After that, a round of bot calls were made to the SHG women, since the human call centers were at capacity. At the end of the day, an automated call went out to SHG women, asking if they mobilized, who they mobilized, and if they could share pictures and data.

This process was repeated in constituencies across the country, to great effect: By the end of the election, Gour says, they personally mobilized 12 million women voters.

Despite Gour’s best efforts, though—and positive feedback they received on WhatsApp, SARAL, and call centers—the BJP suffered huge losses in their Hindi-speaking heartland states such as Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan. From being the single largest party with 303 seats in 2019, Modi’s BJP was cut down to size with 240 seats, and formed the government by entering into a power-sharing agreement with smaller regional parties.

Consultants like Gour continue to claim the election as a win, with a caveat that while their work contributed to the vote share of the candidates, they were “not the only factor.” Other experts tell WIRED that there were likely additional reasons women came out to vote during this cycle, such as religious polarization and welfare programs such as free food or cash handouts. The ultimate lesson may be about the enduring power of traditional methods.

“No Indian politician,” says Sharma, “can as yet dispense with holding public rallies, road shows, or door-to-door canvassing, which create momentum both for ordinary voters and for party workers themselves.”

[hindulivesmatter]

Hi! Feel free to ignore my question.

I just feel that Gadkari ji might be better PM than Modi ji, among BJP leaders. just my 2 cents. Your thoughts?

So, the thing is, while Gadkari has been doing fantastic work on the infrastructure side and has amazing visions, you need to have a certain amount of strong leadership skills to be PM. Modi has that. Its actually insane how much he managed to turn India around after Congress aka Indias "lost decade". Compared to Congress, Modi has done wonders for Hinduism. Gadkari is part politician, part minister, and is a good taskmaster. But I don't think he would be able to rally the nation the same way Modi has.

Alternatively, S. Jaishankar is a strong candidate for PM, but I feel he'd be better suited after a few more years.