#BJP strategies Delhi

[insightfultake]

https://www.insightfultake.com/details/the-battle-for-delhi-2025-why-arvind-kejriwals-aap-holds-the-edge

[townpostin]

BJP Gears Up for Jharkhand Polls, Prioritizes Alliance Talks

Party aims to release first candidate list by August-end, focuses on seat-sharing BJP intensifies preparations for Jharkhand assembly elections, prioritizing alliance negotiations before announcing candidates. JAMSHEDPUR – The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is ramping up efforts for the upcoming Jharkhand assembly elections, focusing on finalizing seat-sharing arrangements with potential allies. A…

[indizombie]

The RSS and its ideological leadership working in BJP and other wings have two strategies — one to keep the Sanatana Dharma completely intact and second to garner votes from the Dalit/OBC/Adivasi forces, who are the victims of that Sanatana Dharma. Sanatana Dharma in ancient and medieval India was nothing but Varna Dharma. They want votes for coming to power in Delhi and in the states and at the same time Ambedkarism must be in check. However, the educated forces among the oppressed castes understand this twofold strategy of the RSS now to some degree.

Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd, ‘Behind the attempt to de-spiritualise Ambedkar now’, New Indian Express

[beardedmrbean]

As an armed rebellion against Indian rule raged in Kashmir through the 1990s and 2000s, Jamaat-e-Islami, an influential socio-religious group, called for a boycott whenever an election was held, claiming the exercise was aimed at legitimising what it would describe as New Delhi’s occupation of the Himalayan region, which is also claimed in part or full by Pakistan and China.

But as Kashmir votes in the first regional election in a decade starting on Tuesday, the Jamaat has itself entered the political fray, backing at least 10 candidates in the election. It is a remarkable turnaround for a group that remains banned under India’s anti-terror laws and was once regarded as the mothership of the militant Hizbul Mujahideen.

After Narendra Modi’s government altered India’s constitution in 2019 to do away with the symbolic autonomy of the administrative region of Jammu and Kashmir, it cracked down hard on the separatist movement in the region, jailing thousands of people. The Jamaat, having long been at the vanguard of the movement, was a prime target. Schools associated with the group were ordered shut and the properties of many members were seized in an attempt to curtail its reach and operational capabilities.

As recently as February, the Indian government said that the Jamaat was “continuing to be involved in fomenting terrorism and anti-India propaganda for fuelling secessionism in Jammu and Kashmir, which is prejudicial to the sovereignty, security and integrity of India”.

This is what makes the Jamaat’s participation in the election perplexing, and even experts in the region are divided over what it means. Noor Baba, a renowned Kashmiri political scientist, says it could be a tactical move on the part of a minority within the movement – contesting the election as independents in the hope of “protection or rehabilitating themselves after the suffering they have endured”.

The decision to join the fray, he suggests, may not have involved the group’s jailed leadership. As a result of internal divisions in the past, Prof Baba says, the Jamaat has suffered at the hands of both the Indian authorities as well as the militants. Similar divisions may have cracked open again.

“There are many questions,” he tells The Independent. “Is the top leadership, which is in jail, on board with this or is it not?”

Another theory is that the decision stems from the Jamaat’s desire to have the anti-terror ban lifted. There have been reports about conversations between the Jamaat and intermediaries of the Indian government such as Altaf Bukhari, head of a local political party.

Ahead of this election, Omar Abdullah, the former chief minister of the former state, had urged the Narendra Modi government to lift the ban on the Jamaat to enable its participation in the assembly election. Mehbooba Mufti, another former chief minister and president of the People’s Democratic Party, said she would be “happy” to see the Jamaat return to the electoral arena.

Indian political analyst Apoorvanand Jha, however, sees a more sinister play at work. He says fielding independent candidates is part of a broader strategy of Modi’s BJP to weaken mainstream political parties such as the National Conference and the Congress and reap the dividend.

“The BJP’s aim is to install a government headed by a Hindu chief minister. That can be achieved by securing as many seats as possible in the Jammu region and fielding as many independents as possible in the valley [of Kashmir], making them win and then taking their support to form the government,” he tells The Independent.

The BJP is seeking to control Kashmir politically by creating chaos, he says. “To achieve that,” he adds, “the BJP can do anything. It can go to any extent, play any game, collaborate with the radicals, collaborate with separatists.”

The Independent has contacted the BJP for comment.

India has long held up Kashmir, its only majority Muslim territory, as a symbol of its secularism. But when the BJP government revoked its autonomy, Kashmiris accused the Hindu nationalist party of trying to change its religious demographic by settling Indians from elsewhere in the region.

Mr Jha says the BJP wants to win the election in order to show its core Hindu base that “see, this is a Muslim-populated area which we have now annexed”.

The candidates backed by the Jamaat maintain that their election participation is about local issues.

“Ideologies work in time and space. We have to be accommodative and flexible,” Talat Majeed, who is contesting the Pulwama constituency, told reporters recently.

Another candidate, Sayar Ahmad Reshi, says their participation in the election is necessary to fill a political vacuum created by regional parties such as the National Conference and the People’s Democratic Party.

The Jamaat’s participation seems to have enthused some pro-India factions in Kashmir. “This election is unique in recent times because the banned Jamaat-e-Islami is openly backing and campaigning for independent candidates owing allegiance to it,” Mr Abdullah said in an interview with the Hindustan Times. “This is a huge change from previous elections. Otherwise, ever since I have seen politics here from 1996 onwards, the Jamaat has been at the forefront of trying to stop people from voting.”

Ali Mohammad Watali, a former police chief of Kashmir, isn’t as enthused. The Jamaat was “pro-Pakistan and pro-terrorism”, he was quoted as saying by Frontline magazine. “Now they have changed their stance suddenly. It looks like this is being done by the agencies so that the BJP can form a government here with the help of new political fronts, including the Jamaat-e-Islami.”

“Agencies” is a catch-all term used in Kashmir for the intelligence, security and surveillance apparatus of the Indian state.

The Jamaat candidates have indicated their willingness to form alliances, before or after the election, with any party that works to “restore dignity to the people of Jammu and Kashmir”.

Prof Saddiq Wahid, a senior visiting fellow at the Centre for Policy Research think tank in New Delhi, tells The Independent the BJP’s actions in Jammu and Kashmir since the revocation of its autonomy have been aimed at creating confusion and chaos. “How is Jamaat suddenly into the picture?” he asks.

He fears that the political landscape of Kashmir is being manipulated to dilute local representation and prevent self-governance.

“They do not want the people of Jammu and Kashmir to have a government that will allow them to govern themselves,” he says, referring to the Indian government.

The fundamental question, though, is whether people will trust the candidates backed by the Jamaat, Prof Baba points out. “How many people will vote for them, support them?”

[mariacallous]

In April, an unassuming old building in New Delhi’s furniture market housed roughly 30 youngsters. Some were hunched over their laptops crunching data on Excel or analyzing a heat map, while others huddled to discuss strategy. These were engineering graduates, economists, political scientists, and others. There were office chairs, desks, and a couple of white boards.

The entire setup could easily have passed as a startup office, but it wasn’t. This was an election war room.

From there, Sapiens Research founder Rimjhim Gour’s team served as the brains of Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party, or BJP. The party’s senior leadership had entrusted Gour with mobilizing 12.5 million female voters across India, and her team spent their days crunching historical polling trends, using data to pinpoint critical constituencies, browsing WhatsApp for real-time on-ground updates, and shaping electoral strategies to usher in BJP for a third consecutive term.

Gour’s team was successful: Modi was sworn in as the Prime Minister on June 9 after the BJP formed the government through an alliance with 293 seats. India’s general elections happen once in five years, and in 2024, a record-breaking 642 million Indians voted. Of the total voters polled, 312 million were women. This was BJP’s grand experiment: The party wanted to micro-target and mobilize female voters, and hired people like Gour to make it happen—revealing, says Amogh Dhar Sharma, author of the forthcoming book The Backstage of Democracy: India’s Election Campaigns and the People Who Manage Them, “the hidden power of a new technocratic elite that has become critical for parties and politicians to fight elections and win votes in India.”

“In most places [in India], electorates who are registered but not voting are always women,” says Gour, who previously worked as a media strategist at Indian Political Action Committee, the legendary firm widely recognised for propelling Modi to victory in 2014. Dressed in an off-white salwar kameez, with a big pair of round glasses keeping her hair off her face, Gour is suave and confident, and fluently switches between English and Hindi. “That’s when it struck me that if we have to mobilize someone, it has to be women; they make up 50% of the electorate but still haven’t been tapped into completely in a systematic approach.”

Over the past decade, the Indian electioneering landscape has been overhauled by the advent of social media, data-driven insights, and political consultants. “I think the 2024 Indian general election confirms … the inordinate role of campaign professionals in Indian elections,” says Sharma. From call centers being used for “screening” party supporters, to WhatsApp for real-time updates, and a specialized app for reporting and documenting meetings, each tool served a unique purpose in this BJP campaign. “The speed at which these technologies are being embraced by parties and the growing emphasis on them is certainly unique,” says Sharma.

The BJP’s use of technology and social platforms has evolved as politics has, as they have gone from being niche tools to essential infrastructure. The BJP emerged as the highest spender on political ads on Meta platforms this election. If the 2019 election was characterized as the “WhatsApp Election” because of the excessive use of the messaging platform, the 2024 campaign was the “YouTube Election.” It marked an unprecedented use of YouTube influencers by BJP that featured softball questions with political candidates and paid promotions. While rival parties worked to catch up, the BJP still leads the pack with dedicated cyber troops for year-round content creation—and not just during elections.

And the BJP’s decision to hire a dedicated consultant to woo women votes seems like the next step in this broader evolution of using tech.

Historically, women voters lean towards progressive parties. But over the past decade, under Modi’s rule—characterized by what critics describe as creeping authoritarianism due to attacks on civil society, religious polarization, and cracking down on dissent—there has been a noticeable shift, with both the 2014 and 2019 elections recording higher female participation and increased support for the BJP amongst female voters. The BJP had been launching female-friendly welfare schemes including subsidized cooking gas cylinders and maternity leaves, for greater equality. As a result, in 2019, women’s poll participation exceeded men’s for the first time. This time it was about going a step ahead to remind a specific cohort of targeted women about Modi’s policies and nudge them to go out to vote.

Gour’s get-out-the-vote effort, which used a potpourri of apps, data analysts, and personal outreach by party workers, thus represented a convergence of two trends in an attempt to consolidate a women’s vote newly open to the BJP.

For Modi to return to power, BJP had to win 272 of the 534 parliamentary seats. Gour’s young team was focused on 235 seats, which they identified as “critical seats”—areas where the BJP has either won or lost by less than 10% margin of votes in the past. The goal was to identify women self-help groups, or SHGs, in those 235 critical voting areas, and then use BJP’s party workers, or karyakartas, to meet, motivate, and mobilize female voters.

India’s rural SHGs are collectives of 10 or more women who pool their money and support each other through savings; nearly 100 million women are part of SHGs. And women involved with SHGs are already more politically active.

“Often the hardest problem for political parties who want to engage with women and get women to participate in public life is to figure out how to get these women to participate in a political cause,” says Anirvan Chowdhury, a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University who studies the BJP’s attempts to target female voters. “And in a context where politics is often seen as unsuitable for women, reframing politics as seva [selfless service] or using existing institutional frameworks like the SHG structure helps solve that problem.” Because of this sustained effort, there has been a pro-BJP tilt in women’s political preference in many northern states which have a strong history of support for Modi’s BJP, research shows.

For Gour’s Sapiens Research team, the challenge wasn’t merely to locate these self-help groups but to identify potential BJP supporters within these groups—a task that requires data analysis. Ujjawal Agrawal, the program manager at Sapiens Research, spearheaded the initiative of meticulously mapping voter and demographic information to phone numbers of women in “critical” SHGs. Agrawal then mustered the BJP’s in-house network of 20,000 call center operators—run by another Indian Political Action Committee alumnus Diggaj Mogra—to identify BJP sympathizers within the large SHG cohort.

The call centers did so by asking a few pointed questions. One key question was whether the woman would help mobilize 10 other women for the BJP. If she responded positively, she was deemed a supporter. If the SHG member’s response was no, then she would be categorized as a swing voter or non-supporter. For instance, in West Bengal, Agrawal said, 10% of women who were part of the SHG refused to mobilize voters for the BJP. (Interestingly, this approach bears some broad similarities to the Donald Trump campaign’s strategy for this year’s US election.)

Soni Bam is the sort of SHG mobilizer Gour’s team was looking for. She is from the Leparada district in the northeastern state of Arunachal Pradesh and her eight-member group, called Hiri Molo, is dedicated to making women independent by finding ways to earn and save. But since October 2023, she has been involved in the BJP’s election-related work: going door-to-door explaining women about the elections, and advocating BJP schemes that will help women. She also asks women to attend meetings organized by the BJP workers.

Gour’s team used the 20,000 callers from the BJP’s call center to do 300,000 “screening” calls a day to create the final target list. “We are the brain and call centers are basically your eyes [of political campaigns],” says Gour.

It has become commonplace in India for political parties to set up call centers in the weeks leading up to polling, says Sharma. “These call centers can provide a range of functions—encouraging citizens to update their voter ID card, reminding them of the party’s manifesto promises, gauging their intention to vote, and even soliciting their feedback on the ticket distribution or chief minister nomination process.” But what’s unique, says Sharma, about the BJP is the massive investment in an in-house network of 20,000 call center operations across 350 locations. No other party has a comparable infrastructure for electioneering.

BJP’s central leadership monitored the SHG meetings organized by party workers through the revolutionary SARAL app, which stands for Sangathan Reporting and Analysis. (Sangathan in Hindi means “organization.”) It’s the BJP’s “digital handheld office.” Nearly 4 million BJP party workers use the app monthly, where they can upload party activities and share images of events, and details of people they meet during campaigns. In the months leading up to elections, the BJP ran a campaign on the app called “Shakti Chaupal” to mobilize female voters. It was overseen by Gour’s team.

The tech-savvy team of data analysts at Sapiens’ office in Delhi would then aggregate the trends, and submit weekly or monthly reports on the extent of voter mobilization to party leaders. “If they send us those two photos on a WhatsApp number, it will be difficult for us to monitor,” Agrawal said. “We get clear, systematic data from SARAL.” In the three months leading up to May, an estimated 5000 meetings were conducted, and 5877 party workers helped Sapiens team in mobilization.

In late April, during the first phase of the election, where nearly one-fifth of all parliamentary seats were going to polls, witnessed poor voter turnout. The dip in voter turnout compared to elections in 2019, gripped Gour and the BJP with panic. Early doubts over BJP’s decisive victory surfaced online. Soon, the BJP machinery redoubled outreach activity and notched up demands on state-incharges to address voter apathy.

One crucial battlefield for the BJP was the Kendrapara constituency in the eastern state of Odisha, which has been ruled by the Biju Janata Dal, or BJD, for two decades. Gour’s team was responsible for mobilizing the SHGs in the area. When it came time to vote, Gour’s war room sprang into action. Her team began calling party workers every few hours for updates on the SHGs voting. After that, a round of bot calls were made to the SHG women, since the human call centers were at capacity. At the end of the day, an automated call went out to SHG women, asking if they mobilized, who they mobilized, and if they could share pictures and data.

This process was repeated in constituencies across the country, to great effect: By the end of the election, Gour says, they personally mobilized 12 million women voters.

Despite Gour’s best efforts, though—and positive feedback they received on WhatsApp, SARAL, and call centers—the BJP suffered huge losses in their Hindi-speaking heartland states such as Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan. From being the single largest party with 303 seats in 2019, Modi’s BJP was cut down to size with 240 seats, and formed the government by entering into a power-sharing agreement with smaller regional parties.

Consultants like Gour continue to claim the election as a win, with a caveat that while their work contributed to the vote share of the candidates, they were “not the only factor.” Other experts tell WIRED that there were likely additional reasons women came out to vote during this cycle, such as religious polarization and welfare programs such as free food or cash handouts. The ultimate lesson may be about the enduring power of traditional methods.

“No Indian politician,” says Sharma, “can as yet dispense with holding public rallies, road shows, or door-to-door canvassing, which create momentum both for ordinary voters and for party workers themselves.”

[jobaaj]

🔴BREAKING NEWS: BJP-led NDA got majority! But why did the BJP fail to get 300 seats this time? 🤔 What happened?

Indians closely followed the announcement of the latest election results, observing a surprising turn of events for the nationalist ruling government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which faced a humbling outcome yesterday.

In the 2019 elections, the BJP had a remarkable victory, securing 303 seats on its own. However, in the recent elections, the BJP's seat count significantly dropped to 240. Even with the support of its allies in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), the coalition couldn't reach the 300-seat threshold.

Although the BJP, along with its NDA allies, still holds a majority, the new government will have to be formed through a coalition, as the BJP did not achieve a sole majority this time around. This marks a notable change in the political scenario, indicating a more collaborative governance structure ahead.

🧐 Why?

Several factors contributed to the decline in the BJP's popularity:

▪ High unemployment rates, rising inflation, and the controversial Agniveer scheme significantly damaged the party's standing among voters.

▪ Additionally, the BJP, particularly Prime Minister Narendra Modi, adopted an aggressive campaign strategy. Modi's campaign included several controversial remarks, such as the mangalsutra comment, the mujra remark, and the infiltrator comment, which sparked widespread criticism.

▪ Conversely, the Opposition performed effectively. They successfully consolidated votes through their I.N.D.I.A. alliance, and Akhilesh Yadav skillfully leveraged the PDA strategy.

▪ Furthermore, the Congress party made several enticing promises that, while potentially harmful to economic health (such as the Mahalaxmi scheme, increased MNREGA wages, and MSP guarantee), resonated positively with many voters.

😕What now?: ▪ Despite the disappointing results, the BJP still has the most seats independently and has the majority in Parliament with its allies in NDA.

▪ However, if the JDU and TDP choose to leave the NDA, Narendra Modi would not become the PM!

▪ The NDA is set to meet in Delhi today for the same!!! ❓Is Narendra Modi set to be PM? Or will the NDA betray the BJP?? Follow Jobaaj Stories (the media arm of Jobaaj.com Group for more)

[odnewsin]

AAP is a disaster; people of Delhi want to give BJP a chance this time: BJP National VP Baijayant Panda

What will be the strategy of the BJP for the upcoming Assembly Election in Delhi? Will the saffron party be able to bring double-engine governance to the National Capital? In a podcast with ANI, BJP National Vice President and MP from Kendrapara- Baijayant Panda, who has been appointed as the party’s Delhi election in-charge, discussed his party’s manifesto and Aam Aadmi Party’s (AAP) false…

[news365timesindia]

[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 21st Jan. In a disturbing turn of events, former Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal has once again found himself at the center of controversy, this time for actions that go beyond political theatrics and into the realm of violence and disregard for public safety. The recent incident, in which Kejriwal’s convoy allegedly ran over three youths questioning him about governance and employment, has reignited concerns about his leadership style and the dangerous precedent it sets for democracy. This latest controversy underscores a troubling pattern of behavior by Kejriwal, one that includes accusations of authoritarianism, fabricated victimhood, and an unwillingness to take responsibility for his actions. The allegations not only cast a shadow over his political legacy but also raise urgent questions about the direction of governance under leaders who prioritize power over people. The Incident That Exposed Kejriwal The chain of events began with AAP’s claims that BJP supporters had attacked Kejriwal’s convoy during his campaign in the New Delhi constituency, allegedly pelting stones and bricks. However, the narrative took a sharp turn when it was revealed that a car in Kejriwal’s convoy had injured three young men—Vishal, Abhishek, and Rohit—who were merely exercising their democratic right to question him about his governance. Two of the youths suffered serious injuries, and BJP candidate Parvesh Verma accused Kejriwal of intentionally instructing his driver to harm them, branding the incident an “attempt to murder.” #WATCH Delhi: On AAP alleging attack on the convoy of Arvind Kejriwal, BJP candidate from New Delhi assembly seat, Parvesh Verma says, "The car of Arvind Kejriwal has gone ahead by crushing the worker of the BJP. The leg of the worker (BJP) has broken and I am going to the Lady… pic.twitter.com/63CAwqOVPK — ANI (@ANI) January 18, 2025   The accusations were not dismissed as mere political rhetoric. Rather, they resonated with Kejriwal’s history of controversies and a leadership style often criticized for its arrogance and disregard for dissent. The incident has shifted the spotlight from the political battle between AAP and BJP to Kejriwal’s troubling pattern of behavior as a public figure. #WATCH | Delhi: BJP candidate from New Delhi assembly seat, Parvesh Verma says, "When AAP National Convenor Arvind Kejriwal was campaigning door-to-door near Lal Bahadur Sadan, people of New Delhi Assembly constituency were asking questions to AAP National Convenor Arvind… pic.twitter.com/T5N7bkE8ZE — ANI (@ANI) January 18, 2025 A Pattern of Authoritarianism Arvind Kejriwal’s rise to power was built on the promise of clean governance and accountability, but over time, his leadership has been marred by incidents of violence, intimidation, and authoritarian tendencies. The latest allegations are consistent with a larger narrative of a leader who reacts to criticism with aggression rather than introspection. Kejriwal’s defense strategy has remained predictable: shift blame to opponents, portray himself as a victim of political violence, and deflect attention from his own failures. In this case, his party accused BJP of orchestrating the stone-pelting to derail his campaign, but this claim has done little to address the more serious allegations against Kejriwal himself. This incident is not an isolated one. Kejriwal has often been accused of resorting to confrontational tactics to silence critics and shield himself from accountability. His leadership style reflects a troubling blend of populism and authoritarianism, where dissent is not tolerated, and criticism is met with hostility. The Broader Implications The implications of Kejriwal’s actions go beyond this single incident. They point to a deeper issue within his administration: a culture of arrogance and a lack of accountability. His governance has often been criticized for prioritizing optics over substance, with a focus on publicity

stunts rather than meaningful solutions to pressing issues such as unemployment, healthcare, and corruption. Kejriwal’s behavior also raises questions about the state of democracy in Delhi under his leadership. By allegedly resorting to violence and intimidation to suppress dissent, he has eroded the democratic principles he once claimed to uphold. The culture of fear and repression that has taken root under his administration is a stark departure from the values of transparency and accountability that were central to his political ideology when he first entered public life. Public Reaction and Political Fallout The incident has sparked widespread outrage, with BJP spokesperson Shehzad Poonawalla branding AAP as the “Anarchist Apradhi Party” and accusing Kejriwal of fabricating incidents to distract from his failures. The BJP has framed the incident as a reflection of Kejriwal’s desperation to cling to power, even at the cost of public safety. VIDEO | Delhi Polls 2025: On AAP alleging attack on party chief Arvind Kejriwal during campaigning in New Delhi, BJP spokesperson Shehzad Poonawalla (@Shehzad_Ind) says, "AAP means Anarchist Apradhi Party. The way Arvind Kejriwal drove his car over three youths shows his mindset… pic.twitter.com/1susqRlzSN — Press Trust of India (@PTI_News) January 18, 2025   Meanwhile, Kejriwal’s supporters have dismissed the allegations as political propaganda, with AAP MP Sanjay Singh accusing BJP of using “hooliganism” to disrupt elections. However, the seriousness of the accusations and Kejriwal’s track record have made it difficult for his party to effectively counter the narrative. The incident has also had a polarizing effect on public opinion. While some view Kejriwal as a victim of political conspiracies, others see him as a leader whose actions are increasingly at odds with democratic values. A Dangerous Precedent Kejriwal’s actions set a dangerous precedent for leaders who prioritize power over accountability. His alleged involvement in an incident that endangered the lives of citizens is a stark reminder of the perils of unchecked authority. A leader who cannot tolerate dissent or criticism poses a threat to democracy, as they undermine the very principles of transparency and accountability that are essential for good governance. What is particularly troubling is the normalization of such behavior in Bharatiya politics. Kejriwal’s actions, if left unaddressed, risk emboldening other leaders to adopt similar tactics, further eroding public trust in democratic institutions. Conclusion The incident involving Arvind Kejriwal’s convoy is more than just a political controversy; it is a reflection of a leadership style that prioritizes power over people. It exposes the arrogance, authoritarianism, and lack of accountability that have come to define his politics. As Delhi and the nation watch this drama unfold, the need for leaders who respect democracy and prioritize the well-being of citizens has never been more urgent. Kejriwal’s actions serve as a cautionary tale about the dangers of power without accountability and the importance of holding leaders to the highest standards of governance. It is time for the people of Delhi to demand more from their leaders—leaders who value the rule of law, respect dissent, and are committed to the safety and prosperity of all citizens. The lessons from this incident must not be forgotten, for they are a stark reminder of what is at stake when power is placed above principle.   The post Arvind Kejriwal’s Leadership Under Fire: Reckless Actions and the Erosion of Democratic Values appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[news365times]

[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 21st Jan. In a disturbing turn of events, former Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal has once again found himself at the center of controversy, this time for actions that go beyond political theatrics and into the realm of violence and disregard for public safety. The recent incident, in which Kejriwal’s convoy allegedly ran over three youths questioning him about governance and employment, has reignited concerns about his leadership style and the dangerous precedent it sets for democracy. This latest controversy underscores a troubling pattern of behavior by Kejriwal, one that includes accusations of authoritarianism, fabricated victimhood, and an unwillingness to take responsibility for his actions. The allegations not only cast a shadow over his political legacy but also raise urgent questions about the direction of governance under leaders who prioritize power over people. The Incident That Exposed Kejriwal The chain of events began with AAP’s claims that BJP supporters had attacked Kejriwal’s convoy during his campaign in the New Delhi constituency, allegedly pelting stones and bricks. However, the narrative took a sharp turn when it was revealed that a car in Kejriwal’s convoy had injured three young men—Vishal, Abhishek, and Rohit—who were merely exercising their democratic right to question him about his governance. Two of the youths suffered serious injuries, and BJP candidate Parvesh Verma accused Kejriwal of intentionally instructing his driver to harm them, branding the incident an “attempt to murder.” #WATCH Delhi: On AAP alleging attack on the convoy of Arvind Kejriwal, BJP candidate from New Delhi assembly seat, Parvesh Verma says, "The car of Arvind Kejriwal has gone ahead by crushing the worker of the BJP. The leg of the worker (BJP) has broken and I am going to the Lady… pic.twitter.com/63CAwqOVPK — ANI (@ANI) January 18, 2025   The accusations were not dismissed as mere political rhetoric. Rather, they resonated with Kejriwal’s history of controversies and a leadership style often criticized for its arrogance and disregard for dissent. The incident has shifted the spotlight from the political battle between AAP and BJP to Kejriwal’s troubling pattern of behavior as a public figure. #WATCH | Delhi: BJP candidate from New Delhi assembly seat, Parvesh Verma says, "When AAP National Convenor Arvind Kejriwal was campaigning door-to-door near Lal Bahadur Sadan, people of New Delhi Assembly constituency were asking questions to AAP National Convenor Arvind… pic.twitter.com/T5N7bkE8ZE — ANI (@ANI) January 18, 2025 A Pattern of Authoritarianism Arvind Kejriwal’s rise to power was built on the promise of clean governance and accountability, but over time, his leadership has been marred by incidents of violence, intimidation, and authoritarian tendencies. The latest allegations are consistent with a larger narrative of a leader who reacts to criticism with aggression rather than introspection. Kejriwal’s defense strategy has remained predictable: shift blame to opponents, portray himself as a victim of political violence, and deflect attention from his own failures. In this case, his party accused BJP of orchestrating the stone-pelting to derail his campaign, but this claim has done little to address the more serious allegations against Kejriwal himself. This incident is not an isolated one. Kejriwal has often been accused of resorting to confrontational tactics to silence critics and shield himself from accountability. His leadership style reflects a troubling blend of populism and authoritarianism, where dissent is not tolerated, and criticism is met with hostility. The Broader Implications The implications of Kejriwal’s actions go beyond this single incident. They point to a deeper issue within his administration: a culture of arrogance and a lack of accountability. His governance has often been criticized for prioritizing optics over substance, with a focus on publicity

stunts rather than meaningful solutions to pressing issues such as unemployment, healthcare, and corruption. Kejriwal’s behavior also raises questions about the state of democracy in Delhi under his leadership. By allegedly resorting to violence and intimidation to suppress dissent, he has eroded the democratic principles he once claimed to uphold. The culture of fear and repression that has taken root under his administration is a stark departure from the values of transparency and accountability that were central to his political ideology when he first entered public life. Public Reaction and Political Fallout The incident has sparked widespread outrage, with BJP spokesperson Shehzad Poonawalla branding AAP as the “Anarchist Apradhi Party” and accusing Kejriwal of fabricating incidents to distract from his failures. The BJP has framed the incident as a reflection of Kejriwal’s desperation to cling to power, even at the cost of public safety. VIDEO | Delhi Polls 2025: On AAP alleging attack on party chief Arvind Kejriwal during campaigning in New Delhi, BJP spokesperson Shehzad Poonawalla (@Shehzad_Ind) says, "AAP means Anarchist Apradhi Party. The way Arvind Kejriwal drove his car over three youths shows his mindset… pic.twitter.com/1susqRlzSN — Press Trust of India (@PTI_News) January 18, 2025   Meanwhile, Kejriwal’s supporters have dismissed the allegations as political propaganda, with AAP MP Sanjay Singh accusing BJP of using “hooliganism” to disrupt elections. However, the seriousness of the accusations and Kejriwal’s track record have made it difficult for his party to effectively counter the narrative. The incident has also had a polarizing effect on public opinion. While some view Kejriwal as a victim of political conspiracies, others see him as a leader whose actions are increasingly at odds with democratic values. A Dangerous Precedent Kejriwal’s actions set a dangerous precedent for leaders who prioritize power over accountability. His alleged involvement in an incident that endangered the lives of citizens is a stark reminder of the perils of unchecked authority. A leader who cannot tolerate dissent or criticism poses a threat to democracy, as they undermine the very principles of transparency and accountability that are essential for good governance. What is particularly troubling is the normalization of such behavior in Bharatiya politics. Kejriwal’s actions, if left unaddressed, risk emboldening other leaders to adopt similar tactics, further eroding public trust in democratic institutions. Conclusion The incident involving Arvind Kejriwal’s convoy is more than just a political controversy; it is a reflection of a leadership style that prioritizes power over people. It exposes the arrogance, authoritarianism, and lack of accountability that have come to define his politics. As Delhi and the nation watch this drama unfold, the need for leaders who respect democracy and prioritize the well-being of citizens has never been more urgent. Kejriwal’s actions serve as a cautionary tale about the dangers of power without accountability and the importance of holding leaders to the highest standards of governance. It is time for the people of Delhi to demand more from their leaders—leaders who value the rule of law, respect dissent, and are committed to the safety and prosperity of all citizens. The lessons from this incident must not be forgotten, for they are a stark reminder of what is at stake when power is placed above principle.   The post Arvind Kejriwal’s Leadership Under Fire: Reckless Actions and the Erosion of Democratic Values appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[insightfultake]

Delhi Dur Ast: BJP's Quest to Break the Capital's Electoral Enigma in 2025

The phrase "Delhi is far away" (Delhi Dur Ast), attributed to the revered Sufi saint Nizamuddin Auliya, originally referred to the challenges of achieving one’s aspirations, no matter how close they might seem. Legend has it that the saint uttered these words in frustration towards Sultan Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq, symbolizing the distance between intent and realization. Over centuries, the phrase has evolved into a broader metaphor for unfulfilled ambitions, embodying the BJP's protracted struggle to overcome electoral barriers in Delhi. It originally reflected the challenges of achieving one's goals despite proximity, and for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), it encapsulates a decades-long struggle to secure political dominance in India's capital. Since its lone victory in the 1993 Assembly elections, the BJP has faced a series of setbacks in Delhi, with the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) emerging as the dominant force over the last decade. As the February 5, 2025, elections approach, the BJP is mounting an ambitious campaign to rewrite this narrative.

[entrepreneurstreet]

From Grassroots to Leadership: Samrat Choudhary's Inspiring Political Saga

[Saket Saurabh Pandey,Political Advisor & Analysts,SPACS,New Delhi]

Samrat Choudhary, born on November 16, 1968, in Lakhanpur village of Munger district, Bihar, has emerged as a prominent figure in the state's political landscape. Hailing from a family deeply rooted in politics, his father, Shakuni Choudhary, has served as both an MLA and MP, while his mother, Parvati Devi, was an MLA from Tarapur constituency. This lineage provided Samrat with a robust foundation, propelling him into the political arena at a young age.

A Leader Rooted in Heritage: Samrat Choudhary’s Political Odyssey

Choudhary's political journey commenced in 1990 when he joined the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) under the leadership of Lalu Prasad Yadav. His dedication and leadership skills were soon recognized, leading to his appointment as the Minister of Agriculture in the Rabri Devi government on May 19, 1999. At that time, he oversaw the Measurements and Horticulture departments. However, his tenure was short-lived due to controversies surrounding his age, leading to his removal from the ministry.

Undeterred by this setback, Choudhary contested the Bihar Legislative Assembly elections from the Parbatta constituency in 2000 and secured a victory. He replicated this success in the 2010 elections, reinforcing his position as a significant player in Bihar's politics. In 2010, he was appointed as the Chief Whip of the opposition in the Bihar Legislative Assembly, further solidifying his leadership credentials.

In 2014, Choudhary's political trajectory took a notable turn when he was appointed as the Minister of Urban Development and Housing in the Jitan Ram Manjhi government. This period was marked by his efforts to enhance urban infrastructure and housing facilities in Bihar. His tenure, however, was brief, ending in February 2015.

Choudhary's association with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) began in 2018 when he was appointed as the Vice President of the BJP's Bihar unit. This move was significant, as it aligned him with a party seeking to expand its influence among the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in Bihar. Choudhary, belonging to the Koeri caste, became an instrumental figure in this strategy.

In the 2020 Bihar Assembly elections, Choudhary was designated as a star campaigner for the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). His campaign strategies and outreach played a pivotal role in consolidating the NDA's support base among the OBCs, contributing to their electoral success.

The year 2021 saw Choudhary's return to the state cabinet as the Minister of Panchayati Raj in Nitish Kumar's expanded cabinet. His tenure was marked by initiatives aimed at strengthening local governance structures and promoting rural development. However, it was not without controversies, including a notable spat with the Speaker of the Bihar Legislative Assembly, Vijay Kumar Sinha, which he later resolved by apologizing.

In March 2023, Choudhary's stature within the BJP rose significantly when he was appointed as the President of the party's Bihar unit. This appointment underscored the BJP's strategy to project a strong OBC leader in the state, positioning Choudhary as a counterbalance to Chief Minister Nitish Kumar.

Choudhary's political acumen and leadership were further recognized in January 2024 when he was sworn in as the Deputy Chief Minister of Bihar alongside Vijay Kumar Sinha under Chief Minister Nitish Kumar's leadership. In this capacity, he was entrusted with several key departments, including Finance, Health, Commercial Taxes, Urban Development and Housing, Sports, Panchayati Raj, Industry, Animal and Fisheries Resources, and Planning.

One of his significant achievements as Deputy Chief Minister was presenting a ₹2.79 lakh crore budget for the fiscal year 2024-25, the largest in Bihar's history. He announced a growth rate of 10.64% for the state and highlighted that 2.5 crore people had risen above the poverty line in recent years. Additionally, he sanctioned the creation of 30,547 new posts in various government departments, aligning with the NDA's commitment to job creation.

However, Choudhary's tenure as the BJP's state president was not without challenges. In July 2024, following an analysis of the party's performance in the Lok Sabha elections, he was replaced by Dilip Kumar Jaiswal. The decision was attributed to the party's assessment that Choudhary had been unable to effectively mobilize the Kushwaha caste vote in favor of the BJP. Despite this, he continued to serve as the Deputy Chief Minister, maintaining his influence in the state's governance.

Throughout his career, Choudhary has been known for his assertive and sometimes controversial statements. In June 2023, he drew national attention by comparing Congress leader Rahul Gandhi's bearded appearance to that of Osama bin Laden, a remark that sparked widespread debate.

Samrat Choudhary: A Trailblazer in Bihar’s Political Transformation

In summary, Samrat Choudhary's political journey reflects a blend of strategic acumen, leadership, and adaptability. From his early days in the RJD to his current role as Deputy Chief Minister of Bihar, he has navigated the complexities of the state's politics with a focus on development and governance. His tenure has been marked by significant achievements, including substantial budget allocations and job creation initiatives, positioning him as a key figure in Bihar's political landscape.

[iramzara]

https://primetvindia.com/delhi-assembly-elections-2025-bjp-eyes-on-conquering-delhi-preparing-strategy-to-take-revenge-from-aap/

दिल्ली में लोकसभा च��नावों में भाजपा हमेशा मजबूत प्रदर्शन करती रही है। पिछली तीन लोकसभा चुनावों में पार्टी ने दिल्ली की सातों सीटों पर कब्जा किया है। लेकिन विधानसभा चुनावों में भाजपा का प्रदर्शन कमजोर रहा है।

[kkkabir-blog]

BREAKING NEWS: Ex-AAP Minister Kailash Gahlot Joins BJP. #shorts #kailas...

Breaking News: Ex-AAP Minister Kailash Gahlot Switches to BJP, creating a major political stir in Delhi. Known for his impactful work in the AAP, his decision to join the BJP marks a significant shift in the political landscape. In this video, we delve into the reasons behind his decision, the reactions from AAP leadership, and what this means for the BJP's strategy in Delhi. Stay tuned for an in-depth analysis and expert opinions on this developing story. Don't forget to like, share, and subscribe for more updates on the biggest political developments in India.

[mariacallous]

India vote count shows Modi alliance heading to majority but no landslide

NEW DELHI, June 4 (Reuters) - Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's alliance was winning a majority of seats about halfway through the count in the general election on Tuesday, but the numbers were well short of the landslide predicted in exit polls, TV channels said.

Modi's own Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was falling short of a majority of its own in the 543-member parliament, the trends showed. Having to depend on allies to form the government could introduce some uncertainty in policy-making as Modi has ruled with an authoritative hold in the last decade.

The Hindu nationalist BJP won a majority of its own when it swept to power in 2014, ending India's era of unstable coalition governments, and repeated the feat in 2019.

The prospect of Modi having to rely on allies spooked markets with stocks falling steeply. The blue-chip NIFTY 50 (.NSEI), opens new tab was down 4.8% and the S&P BSE Sensex (.BSESN), opens new tab was down 4.7% at 0833 GMT.

The rupee also fell sharply against the dollar and benchmark bond yields were up.

"A narrower-than-expected victory for Modi's alliance may raise doubts about the new government's ability to push through politically difficult reforms seen as crucial to sustain India's economic growth, which is already the world's fastest," said Vasu Menon, managing director of investment strategy at OCBC in Singapore.

"Despite this, the fact remains that the BJP-led alliance is still set to win a third term, which means continuity in the government's infrastructure and manufacturing-led drive to boost economic growth."

Markets had soared on Monday after exit polls on June 1 projected Modi and BJP would register a big victory, and the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) was seen getting a two-thirds majority and more.

At 0900 GMT, TV channels showed the NDA was ahead in nearly 300 of the 543 elective seats in parliament, where 272 is a simple majority, with about half the votes counted.

Full results are likely in several hours.

They showed BJP accounted for under 250 of the seats in which the NDA was leading, compared to the 303 it won in 2019.

The opposition INDIA alliance led by Rahul Gandhi's centrist Congress party was leading in over 220 seats, higher than expected. Congress alone was leading in nearly 100 seats, almost double the 52 it won in 2019 - a surprise jump that is expected to boost Gandhi's standing.

However, politicians and analysts said it was too early to get a firm idea of the voting trends since counting still had some way to go.

"It's a fair assessment to say 400 at the moment certainly looks distant," BJP spokesperson Nalin Kohli told the India Today TV channel, referring to some projections that gave over 400 seats to the NDA.

"But we need to wait...to have a final picture of the seats because the exit polls speak of a massive sweep, (and) the counting trends currently don't seem to match that," he said.

"The BJP-NDA will form the government, that trend is very clear from the start," he added.

POLICY SLOWDOWN

TV exit polls broadcast after voting ended on June 1 projected a big win for Modi, but exit polls have often got election outcomes wrong in India. Nearly one billion people were registered to vote, of which 642 million turned out.

However, if Modi's victory is confirmed even by a slim margin, his BJP and its allies will have triumphed in a vitriolic campaign in which parties accused each other of religious bias and of posing a threat to sections of the population.

Investors had cheered the prospects of another Modi term, expecting it to deliver further years of strong economic growth and pro-business reforms, while the anticipated two-thirds majority in parliament would allow major changes to the constitution.

"The biggest disappointment for the market is the fact that BJP does not have a majority (yet)...that opens up a Pandora's box because all the other players...are all quite volatile," said Dipan Mehta, founder director at Elixir Equities in Mumbai.

Bank of Baroda economist Sonal Badhan said the lack of a majority for BJP on its own could mean "some slowdown in policy decisions can be expected".

The seven-phase, seven-week poll that began on April 19 was held in searing summer heat with temperatures touching nearly 50° Celsius (122° Fahrenheit) in some parts.

More than 66% of registered voters turned out, just one percentage point lower than the previous election in 2019, squashing pre-poll concerns that voters might shun a contest thought to be a foregone conclusion in Modi's favour.

Modi, 73, who first swept to power in 2014 by promising growth and change, is seeking to be only the second prime minister after India's independence leader Jawaharlal Nehru to win three straight terms.

[hindustanmorning]

Union ministers at BJP headquarters discuss Parliament session, election campaign, and other important topics

A meeting of Union ministers was convened by the BJP in Delhi on Tuesday. In this meeting, discussions on the Jharkhand election campaign and future strategies will be held in stages in Maharashtra. Sources say that in the initial meeting, Union Home Minister Amit Shah and BJP President JP Nadda discussed strategy with ministers from allied parties regarding the upcoming assembly elections in…

[everythingkashmir]

Non-playing captains take centre court

By Faisul Yaseen

It is a Wimbledon of words and non-playing captains are calling the shots.

Welcome to Kashmir’s political court where the non-playing captains do not touch a racquet, yet their every serve is scrutinised, every rally dissected.

Their juicy rhetoric and intricate political maneuvering on Kashmir’s electoral landscape have turned the campaign for the upcoming Jammu and Kashmir assembly elections into a fascinating spectacle.

Sitting on the sidelines, these veteran strategists, with decades of political acumen, are the true maestros of this championship, their players mere extensions of their game plan on the electoral court.

The forehand of the non-playing captain of National Conference (NC), Farooq Abdullah, a three-time chief minister and party’s president, is capable of wrong-footing even the most nimble opponent.

Playing at the centre court, his game is a potent mix of charisma and political savvy. A rallying force, his aura permeates alleyways and villages, his presence commanding crowds, as though every political rally he touches turns into a grand slam event.

His team may be the ones playing the game, but it is Abdullah’s forehand that sets the ball in motion.

NC spokesman Imran Nabi Dar says that the party revolves around Abdullah.

“He is a crowd puller and a mass mobiliser,” Dar says. “His aura is not limited to Jammu and Kashmir.”

Across the net stands Mehbooba Mufti, former chief minister and People’s Democratic Party (PDP) president, whose refusal to contest in the upcoming assembly polls is drenched in nostalgia for a time when Jammu and Kashmir’s special status was intact.

She coaches her players from behind the net, boosting their spirits, to compete on her behalf in this tense political game.

Her baseline strategy?

Stay off the court, but ensure her team is ready to smash through the opposition’s defences.

PDP Youth President and its candidate for south Kashmir’s Pulwama constituency, Waheed-ur-Rehman Parra says that while Mufti might not be contesting herself, she boosts the morale of the contesting candidates of the party as well as the PDP supporters.

“Everybody in the party wanted her to contest but she is not contesting because she believes that she was the chief minister of a state which had a special status…,” he says.

In Kashmir’s political court, where the art of the “drop shot” is less about finesse and more about dropping bombshells that reverberate across the Valley, the court is crowded with players from all corners of the political spectrum.

But this is no ordinary tournament.

While some non-playing captains are coaching their team players to serve aces, others are happy to let their squad members play from the baseline and hit backhand shots to win the bigger political rallies.

Ghulam Nabi Azad, leading the Democratic Progressive Azad Party (DPAP), brings his years of experience to bear, while the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s high command in New Delhi tosses policy decisions from afar, their influence felt with every backhand play.

BJP J&K unit’s General Secretary (Organisation) Ashok Kaul says that while senior leaders like Ram Madhav, Gangapuram Kishan Reddy, Ashish Sood, and Tarun Chugh are looking after the affairs of the party for the upcoming elections in J&K, the party high command including the BJP’s star campaigners Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Home Minister Amit Shah, and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh are reaching out to the voters to set the ball rolling.

Like the BJP high command, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi is also assuming the role of the non-playing captain for the Congress in J&K.

Senior Congress leader and former legislator Ghulam Nabi Monga says that Gandhi has a lot of love for the people of Kashmir.

“A sea of people – young and old, men, women and children, came to welcome him when he recently visited Kashmir while his Bharat Jodo Yatra was also impressive,” he says. “He is our star campaigner and connects well with the masses as he talks about Kashmir from the heart.”

Even from behind bars, Engineer Rashid, the incarcerated president of the Awami Ittehad Party (AIP), manages to make his presence felt on this political court.

His absence from the court itself only seems to amplify his political voice, bringing into sharp focus the unique nature of this high-stakes game.

Rashid’s son Abrar, who successfully led his campaign in the parliamentary polls and is now campaigning for the upcoming assembly polls, says the campaign not only in north Kashmir but also in south Kashmir is witnessing massive crowds.

“Yes, Rashid Sahab is the major factor in our campaign,” he says. “This is because he has tirelessly worked for the people.”

The match might have started at love-all but the rallies are getting longer and longer.

Meanwhile, the electorate watches with bated breath as the score teeters between advantage and deuce.

As the political grand slam unfolds in J&K, a single fault may be forgiven, but a double fault could cost the entire match.

With the final set approaching, the tension is palpable. Who will emerge victorious in this most unusual of championships? Will it be the seasoned veterans, their experience guiding them through the trickiest of tiebreaks? Or will a dark horse emerge, armed with a powerful serve of fresh ideas and grassroots support?

One thing is certain: in the grand arena of Kashmiri politics, where the lines between sport and statecraft blur, there is no such thing as a simple game. Here, every point is a policy, every set a mandate, and the match itself is nothing less than the future of the region.

October 8 will determine who wins the point, game, set, match, and this grand slam called Kashmir’s political theatre.

Greater Kashmir