#Jharkhand BJP candidate selection

[townpostin]

BJP Gears Up for Jharkhand Polls, Prioritizes Alliance Talks

Party aims to release first candidate list by August-end, focuses on seat-sharing BJP intensifies preparations for Jharkhand assembly elections, prioritizing alliance negotiations before announcing candidates. JAMSHEDPUR – The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is ramping up efforts for the upcoming Jharkhand assembly elections, focusing on finalizing seat-sharing arrangements with potential allies. A…

[news365timesindia]

[ad_1] GG News Bureau New Delhi, 15th Oct. In the wake of its recent victory in Haryana, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) aims to leverage its momentum to challenge the INDIA bloc in the upcoming assembly elections in Maharashtra and Jharkhand. These elections are crucial for the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), as a strong showing could reaffirm its political dominance following a less-than-stellar performance in the Lok Sabha polls. With a focus on reclaiming its narrative, the BJP is keen to showcase its strength against regional leaders who are pivotal to the opposition’s campaign. Maharashtra, which holds significant political importance with 48 Lok Sabha seats and a hub for major business houses, is particularly seen as a key battleground. BJP leaders believe that a win here would dispel doubts about their influence, suggesting that the Congress and its allies misled voters during the national elections. The Congress, the largest opposition party in Maharashtra, faces formidable challengers in Sharad Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and Uddhav Thackeray’s Shiv Sena (UBT). In Jharkhand, the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), led by Chief Minister Hemant Soren, is the principal opposition. While both the Congress and BJP secured five seats each in the Lok Sabha, the opposition alliance Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) dominated with 31 out of 48 seats. Despite this, NDA leaders argue that the vote share difference was minimal, less than one percent, indicating potential vulnerability for the opposition. Home Minister Amit Shah has been actively engaging communities and regions to strengthen the NDA’s grassroots presence, a strategy that proved effective in Haryana. The Maharashtra government’s recent initiatives to establish welfare boards for various communities further illustrate this approach. However, the ruling alliance in Maharashtra faces internal challenges, with parties sometimes prioritizing their own political interests over cohesive strategy. In contrast, the MVA has thus far exhibited unity in its opposition to the BJP, utilizing sympathy appeals from the Lok Sabha campaign, which accused the BJP of fostering divisions within the Shiv Sena and NCP. The upcoming assembly polls are pivotal for Chief Minister Eknath Shinde and Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar, as their political futures hinge on securing popular legitimacy. Complications surrounding seat-sharing and candidate selection loom large, given the potential for influential local leaders to shift allegiances. In Jharkhand, the BJP’s challenge intensifies in tribal regions, where it previously faced setbacks. The party has appointed experienced campaigners like Union Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan and Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma to invigorate its efforts against the JMM-Congress alliance, framing issues of corruption and threats to tribal identity. The Election Commission has scheduled the Maharashtra assembly elections for November 20, while Jharkhand will conduct its polls in two phases on November 13 and 20. Vote counting for both states is set for November 23, making these elections a crucial test for both the BJP and the opposition. [ad_2] Source link

[news365times]

[ad_1] GG News Bureau New Delhi, 15th Oct. In the wake of its recent victory in Haryana, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) aims to leverage its momentum to challenge the INDIA bloc in the upcoming assembly elections in Maharashtra and Jharkhand. These elections are crucial for the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), as a strong showing could reaffirm its political dominance following a less-than-stellar performance in the Lok Sabha polls. With a focus on reclaiming its narrative, the BJP is keen to showcase its strength against regional leaders who are pivotal to the opposition’s campaign. Maharashtra, which holds significant political importance with 48 Lok Sabha seats and a hub for major business houses, is particularly seen as a key battleground. BJP leaders believe that a win here would dispel doubts about their influence, suggesting that the Congress and its allies misled voters during the national elections. The Congress, the largest opposition party in Maharashtra, faces formidable challengers in Sharad Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and Uddhav Thackeray’s Shiv Sena (UBT). In Jharkhand, the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), led by Chief Minister Hemant Soren, is the principal opposition. While both the Congress and BJP secured five seats each in the Lok Sabha, the opposition alliance Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) dominated with 31 out of 48 seats. Despite this, NDA leaders argue that the vote share difference was minimal, less than one percent, indicating potential vulnerability for the opposition. Home Minister Amit Shah has been actively engaging communities and regions to strengthen the NDA’s grassroots presence, a strategy that proved effective in Haryana. The Maharashtra government’s recent initiatives to establish welfare boards for various communities further illustrate this approach. However, the ruling alliance in Maharashtra faces internal challenges, with parties sometimes prioritizing their own political interests over cohesive strategy. In contrast, the MVA has thus far exhibited unity in its opposition to the BJP, utilizing sympathy appeals from the Lok Sabha campaign, which accused the BJP of fostering divisions within the Shiv Sena and NCP. The upcoming assembly polls are pivotal for Chief Minister Eknath Shinde and Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar, as their political futures hinge on securing popular legitimacy. Complications surrounding seat-sharing and candidate selection loom large, given the potential for influential local leaders to shift allegiances. In Jharkhand, the BJP’s challenge intensifies in tribal regions, where it previously faced setbacks. The party has appointed experienced campaigners like Union Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan and Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma to invigorate its efforts against the JMM-Congress alliance, framing issues of corruption and threats to tribal identity. The Election Commission has scheduled the Maharashtra assembly elections for November 20, while Jharkhand will conduct its polls in two phases on November 13 and 20. Vote counting for both states is set for November 23, making these elections a crucial test for both the BJP and the opposition. [ad_2] Source link

[razorblogz]

'We are both India and Bharat, rest will be taken care of by Baba Baidyanath': RJD chief Lalu

Lalu also expressed concern over present affairs in the country and asserted that PM Modi's "exit is certain" following the 2024 Lok Sabha polls.

RANCHI: RJD chief Lalu Prasad Yadav on Monday accused the BJP government of “doing away” with the constitution and “wipe out” the name of BR Ambedkar.

Speaking to the media after offering prayers at Baba Baidyanath Dham temple in Jharkhand’s Deoghar, the RJD supremo remarked, “We will not allow the constitution, poor, unemployed or Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar to be harmed in any way. They (the saffron party) want to wipe out the name of Babasaheb Bhim Rao Ambedkar.”

Lalu also expressed concern over present affairs in the country and asserted that PM Modi’s “exit is certain” following the 2024 Lok Sabha polls.

“The situation in the country is not good. Inflation and unemployment are at its peak. People are falling prey to hunger. Narendra Modi has resorted to deceiving people again with elections around the corner….But his exit is certain this time,” claimed the former Union Minister.

When asked about the ongoing ‘Bharat’ renaming controversy, the RJD Chief said, “We are both India and Bharat; the rest will be taken care of by Baba Baidyanath.”

“I visited both Baba Baidyanath and Basukinath and offered prayers to them and will visit a few other religious places following which I will jump into the poll battle and start the work for the INDIA block formed by 28 political parties,” he added.

He also came down heavily on PM Modi over the reduction of LPG prices, terming it a tactic to “deceive people before the elections.”

“The Prime Minister is trying to fool the people by reducing the price of gas cylinders by Rs 200, as if, he is paying it from his own pocket…. It is the money of the people. The funds for ration or kerosene come from citizens’ money,” the RJD chief remarked.

Terming the G20 summit a “waste of money”, Lalu questioned what benefit the common people of India would get from the summit. “What difference did G20 Summit make to the people of this Country…So much money in this Country was wasted by inviting so many people from across the world,” he said.

Meanwhile, Lalu informed that the INDIA bloc parties will start brainstorming soon to select candidates for the 2024 polls in New Delhi later this month, which will also be attended by Bihar Deputy CM Tejaswi Yadav. “A committee has already been formed and Prime Ministerial candidate will be elected one from them only,” he said.

There are no differences on the issue of the Prime Ministerial candidate and a consensus leader of the block will also be selected in due course, Yadav continued.

[thewritingnut]

Daunting and deferential milady to make the cut

A sea of flags waved during the twilight. The air was filled with momentous joy. Girls in tribal attire were pirouetting in elation. The Presidential election results announced that NDA alliance candidate Draupathi Murmu was surging past against the opposition candidate, Yashwanth Sinha. She will be the first tribal woman to be appointed as the 15th president of India. It came at the right time as India is preparing itself to celebrate the 75th year of Independence. She has amassed 50% of the congregated votes. It’s a moment of augustness.

Who is Draupadi Murmu?

Draupadi Murmu belongs to the Santali or Santhal tribe, an ethnic group native to South Asia. The Santali tribe lives mostly in Jharkhand. Draupadi Murmu hails from Jharkand and she was the first Lady Governor of Jharkhand to hold the office from the year 2015 to 2021. During her tenure of 6 years, she has never failed to work for the tribes of her own land. She joined the BJP in the year 1997 and was elected as a councillor in Odisha. She was born in Odisha where her father and grandfather were the Sarpanch. She was married to Shyam Charan Murmu and the couple had two sons and a daughter. From the year 2009 to 2014 she lost her two sons, her husband, her mother and her brother. She is now surviving only with her daughter. To chase away her loneliness she chose spirituality and joined Brahma Kumaris who are believed to sanctify the souls.

Before her state political avenue, she was a teacher. Then she became the honorary assistant professor at Shri Aurobindo Integral Education and Research in Rairangpur and later on joined as a Junior assistant at Odisha Irrigation Centre.

She is a representative of the subaltern and is expected to bring impressive switches and transitions during her tenure. ‘ Should she be selected, she will be the first tribal woman to be elected as President’ - said the reports during the presidential elections campaign. Now the walk and wait are over. Now she is the second woman President to reach Raisina Hill after the first woman president, Prathiba Patil. Let’s also join the folks in celebrating the womanhood who clamber the ladder of decorum and dignity. Let’s too solemnise the victory and await any needed change.

[latestewsupdates15]

Read About NDA's candidate Draupadi Murmu  for the presidential polls: HYD7AM

Hyderabad News: In an interesting update that could be a surprising element to the opposition, NDA’s government has announced  Droupadi Murmu as their presidential candidate. Droupadi Murmu from NDA will now have to face Yashwant Sinha who worked as Unior Minister in the past and is now supported by joining the Opposition for the presidential election. 

It seems that the BJP government is trying to do what the previous governments have failed to do so far by naming a scheduled tribe candidate for presidential polls. BJP has picked Ram Nath Singh Kovind of the Dalit Community as the current president and now backing a scheduled tribe candidate and nominating her for the presidential post. Droupadi Murmu is a respectable person and worthy candidate and has been nominated for the post.

After a lot of discussions and brainstorming, Draupadi Murmu of the ST community has been selected as the presidential candidate for NDA. Though a few names including Venkaiah Naidu popped up in the discussions, BJP went for Draupadi Murmu.

Who is Droupadi Murmu?

Born in the Santhal community of Odisha in the year 1958 on the 20th of June, Droupadi Murmu was a school teacher and also worked as a junior assistant in the irrigation and power department for four years till 1983 before entering into politics.

Droupadi Murmu started her political career with a councilor post and then went on to become an MLA and then Cabinet Minister. Later She has been made the Jharkhand Governor.

She worked as Commerce and Transport Minister and Fisheries and Animal Resources Development after the BJP party an allied with the Biju Janata Dal party In Odisha.  Droupadi Murmu was awarded the Nilkantha award which is given to the best MLA in Odisha.

Draupadi Murmu’s nomination as presidential candidate by NDA is a timely and strategic decision to impress the ST community and counter the opposition, NDA is sending a strong message that they pick candidates for such a big post based on their caliber and qualities and not their political background.

Andhra Pradesh State Chief Minister YS Jagan Mohan reddy and his announced their support for NDA candidate Draupadi Murmu in the Presidential Polls.

To read more About Droupadi Murumu and Presidential Polls Updates, visit HYD7AM.com

About HYD7AM.com

HYD7AM.com, Pioneer in Online News and Journalism. HYD7Am brings you the latest news and updates from Telangana State, Andhra Pradesh, India, and All parts of the world. HYD7AM.com covers all the latest exclusive breaking updates from regional to global.

HYD7AM brings you the latest breaking news and updates from Politics, Business, Science and Technology, Current affairs, Trending Viral News, Entertainment News and updates, and so on…

To get updated on what’s happening in and around the world, click the link https://www.hyd7am.com/ and go to the respective category and read all the important news and information on HYD7AM.com

[nisheethsharan]

Why BJP failed to breach Kejriwal’s bastion

It is universally acknowledged that incumbent governments are in campaign mode all through their tenure, while opposition gets its act together closer to the hustings. I use this banal observation not because it merits mention, but to remind you that politics and elections are a 24/7/365 effort. Over the years with the advent of high octane political campaigns, the import of this understanding has diluted. Incumbents think they will figure out the future and the freebies in their 4th year in power, while the opposition takes on the government only tactically and believes in mounting a challenge only when the election season arrives.

Probably,  it is better utilisation of resources but certainly not smarter utilisation of resources. Because the voters form their opinion of parties over every day of their existence. Which is why “living the character” in politics is so important for ones branding.

Delhi Assembly elections are the most recent instance of BJP relinquishing the role of an active opposition for 59 months and picking it up with gusto in the 60th. It displayed less a commitment to Delhi and more to elections. It is a move fraught with risks. But to imagine BJP erred in its approach would be wrong. BJP played by its script. A script which is getting dog eared by the day as its strike rate is under threat and the party faces erosion of states. To understand what really contributed to the defeat of BJP in Delhi let us look at how the Delhi elections unfolded.

Dusting and rebooting BJP Delhi

BJP has been well aware of the stench in its Delhi unit. For over 20 years BJP Delhi has been at loggerheads in terms of petty factionalism, leadership conflicts, groupism and opaque ceilings. The same jaded faces have lorded over their micro fiefdoms to manage their mini factions in Municipal elections and the power that comes with it. BJP has managed to win the parliamentary and municipal elections but failed to have their legislative candidates. They have lost connect with the people, are seen as an arrogant and corrupt bunch with no zeal to solve the problems of Delhi. BJP’s mistake No. 1 was to not address the rot in its Delhi unit.

A leaderless party is a faceless fear.

BJP had over 10 years to identify and groom its second generation Delhi leaders. For a party that plans well into the future, BJP failed to do so. We have the example of Arvind Kejriwal who emerged out of nowhere and became a face to reckon with in Delhi’s political landscape. All through his journey, he was never singularly challenged by a young dynamic BJP leader backed by the party’s national leadership. Instead BJP chose to field its national leaders against Kejriwal to his delight and advantage. Initially PM Modi and currently HM Amit Shah have taken on Kejriwal. Kejriwal couldn’t have prayed for a brighter stroke of luck. In fact, he made every effort to pitch himself in that zone.

There has been increasing chatter nationally about BJP’s policy of winning states and foisting light weight state leaders as CM, a move resented by the voters as well as party’s state units. PM Modi has maintained rock solid loyalty from public while state units appear too infirm in comparison. To add to the equation is the internecine power struggle and heart burn that emerges from it. Delhi voters were not looking for an anointed CM, should BJP win. They wanted to know the groom well before the marriage. Not choosing a Delhi bred state leader who could connect with the aspirational Delhi voters was BJP’s mistake No 2.

60 months is NOT equal to 60 days

Over the 60 months of Arvind Kejriwal’s tenure, BJP almost allowed him a clean run. Admittedly, with its minuscule presence in the Delhi Assembly there was little BJP could do in the house. But that allowed BJP the opportunity of putting its famed opposition genes to use. BJP could have gone to the public at every given opportunity. Instead, it allowed Kejriwal to accuse Modi government of obstructionism and disfavour while really not delivering anything spectacular. BJP had 60 days to put Arvind Kejriwal and his juvenile government on the mat, but it chose to take him on only in the last 60 days, committing its mistake No. 3

A campaign too late

Till December end, the Delhi elections were considered a foregone conclusion. From rank and file to state-national leaders, the preparedness indicated BJP had chosen to throw in the towel even before the match. It is an intriguing question why BJP decided to take on AAP so late in the day. It is believed that serious planning for Delhi elections began only in the first week of January. Probably the defeat in Jharkhand at the tail of Maharashtra debacle pushed Delhi Elections up the priority of the national leadership. 

With its state unit in disarray, rusted local leaders and dejected karyakartas, BJP decided to go all out. A call for all-hands-on-the-deck pushed BJP’s famed election machinery to contest a minuscule territory against a wily adversary playing in his backyard. This was akin to an under prepared Indian cricket team out to challenge Australia on its windy, bouncy wickets; definitely its mistake No 4.

Choosing to be a Goliath?

Putting up a brave fight in Delhi appears like a diktat that came in too late. Credit must go to Amit Shah- JP Nadda for mobilising the largest inflow of BJP leaders, managers and organisational heavyweights in a spirited show of aggression. One can appreciate the Hobson’s choice both had. With a leadership transition in progress (Between Amit Shah-JP Nadda), a redundant state unit, he had no choice but to call on his trusted lieutenants from outside. By one estimate, 4 Organisation General Secretaries, 6 Ex CMs, 8-10 state presidents and countless MPs and MLAs were tasked with mapping every nook and corner of Delhi.

However, this had a set of problems all its own. It created multiple power centres, decision making units and communication silos. The local units initially resented this airdropping of senior leaders but over a period of time aligned themselves and started functioning as a team.

What this created was very public, heavy duty, high visibility presence of BJP on the streets. Although it injected necessary enthusiasm in the BJP cadre and supporters it also created an unwanted David vs Goliath scenario for neutral, apolitical voters. Here were a bunch of heavy weights with no connection to Delhi working to throw out a local lad who was unequally matched.

By default, AAP and its local units became David to BJP's Goliath. And we know everybody has a soft corner for the underdog.

Selection of candidates

There has been a difference of opinion amongst people who know about the selection of candidates. I do believe, nobody knows more about the process of decision making than the parties involved. By a rough estimate of winnability being the criteria, BJP managed to select approximately 60% candidates with electoral winnability while 40% were selected on political considerations. It might be possible that those 40% were from “grade C’ constituencies where possibility of winning was meagre. However, it would be safe to assume that the selection of candidates was sub optimal.

This was also evident from the absence of heavy weights in the electoral fray. Academically, imagine if the candidate list included Dr Harshvardhan, Manoj Tiwari, Vijay Goel, Meenakshi Lekhi and Parvesh Singh Verma. The kickoff to the elections would be with leaders personally invested in the outcome. It would have mobilised the local karyakartas as their lifelines would have been on the chopping block. Nonetheless, this is a matter of conjecture and for worthier political acumen to dwell upon.

Kejriwal’s bulwark against BJP: Freebies and more.

Unable to deliver on his loftier electoral promises like marshals in buses, 15 lac CCTV cameras, 500 schools/colleges and so on, Kejriwal opted for the Shivraj Chouhan model of delivery. It had worked for him in 2015 too.

By an estimation 30 lac household (75lac voters) fell into the bracket of less than 200 units of free electricity. It is reported they have been receiving a Nil Electricity Bill for many months now. Thats a sizeable contribution to their average monthly cash savings. Electorally, this was freebies in the bag, not promises.

Free rides for women, free tirth yatra for elders etc also played their role in keeping Kejriwal’s 2015 voters cemented. Now compare this with BJPs spread of freebies, which was bigger and BJP had no option but to extend them.

The difference lay in ‘a bird in hand is better than two in the bush’. AAP prevailed here.

The tactical absence of Congress

The dwindling vote share of Congress from the time Shiela Dikshit exited Delhi politics should have struck to BJP. It would have been smart of BJP to ween away those voters. With nobody to peg themselves to, these voters frittered away to both sides of the spectrum with an erosion of about 8-10%. It can be assumed that ideological divergence would have pushed most of them towards AAP. In the current elections, Congress as a party has displayed conspicuous lack of application. It sent a tacit message to its voters to consolidate behind AAP to harm BJP. This myopic move, drawn from its leadership’s visceral hatred for BJP may cost it dearly in the days to come.

An improved Kejriwal

With all the restraint at his command and to the relief of voters, Kejriwal appeared to have matured as a politician. He displayed a tight grip on his emotions, was measured in his utterances, stayed clear of the shrill, slanging matches he was known for and read entirely from the script. Ask him anything and he would talk of the things that rung a bell with the voters. Electricity, water, tirthayatra, schools, clinics. This is the evolution of Arvind Kejriwal 2.0 that makes him ready for larger space on the political horizon.

Kejriwal lured them with Shaheen Bagh. BJP lapped it up.

Setting the agenda is the single most important initiative in an electoral battle. With the CAA protests sizzling across the country, AAP and its allies erected Delhi’s own battle field. The Shaheen Bagh protests, with continuous media coverage and frenzy, propelled it to the national mainstream.

The signature of India Against Corruption and the Anna Andolan was evident in they way Shaheen Bagh was organised and captured national visibility. It was a thought out move with zero spontaneity.

That was the lure AAP presented to BJP. It hid a poisoned hook under its shiny plume. BJP, already late into the arena with very little to show for its Delhi efforts, no exciting vision for future of Delhi and struggling to win over the poor in a fight for freebies lapped up the lure. Now the hook was set. And agenda was squarely in the hands of Kejriwal.

Incremental? What incremental?

Elections in democracy are about adding incremental votes. It is said seats are won on the election day but vote shares are won 24x7x365. With Shaheen Bagh becoming the point of reckoning, the lines were drawn. 

Muslims + Liberal + Poor vs Nationalism consolidated 

It is a given that in times of Hindu-Muslim conflict, Muslims mobilise and consolidate first and fast. Hindu consolidation begins slowly and takes a longer time to peak. Kejriwal had gauged this accurately to peak muslim consolidation right into the elections. BJP had no choice but to hasten the process of Hindu consolidation to get to peak it in time. The high decibel aggression of Amit Shah without losing a minute in bringing Shaheen Bagh to focus was a fait accompli. He was fighting for a Hindu backlash in a city where a large chunk likes to play liberal. Kejriwal was clear that he wanted nationalist (read BJP) consolidation not a reverse Hindu consolidation. To Amit Shah’s advantage, emergence of Hard Muslim utterances of Sharjil Imam and Amanatullah variety, created the reason for not just nationalists but also the Hindus to consolidate against him. Vary of a Hindu backlash, Arvind Kejriwal was quick to distance himself from Shaheen Bagh while letting Manish Sisodia support it in a cheeky display of brazen ambiguity.

However, Kejriwal made all efforts to dilute the reverse Hindu polarisation by citing Hanuman Chalisa on TV with fawning anchors in tow. Following it up with his religious tweets in a subliminal act of deceit. But by then, part of the damage was done.

Let’s come to the electoral arithmetic of polarisation. With Hindu-Muslim becoming the leitmotif of Delhi elections, BJP had little to gain. The nationalist Hindu voters were already behind them. At best, this polarisation ensured that entire core vote of BJP voted. With BJP’s apathy for Delhi, earlier there was a fear of even its core voters not coming out to vote. Amit Shah’s high decibel campaign ensured that the core voter came out and also rallied behind him nationally.

What it did not do was get substantial incremental votes.

BJP crosses the victory line with its core voters AND incremental voters.  Without the incremental votes it languishes in the Advani era. 

Nationally, PM Modi and team have been mindful of gaining incremental votes of the poor sections and the aspirational voters. In Delhi, with the poor class hooked to AAP’s freebies, naive hooked to Arvind’s theatrics, aspirational class being averse to hard Hindutva, there really were no incremental votes to woo.

BJP was confined to its core vote bank and nothing much.

Soft Hindutva vs Hard Hindutva

Both parties managed to achieve a highly charged, polarised atmosphere. However, this polarisation was more in favour of AAP with muslims rallying behind it. It is an established psychographic conclusion that a large part of Delhi is averse to hard Hindutva. Probably, it has to do with the entrepreneurial mindset of Delhi which avoids situations of commercial inactivity. Or possibly the aspirational urgency of the youngsters who connect more to the idea of a liberal village than to the idea of civilisational majesty. With the Sharjeel Imam episode it was impossible for BJP not to rebut. But rebuttal pushed BJP into the Hard Hindutva zone while Kejriwal went about singing Hanuman Chalisa to soften Hindus. In BJP’s defence, it was not a choice they made. It was a decision thrust upon them by circumstances. 

Feet-in-the-street vs Vanishing volunteers

Till 2015 and beyond, AAP had a bubbling presence of committed volunteer who travelled across the world to participate in this “Lets change India” experiment. However, with realpolitik taking over, Arvind Kejriwal practised what any dyed in wool politician would. He consolidated his stranglehold over his fledgling party. Challengers and dissenters were quickly shown the door. Volunteers were now a burden of expectations and resources. He swiftly displayed a cold shoulder and most of the naive volunteers withdrew with their innocence hurt. It did not matter much to Arvind then, because running the government hardly required anybody looking over his shoulders.

This is where Amit Shah-JP Nadda and his team had a clean sweep. With his mammoth machine in action, core voters energised, he had no shortage of feet on the street. In the classic mould of Sangh mobilisation, the BJP workers went door to door, cross checking on their voters and ensured voting peaked tactically in identified constituencies. The much talked about surge voting of 4pm onwards was the outcome of BJP’s untiring efforts to bring their lazy and latent supporters to the voting machines. Raising its vote share from 6.37% over 2015.

Chemistry vs Arithmetic

There is now no doubt that Kejriwal walked away with the chemistry in these elections. He managed to connect with Delhi as their own person, to give respectability to freebies, adopted the mantle of the eldest son, his residual image of a man trying to do better for Delhi and above all an underdog defending his terrain from BJP heavyweights endeared him to Delhi. Where he lost was with nationalists who pegged him with the Shaheen Bagh crowd and considered him a potential threat to national interests.

BJP on the other hand had limited sentiment going for it. The Hindu backlash, though limited, along with nationalism under threat and belligerent Islamism ensured that BJP’s captive vote bank poured out in numbers. Aided with tactical voting in identified seats, feet on the street management countered Kejriwal’s chemistry with its own brand of comprehensive arithmetic.

In the end, however, arithmetic proved woefully short of chemistry.

[todaybharatnews]

via Today Bharat lsquo;We were hundred...three Dalits, three OBCs singled outrsquo; BJP election committee holds meeting to finalise Haryana, Maharashtra candidates Prime Minister Narendra Modi during BJPrsquo;s Central Election Committee (CEC) meeting, in New Delhi. (PTI)In an unusual interpretation of the model code of conduct, six students of the Mahatma Gandhi Antarrashtriya Hindi Vishwavidyalaya (MGAHV) in Maharashtrarsquo;s Wardha have been expelled for organising a dharna and writing a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi protesting, among other things, rising incidents of mob lynching and ldquo;shieldingrdquo; of leaders accused of rape. In an order issued October 9, Acting Registrar Rajeshwar Singh said the students were being expelled for ldquo;violating the 2019 assembly election code of conduct and interfering in the judicial processrdquo; by organising a group dharna. Chandan Saroj, one of the six students thrown out, said though some 100 students were present at the dharna on October 9, university authorities took action ldquo;selectively against three Dalit and three OBC studentsrdquo;. He said ldquo;there were many upper caste students too in solidarity with usrdquo;. The order was issued on October 9.The expulsion order identified the students as Chandan Saroj (M Phil, Social Work); Neeraj Kumar (PhD, Gandhi and Peace Studies); Rajesh Sarthi; Rajneesh Ambedkar (Womenrsquo;s Studies Department); Pankaj Vela (M Phil, Gandhi and Peace Studies); and, Vaibhav Pimpalkar (Diploma, Womenrsquo;s Studies Department). The All India Studentsrsquo; Association, in a Facebook post, said Rajesh Sarthi is an AISA activist. It called for reversal of the university order, saying ldquo;freedom of expression of the students cannot be curtailedrdquo;. Stating that women who complained of rape by BJPrsquo;s Kuldeep Singh Sengar and Chinmayanand were being ldquo;brutally victimizedrdquo;, it went on to list issues such as Kashmir, ldquo;communal and casteist mob lynchingsrdquo;, the murder of Tabrez Ansari in Jharkhand, the attack on Dalits in Bhima Koregaon and the demolition of a Ravidas temple in Delhi. nbsp; Acting Vice-Chancellor Krishna Kumar Singh told The Indian Express: ldquo;Action was taken in view of the prohibition in force against protests in groups during the period of model code of conduct for the Maharashtra assembly election. Our letter is very clear on the matter.rdquo; Chandan Saroj said ldquo;a few days ago, we had announced on our FB page that we were going to write a letter to the PM to protest. Some students told us that the administration was saying it cannot be done without their permission. So, on October 7, we gave them a letter. They denied permission, saying our letter did not have a date. They never mentioned anything about the code of conduct.rdquo; ldquo;We decided to gather at the Gandhi Hill on the campus where there is a Gandhi statue. October 9 was also BSP founder Kanshi Ramrsquo;s death anniversary, so we merged both programmes. But they locked the gates leading to the statue. When about 100 students were holding a dharna near the gate, Acting Registrar Rajeshwar Singh, Acting V-C K K Singh and Proctor Manoj Kumar came around 9 pm. They spoke to us in a rude, threatening manner. We kept saying there was nothing unconstitutional about what we were doing, and that there can be no election code of conduct on the campus. But they did not listen,rdquo; he said. ldquo;Late at night, when the office remains closed, they issued this letter selectively against three Dalit and three OBC students though there were many upper caste students too in solidarity with us,rdquo; Saroj said, adding ldquo;we went ahead and posted the letter to the PM on October 10rdquo;.

[whittlebaggett8]

Lalu to approve RJD poll candidates; alliance partners

Patna: RJD main Lalu Prasad will have the ultimate say on the assortment of candidates and option of alliance companions for the Lok Sabha elections and Assembly bypolls, his bash mentioned Saturday.

The selection was designed at the RJD’s central parliamentary board assembly which was preceded by a different assembly of point out units of Bihar and Jharkhand at previous main minister Rabri Devi’s 10, Round Highway home below.

The party’s central parliamentary board has unanimously authorised Lalu Prasad to pick the candidates for Lok Sabha elections and condition Assembly bypolls, RJD’s countrywide spokesperson and Rajya Sabha member Manoj Jha explained to reporters.

“Besides, the bash chief has also been authorised to keep parleys with like-minded functions to discover out the options and give a final shape to the alliance for Lok Sabha polls,” the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) leader claimed.

Prasad is presently serving prison sentences in Ranchi just after currently being convicted in a range of fodder rip-off instances.

RJD leaders satisfy Lalu in jail every Saturday wherever he is apprised of the latest developments, celebration resources claimed.

Jha, accompanied by the party’s countrywide secretary normal and MLC Qamar Alam, explained that many RJD state units of Bihar and Jharkhand have passed resolutions and conveyed to the central parliamentary board to authorise Prasad to take the final simply call in deciding upon candidates and alliance associates.

Jha, having said that, declined to remark on the difficulty of seat sharing among the the opposition alliance in Bihar which comprises RJD, Congress, Upendra Kushwaha’s RLSP, previous CM Jitan Ram Manjhi’s HAM(S) and Mukesh Sahni’s VIP.

“All is nicely and everything is on correct keep track of in regard to talks on alliance,” Jha mentioned.

It may possibly be noted that the Still left events have currently communicated to the RJD management that they wish to be section of the opposition alliance in Bihar to guarantee Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) defeat in the 2019 typical elections.

This has place the RJD in a tight spot which may well uncover it difficult to accommodate each individual and each one in the alliance with particular person wish-record and assert for seats.

Jha also said that the RJD has resolved to remain away from Holi celebrations this year in buy to show its solidarity with the folks of the nation and households of those people who obtained killed in Pulwama terror assault in Jammu and Kashmir previous thirty day period.

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[wionews]

Should Congress propose an Adivasi as the presidential candidate?

With Ram Nath Kovind’s announcement as NDA’s presidential candidate, the bar has been raised for the Opposition. The Opposition’s candidate will need to create a far powerful imagination of presidency knowing that he or she doesn’t have the numbers to make it to the office of the President. But the crisis does sow the seeds of opportunity. When Ambedkar’s grandson, Prakash Ambedkar says that an Adivasi should be selected to fight the official candidate, it shouldn’t be brushed aside as light comment from a political outsider. Instead of making it a Dalit vs Dalit fight, the Congress party can pick its own symbol of oppressed people, and deploy a face whose credibility matches or exceeds that of the official candidate.

Today, tribals represent the most exploited and least politically empowered segments in the Indian political structure.

Last time around, PA Sangma floated this idea and contested the elections on this very plank but lost. He was an accomplished parliamentarian but his opponent was formidable Pranab Mukherji. So neither the idea had cut any ice nor could he create a counter-narrative which would put Pranab Mukherji at a disadvantage despite having the numbers by his side.

India’s tribal communities also suffer from the absence of political platforms, which both Muslims and Dalits enjoy.

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Tribals in this country are the most oppressed people in India. They are far more marginalised than Dalits, both socially and politically. In popular literature and politics, Dalits have their icons but tribals have none. Even Muslims and other minorities received support from various quarters and help from mainstream parties but not the members of the tribal communities. It is also because tribals are far removed from the cities; their voices are too remote to be captured by the media. India’s tribal communities also suffer from the absence of political platforms, which both Muslims and Dalits enjoy. The original sons of the soil also continue to be violently oppressed by the state, industrialists, Naxalites and missionaries. 

Tribals of India don’t have their Ambedkar or Gandhi. 

Chattisgarh and Jharkhand, which were created on the plank of tribal homeland have non-tribal as their chief ministers today.

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Worst is the representation rate of the tribals in the state as it continues to be very low. India has never had a tribal in any of the top four ministerial portfolios. Neither the service chiefs nor the head of bureaucracy has come from any of the tribal communities, leave alone the positions of prime minister and the president. Though tribals have gone on to become the chief ministers but such is the nature of politics that states, such as Chattisgarh and Jharkhand, which were created on the plank of tribal homeland have non-tribal as their chief ministers today. Tribals neither control the rich natural resources nor have a say in the pattern of development. All they have received is displacement in the name of development. 

Many would argue that pitching a tribal president would be a symbolic affair but politics is about creating symbols. It imparts larger meaning to public discourse. Even Pratibha Patil was projected as a woman by the Congress when she was nominated as India’s first female president. So, what should the Congress do now when multiple alliance partners are on verge of leaving them for BJP? 

Congress can make a strong pitch for a tribal as the President. Otherwise, they would either have to pitch the former Lok Sabha Speaker Meera Kumar or else they would have to go for a Gandhian who in popular imagery could transcend the politics of caste. And both the categories would look stale and ordinary.

(WION)

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[todaybharatnews]

via Today Bharat Single-phase assembly elections will be held in Maharashtra and Haryana on October 21 and the BJP will take on the Congress-led opposition to retain power in both the states. The date for the polls in the two states was announced by the Election Commission (EC) on Saturday. The counting of votes will be taken up on October 24, Chief Election Commissioner Sunil Arora told a press conference. The term of the 288-member Maharashtra assembly ends on November 9 and that of the 90-member Haryana assembly on November 2. Notifications for the two assembly elections will be issued on September 27 and the nomination process will begin on the same day. October 4 is the last date of filing nominations. While scrutiny of nomination papers will take place on October 5, October 7 is the last date for candidates to withdraw from the electoral battle. The assembly elections are the first after Prime Minister Narendra Modi led the BJP to power at the Centre for a second term in May. The government's decision to abrogate Article 370 provisions, which gave special status to Jammu and Kashmir, is among the BJP campaign's key themes for the assembly polls. nbsp; BJP leaders sound confident of retaining power in both the states, where opposition parties have been weakened with many key leaders from their camp joining the saffron party in the recent weeks. In Maharashtra, the alliance between the BJP and the Shiv Sena has not been finalised yet, though talks between the two parties have been going in for some time. The BJP wants to fight a larger share of the 288 seats in the assembly while the Sena wants it to stick to the earlier agreed formula that both will contest an equal number of constituencies. Both parties could not agree to a seat-sharing deal even in the 2014 polls, leading to them fighting the elections separately. The BJP had won 122 seats and the Sena 63 seats.They joined hands after the polls to form government. Asked why elections to the Jharkhand assembly were not announced on Saturday when the country was discussing simultaneous polls, Arora said the term of the state assembly there ends on January 9. "If the leader of the House there wants to dissolve the assembly and advance the elections, then it is a separate matter. But why should the commission want to advance it," he said. While there is a debate on simultaneous polls, "unless there is a very clear consensus amongst the political parties on the issue, this cannot be taken as a given template", the chief election commissioner said Arora was also asked whether the EC will ban the use of Article 370 in election campaigns as it had banned the use of actions taken by defence forces across the border. He did not spell out a clear reply. "(Article) 370 is a decision taken by the Parliament of India. The only place where it can be challenged is the honourable Supreme Court of India," he said. Referring to the use of paper trail machines, he said on the lines of the Lok Sabha polls, the commission has mandated that VVPAT slips count of five randomly selected polling stations in each assembly constituency of Haryana and Maharashtra will be done for verification of the result obtained from the electronic voting machines (EVMs). The commission also reiterated that while some EVMs fail to function due to "mechanical, structural or physical defect" including faulty switches, broken button, faulty connection, these never record a "wrong vote". The polling stations where the count is taken up are selected by a draw of lots after the election and before counting. The EC will set up 95,473 polling stations for over 8.95 crore voters in Maharashtra. In Haryana, 19,425 polling stations will be set up for nearly 1.83 crore voters.