#BJP alliance talks Jharkhand

[townpostin]

BJP Gears Up for Jharkhand Polls, Prioritizes Alliance Talks

Party aims to release first candidate list by August-end, focuses on seat-sharing BJP intensifies preparations for Jharkhand assembly elections, prioritizing alliance negotiations before announcing candidates. JAMSHEDPUR – The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is ramping up efforts for the upcoming Jharkhand assembly elections, focusing on finalizing seat-sharing arrangements with potential allies. A…

[werindialive]

“What Rahul Gandhi meant…”: Shashi Tharoor clarifies remarks that upset allies!!!

Shashi Tharoor said, “I think what Rahul Gandhi meant was that we have a national vision. We speak for and think of the country as a whole. Whereas a regional party by its very character and nature is usually confined to one particular region or interest group”.

On Monday, Shashi Tharoor, senior congress leader played down Rahul Gandhi’s comment on regional parties' “lacking ideology” which has upset some regional allies at a time the party is planning to focus on alliances ahead of the 2024 national elections. Jharkhand ally of Congress named Mukti Morcha and Bihar ally Rashtriya Janata dal have questioned this remark.

During the three days of “Chintan Shivir” in Rajasthan’s Udaipur, Mr. Gandhi had said: “

 The BJP will talk about congress, will talk about congress leaders, will talk about congress workers, but will not talk about regional parties, because they know that the regional parties have their place but they can’t defeat BJP because they don’t have an ideology”.

On this statement of Rahul Gandhi, Mr. Tharoor told “I think what he meant at least we all understood by what he meant – was that we have a national vision, we speak for and think of the country as a whole. Whereas regional parties by their character and nature are usually confided in one particular region or interest group”.

Further, he elucidated this statement by saying: “I think, for example, much of the ideology of Trinamool, the RJD, the Samajwadi party or even for the most part of the DMK, will be congruent to and compatible with what the congress stands for”.

On this statement of Rahul Gandhi, The Rashtriya Janta Dal tool a swipe a Mr. Gandhi calling him claims “bizzare”. “I find it a little bizarre and out of sync”  as said by the RJD’d Manoj Jha. 

[loverajnishyadavblog]

Tejashwi Yadav's performance in the recently concluded Bihar election is nothing short of excellent. Like his cricket days, he opened a front against the BJP and the ruling National Democratic Alliance in Bihar. However, while he was holding one end, Tejashwi ran out of partners at the other end. With a little more support from allies, he could become the youngest Chief Minister of Bihar.

Tejashwi played his junior cricket for Delhi and shared the dressing room with Indian captain Virat Kohli. The Vidarbha cricketers recalled their encounter with the Rashtriya Janata Dal leader. Finally, he took four wickets in a good batting position in the Elite Group Cooch Bihar match against Vidarbha in 2007-08 at the Emerald High School ground in Indore. While he could not save his team from the loss of 10 wickets, Tejashwi made his mark as an off-spinner.

Before the match started, there was a fierce battle between Tejashwi. The then under-19 captain Viraj Kadbe, who played very well for his 198, remembers that match well. "He was in the junior circuit for four five years. Once you're part of a team for three four-year terms, the opponents know about you. However, this was the first time he was playing against us. He He had bowled well in that match. ”Kadbe told TOI.

"It was a good batting track and it had something for the fast bowlers but not much for the spinners. Uska Tappa was good (he would bowl consistently in the right areas). He would use his height well and get. Will. He said, "Good boom. He was not a big turner, but was accurate. I completed my century for a four, ”he said.

Tejashwi bowled 29 overs and took four wickets for 105 runs. After dismissing Delhi for 243, Vidarbha scored 531 runs in their first innings to win the match by 10 wickets. Tejashwi did nothing more than bat. He said, "He was a bowling all-rounder. He was a quiet man and never showed that he was the son of Lalu Prasad Yadav. I batted for almost six hours and it was Delhi captain Yogesh Nagar, who was calling the shots." He was another player from Delhi, following his captain's instructions.

Former Vidarbha left-arm spinner Sumit Ruikar, who dismissed Tejashwi in the first innings, remembered how he would come on the field with gun-wielding security guards. "We were told that he did not travel by bus with his teammates for security reasons. The guards roamed the field. I remember that during our batting, while talking to us, the guards told us 'Very good boy'. . " Ruikar said, everyone got to know a lot (he is a very cultish guy who respects everyone). He hit a four off the first ball.

Incidentally, Tejaswi's lone first-class match also came against Vidarbha in the 2009-10 season. After his junior days with Delhi, Tejashwi represented Jharkhand where he played one first-class, two List A and four Twenty20 matches. He was part of the Delhi Daredevils team in 2008-09.

Tejashwi also scored a century in junior cricket and his most memorable performance came in the Vijay Merchant Under-17 final for Mumbai. It was his unbeaten 95-ball 89, which helped Delhi play a crucial innings against Mumbai. He was unbeaten in the second innings scoring 49 runs which helped Delhi win the championship. Apart from Kohli, Ishant Sharma also played that match.

#TejaswiYadav

[bigyack-com]

‘Confusing’: BJP disses Prashant Kishor’s seat-sharing formula for Bihar polls - india news

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has not taken well to the seat-sharing formula floated by Janata Dal(United) vice-president Prashant Kishor for the assembly elections in Bihar next year.Kishor had told NDTV on Sunday that seat-sharing talks could be held according to the old formula followed in 2009 when the BJP and JD(U) fought the elections in an alliance.“The talks between the JD(U) and the BJP for the division of seats for the assembly polls next year could be held on the basis of the 1:1.4 ratio,” Kishor had said.“While it is possible for it to be even 1:1.35 or 1:1.3, but it can’t be 1:1 since the JD(U) is the bigger party in Bihar and the elections will be fought with chief minister Nitish Kumar as the face of the alliance and therefore the basis of the discussion could be around 1:1.4 ratio and thereabouts only,” he added.The BJP, JD(U) and the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) form the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in Bihar. The JD(U) and the BJP had contested on 17 seats each during the Lok Sabha elections held earlier this year, leaving six for the LJP. The BJP and LJP won all seats and the JD(U) won on 16. Ever since the formula of 50: 50 worked in Lok Sabha polls, it was widely believed that the NDA partners would follow the same formula in the state.However, Kishor’s comments have started a fresh round of war of words between the two alliance partners. The BJP’s leaders have made it clear in no uncertain terms that both the parties should contest on equal numbers of seats.“There was no formula for 2005 and 2010 assembly polls, what is the use of this right now. It is a premature formula. Both the parties should only look at winnability factor,” a senior BJP leader, who was also part of the talks between two parties since 2005, said on condition of anonymity.The BJP’s Rajya Sabha MP Gopal Narayan Singh on Monday said Kishor’s statement was “confusing” and “unsuitable”.“Every next step is decided as per the latest situation and rules,” Singh said, referring to the equal number of seats fought by the two parties in the last general elections.Party’s Patliputra MP Ram Kripal Yadav said a call on this will be taken by top leaders and party president will reply on this at an appropriate time.The JD(U) leaders are supporting the “1:1.4 ratio” formula.“Where is the doubt that Nitish Kumar is not a big leader? If somebody has floated an idea, we welcome this although it will be decided later,” said JD(U) minister Shyam Rajak. The JD(U) and the BJP, barring 2015, have been contesting elections together since 2005. In 2005, the BJP contested on 102 seats and won 55 while the JD(U) fought on 139 and won 88 seats in the 243-member Bihar assembly.Buoyed by good governance and different development works executed in five years, both the BJP and the JD(U) won 91 and 115 seats respectively after contesting on 102 and 141 seats respectively in 2010.However, after the JD(U) parted ways with the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) before the 2014 Lok Sabha polls after Narendra Modi was made the prime ministerial candidate.The JD(U) joined the grand alliance and won 71 out of 101 seats it contested along with the RJD and Congress in 2015. The BJP’s tally fell down to 53 seats although it contested on 157 assembly segments.The BJP fortunes again turned in the 2019 Lok Sabha polls and the party won on all the 17 parliamentary seats giving it a clear edge on 99-101 assembly seats. The JD(U), which again became the part of the NDA in 2017, won on 16 Lok Sabha seats, thereby putting them in advantage in 92 assembly segments.“If you go by that formula, the BJP should at least contest 101 to 102 seats,” said a BJP leader making it clear that a decision will be taken at a later stage.Another BJP leader pointed out that the party had sacrificed five seats in Lok Sabha polls.“We had 22 MPs and came to the second position on seven more seats so our claim was to be on 29 seats but we gave them an equal number of seats. Why should not that formula be implemented in the next election?” he asked.Poll experts feel after the results of the Jharkhand assembly elections and being pushed to the wall on National Register of Citizens (NRC), the JD(U) has started using the pressure tactics rather early.“The bargaining has started. The JD(U) is using Kishor to drive home their point as it was he who was instrumental in opposing the support extended to NRC,” DM Diwakar, an expert with the AN Sinha Institute for Social Studies, said. Read the full article

[bhaskarlive]

5 Reasons why Raghubar Das lost Jharkhand elections

The Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) has lost another state. The party lost to the JMM-Congress-RJD alliance in the Jharkhand assembly elections. The biggest upset was Chief Minister Raghubar Das who could not save his own seat and lost to his former colleague and independent candidate Saryu Roy by a margin of over 15,000 votes.

A number of factors seem to have worked against him, chief among them being his style of functioning.

Jaiprakash Khare, Associate Professor at Ranchi University, told IANS, “Dumping its long term ally All Jharkhand Students Union (AJSU) was his biggest folly as the AJSU has pockets of influence. Ticket distribution was also a big reason for BJP’s defeat.”

The political analysts and social activists, while talking to IANS, gave five reasons for the BJP’s defeat.

Anti-incumbency and Das unpopularity: 

[tumbirus]

Dears,The Jharkhand ,India Multi Morcha ( JMM) led alliance on Monday is on course to post a covering victory in the Assembly election,handling a crushing defact to the Bartiya Jantha party ( BJP) ( Indian public cheater and criminals party) which has lost another state after the recent setback in Maharashtra. The JMM ,the congress and the Rashtriya Jantha Deal crossed the half way mark in the 81_seat Assembly by a comfortable margin.The JMM and the congress also emeraged victorious in 47 seats_their highest ever talk of seats won individually since the formation of Jharkhand I 2000. Thanks of the god,our congress and JMM leaders, Jharkhand public life development give to your hands to public,365 days,your capable ministers and authorities development to our Jharkhand peopls life,this believe to De and ours.world wide public unity members are any MLA,s in Jharkhand, This truth any second absorb to good.public life or our sisters verginity aganist one any criminal humans are not any maff,our children's education, health,medicine,shelter and famers all issues immediately CHEK to government after ,help the this ones life,same to this government name any complaints immidiatly report the face,twitter or our mail inside any ones,Jharkhand peopls dream success making to this government, same to any MLA,s responsibility need making to any ones. Modi and shah making to many game,this cheating games are down to our De imagination, early soon jail hawa eating time not less to modi and shah to India.so BJP,RSS,Modi,Shah ,and Yogi name or life political leaders name no more want to India.social justice and social world wide big group order and request.Happy Christmas and New year to all of us.Kind of Jesus birthday, not religious, Our humans life secure is our aim.by Ioll world wide group,Mumbai,India.mail:iollworld1@outlook. com (at मुंबई Mumbai) https://www.instagram.com/p/B6ctXP8lxgD/?igshid=7bse5jax33ob

[u4u-voice]

It's a fight between 3Gs of Congress and BJP: Amit Shah

DHANBAD: BJP president Amit Shah Wednesday claimed that this Lok Sabha election is a fight between '3 Gs' of the Congress represented by the Gandhi family and those of the saffron party exemplified by gaon, goumata and the Ganga. Claiming that there is a wave in favour of the prime minister across the country, Shah also sought to compare between a 'workaholic' Narendra Modi and a 'vacation loving' Congress chief Rahul Gandhi. He also alleged that the opposition parties are not interested in the security of the country for the sake of votebank politics. Both the Congress and the BJP have three Gs, he said. "For the Congress, 3G stands for Sonia (Gandhi), Rahul (Gandhi) and Priyanka (Gandhi). The BJP's 3G are gaon (villages), goumata (cow) and the Ganga," Shah said and asked the people to choose the correct 3G. He said he has visited for poll campaigns almost all the states where people have different tastes and culture, but "what is common everywhere is the chant in favour of Modi". "On the one hand, you have Modi who did not take a single leave in 20 years. On the other, you have Rahul Gandhi who goes on long vacations to places, leaving his mother worried about his whereabouts," he said in rallies in Dhanbad and Jamshedpur. Shah claimed that Gandhi goes on vacations as soon as the temperature starts soaring during summer. "This (opposition) alliance had kept the country's security at stake for their vote bank. For us vote bank is not important. Elections will come and go, but security of the country is the top most priority for us," he said. Bullets of terrorists will be responded with bombs, Shah saidBJP. "What the Modi-led government did for the welfare of the poor in five years, the Congress could not achieve it in 55 years," he claimed. Describinbg infiltrators as termites, the BJP leader said while the implementation of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) will drive out intruders, the Congress seeks to raise the issue of human rights. The BJP president said, "I would like to ask them when innocent jawans were killed and their families suffered, where was their concern?" "From Kashmir to Kanyakumari and from Kolkata to Kuch, we will identify infiltrators and throw them out of country, the BJP president leader said. At the time of terror strikes and beheading of Indian soldiers during the 10-year rule of the Congress-led UPA, the then prime minister Manmohan Singh did not say anything, he alleged. "But after the massacre of 40 of our jawans at Pulwama by Pakistani terrorists, our Air Force struck terror camps in Balakot at a time when Pakistan amassed soldiers and tanks on the border," he said. Criticizing Gandhi and JMM working president Hemant Soren for their support to Omar Abdullah, Shah said the National Conference leader had spoken about a separate prime minister for Kashmir. "Should there be two prime ministers in one country?" Shah asked and the crowd roared back: "No". "Article 370 will be scrapped. Modi will definitely come to power again. but in case the BJP is not in power, every BJP worker will see to it that Kashmir remains an integral part of the country," Shah said. The Congress promised abrogation of Article 370 of the Constitution in its poll manifesto. The Article grants special status to Jammu and Kashmir and limits Parliament's power to make laws concerning the state. Talking about the NDA dispensation's development initiatives in Jharkhand, the BJP boss said it opened medical colleges in Hazaribag and Dumka, set up a cancer hospital in Ranchi and launched a 4000MW power plant at Patratu. "In the 13th Finance Commission, the UPA government had allotted Rs 55,253 crore for Jharkhand. The Modi government has given over 3 lakh crore to the state in five years," he added. Shah said that Modi opened Sindri Fertilizer Factory in Sindri, converted India School of Mines to an IIT and gave Binod Bihari Mahto Koyalanchal University in Dhanbad. Read the full article

[todaybharatnews]

via Today Bharat BJP’s tallest leader in Bihar, Sushil Modi’s voice carries weight as the state gears up for Assembly polls. A supporter of Nitish Kumar — they go back to the JP movement— Modi was instrumental in bringing the JD(U) chief back into the NDA. Sushil Kumar Modi, Deputy Chief Minister, Bihar. The BJP leader believes Covid-19 fear is abating and won’t impact voting, admits the “vacuum” left after Arun Jaitley’s demise, and denies charges that Bihar mishandled the migrant situation post-lockdown. The session was moderated by National Opinion Editor Vandita Mishra and Assistant Editor Santosh Singh SANTOSH SINGH: What are the challenges of participating in an election in the middle of a pandemic The Election Commission has issued guidelines which means elections will be held in Bihar. Nobody knows how long this pandemic will continue. How long can you delay the elections? I have read that in 34 countries elections have been held during the pandemic, and the US is also going to have elections in November. The BJP and JD(U) have requested the EC that the polls in Bihar should be a one-day affair. Earlier, elections in the state were held in five-six phases… This will be the first election in the country during the pandemic, so it will be challenging. But there is no alternative. As far as the political situation in the state is concerned, there is a triangle in Bihar which includes the BJP, JD(U) and RJD. Now if two arms of a triangle come together, they defeat the third arm. When the BJP and the JD(U) came together, they defeated the RJD, and when the JD(U) and the RJD combined, they defeated the BJP. This time, the BJP and the JD(U) are together. Secondly, there is a big difference in the vote share between the UPA and the NDA in the state. In the 2010 Assembly polls, in which the BJP and JD(U) were together, and the RJD and the LJP were together, there was a vote share difference of 14 per cent. We got 39.07% and the UPA got 25.58%. In the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, when Narendra Modi was not there, there was no NDA government at the Centre, the vote share difference stood at 13%. In the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, when the BJP, JD(U) and the LJP came together, there was a vote share difference of 23 per cent. Now, Nitish Kumar has left the RJD and joined hands with the BJP. So who has been weakened? Nitish Kumar was a very strong component of the UPA, winning 71 seats. Now he is with the NDA, and the NDA has become much, much stronger in Bihar. We are going into these elections with the achievements of the Central government as well as the state government; Narendra Modi as the Prime Minister and Nitish Kumar as the CM candidate… So we have two faces, Narendra Modi and Nitish Kumar. We are fighting the elections under the leadership of Nitish Kumar and the achievements of the Central and state government. There is no fight over credit now. The NDA’s social base in Bihar is very big, much, much bigger than the M-Y (Muslim-Yadav) combination of Lalu Prasad. SANTOSH SINGH: Is there a concern that there could be less voting in urban areas, where people are more aware about the pandemic? Only 11% of Bihar’s population is urban. Elections are still two months away and the panic around the pandemic is reducing. All arrangements are in place. In rural areas there was not much panic earlier either. As we approach the elections, I expect people’s confidence to grow. There might be a minor impact in urban areas… But I personally feel that by the time elections are held in the last week of October or first week of November, the caseload will have reduced and there will be better arrangements too. VANDITA MISHRA: Your relationship with Arun Jaitley went back to the JP movement. It’s been a year since he passed away. Has the vacuum that he left behind been filled? The vacuum that Arun Jaitley has left behind can never be filled. But what is also true is that there is never a vacuum in politics. Even when the NDA alliance broke in Bihar, Arun Jaitley had very good relations with Nitish Kumar. Arun Jaitley gave a direction to political issues, set the narrative, shaped the stand of the party… We miss that. Earlier, whenever we faced a crisis, Arun Jaitley would write an article, a blog, or hold a press conference, he would give the party worker a direction. We miss that clarity. The Prime Minister also said that he misses him. Mr Jaitley had good relations with the media, politicians, corporates. He was a good lawyer, spoke well, wrote well, for one person to have all these qualities is rare. I don’t see such a personality in the BJP, the NDA or in the entire field of politics now. Yet, a vacuum doesn’t always stay that way, someone will soon emerge. But there is a void. VANDITA MISHRA: The issue of migrant workers found a new visibility in the pandemic. How does Bihar plan to address issues of migrant workers in terms of policy and politics? The work done for the migrants who returned to Bihar, both by the Central and the state governments, has ensured that they are much happier than what is being projected in the media. More than 21 lakh people have returned to Bihar through the free trains that were run. Barring a few incidents, they all returned comfortably. Once they were home, they forgot all their frustrations, and they only praised Narendra Modi. Unlike what was shown in the media, a very small percentage of people returned on foot — 99% people returned on trains. Also, Bihar had the best quarantine centres for migrant labourers. We spent close to Rs 5,000 per labourer. We drew on our experience of running flood relief camps. But yes, there is a big population of migrant labourers. We have made efforts to create jobs for them. Migration has become a culture in Bihar like people from Punjab go to the UK and Canada, people from Kerala and Telangana go out. If people want to go away from home to earn more money, you cannot stop them… If there were jobs in Bihar why would people go out? One cannot create jobs overnight. Also, the density of population in Bihar is very high, the land holdings are fragmented… Before the division of Bihar, the investment was usually in the southern parts of the state, which is now Jharkhand. The northern part was considered good for agriculture. So that is why big industries cannot come here, but we are trying to get smaller ones so that people get jobs here too. But it is a challenge and it is not easy to overcome it. DIPANKAR GHOSE: When the first phase of the lockdown was announced in March, Nitish Kumar said people should not come back to Bihar because they would bring the disease with them. Uttar Pradesh arranged for buses. Do you think you could have handled the situation better in the early days of the pandemic? Was it possible to bring back the migrants in buses? They were not in eastern UP. They were in Rajasthan, Mumbai, Kerala, Gujarat. How many people can be accommodated in a bus? About 20-25. As soon as the trains were announced, people returned. Secondly, there was a Central government guideline then that barred inter-state movement. Should we have defied it? To bring back students from Kota in buses it would take 48 hours. Nobody said that the students would bring Covid-19 with them. All Nitish Kumar said was that there is an MHA (Ministry of Home Affairs) guideline and we are following it. Later, people returned on trains. Yes, in the initial days, the quarantine centres in the villages were not functioning well. Then we set up centres at Block headquarters and they were run very well. They were the best in the country. About Rs 28,000 crore was spent by the Central and state government together on food grains and cash on people of Bihar. There isn’t one poor family in Bihar in whose account Rs 3,000 to Rs 4,000 was not transferred, apart from the food grains. NIRUPAMA SUBRAMANIAN: Do you think the filing of FIR in the Sushant Singh Rajput case in Bihar and the subsequent decision for a CBI inquiry in the case has politicised the matter? Will it be an issue in the Bihar elections? And, is the appointment of Devendra Fadnavis as the BJP’s election in charge of Bihar an attempt to drag the BJP’s politics in Maharashtra into the Bihar elections? Firstly, the Supreme Court took a stand and now the entire case has been transferred to the CBI. The SC has not said that it was incorrect to file the FIR in Bihar. So our stand has been vindicated by the court. There is no question of politicising Sushant Singh’s death. Before his death I did not know he was from Bihar. Then I found out that one of his cousins is also part of the Bihar BJP. So over two months after his death, people’s sentiments grew, both in Bihar and the country. There was also a sense that the Maharashtra government wants to brush things under the carpet… I don’t think it will be an issue in the elections. Devendra Fadnavis is a young, dynamic leader and so he has been given responsibility for Bihar. VANDITA MISHRA: You have been tweeting a lot. Is this in preparation for a digital election, or do you think social media is the place for politics now? I feel digital platforms have a very limited role in election campaigns. Door-to-door campaigns, meetings are the best methods. The digital space is one of the platforms. Only a small percentage of people know about Twitter in Bihar. Yes, the younger generation uses Facebook a lot. In the 2014 election campaign too, Narendra Modi had done virtual rallies. The Zoom calls, the video and audio conferences have played a crucial role in recent times to help us communicate with our workers. The digital platform will play a big role in these elections in terms of communication…. But you still have to meet and talk to people. I was surprised by the RJD’s demand that virtual rallies should not be allowed in these elections. In fact, in the coming days, a system for online voting should be developed so that people do not have to go to booths… A rally with helicopter costs Rs 50 lakh. In a virtual rally, you can address many more people in only Rs 1 lakh. They (the RJD) are not prepared to fight the polls, they know they will lose. HARIKISHAN SHARMA: The BJP’s vote share has decreased in Bihar if we look at the past elections, both Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha. Has the party’s appeal reduced in Bihar? The BJP-JD(U) alliance has fought five Lok Sabha, and total nine elections together. We transfer votes to each other. Every time we fight elections together, we win most of the times. In fact, we are stronger than before… We have a committee for every booth. Our organisation network is very strong. But yes, it is the time for alliances. In 2015, we fought alone and couldn’t win. The JD(U) fought alone in 2014 but couldn’t win… Also, I knew that Nitish Kumar could not work with Lalu for long. His way of working, his mindset, the RJD does not fit in to it. The BJP-JD(U) is a natural alliance. The people of Bihar also feel this. SANTOSH SINGH: In the Lok Sabha elections, the BJP and the JD(U) fought on equal number of seats. Will it be the same in these elections too or will the JD(U) be the senior partner? I will not comment on this. The seat-sharing decisions are taken at the central level. Talks are underway. All I will say is that the BJP, JD(U) and LJP will stay together, fight the elections together, and will form the next government in Bihar together. LIZ MATHEW: There has been some criticism of Nitish Kumar’s leadership and his style of functioning within the BJP. You have been supporting Nitish Kumar, and as a result you have also faced some criticism in the party. Do you think the BJP has no other option but to accept Nitish Kumar’s leadership? See, Nitish Kumar is not a selected Chief Minister, he is an elected Chief Minister. He is not just a leader of the JD(U). People vote (for our alliance) because Nitish Kumar is the chief ministerial candidate. There is no confusion in the BJP about this. In 2019, when the alliance with the JD(U) was formalised, we knew Nitish Kumar would be the chief ministerial candidate. And, where is the question of changing the CM candidate after winning the 2020 (Assembly) elections? Earlier too, we have fought elections together with Nitish Kumar as candidate. The party (the BJP) is unanimous on this. The parliamentary board decides on alliances, not Sushil Modi. After the alliance broke in 2012, for three years, as leader of opposition in the Assembly, I took on the state government. So I will work with honesty on whichever side I am on. If the BJP decides to break the alliance, I will not take a minute to break away (from my role). But we (Nitish and I) have worked together in the JP movement, in student union elections, it is a long association. Explained| How the LJP-JDU problem in Bihar may impact political alignments in future Alliances are not decided by Sushil Modi. They are decided by Narendra Modi, Amit Shah and J P Nadda. They have taken a decision and it is pragmatic politics — we will win the elections and form government only by allying with Nitish Kumar. There is no confusion about it. AANCHAL MAGAZINE: State budgets have been severely strained in the pandemic. How have you been managing the situation? The situation of most states is quite poor. So far we have been giving salaries, wages and pensions. There have been no cuts. At least half-a-dozen states have cut salaries. We have assured our employees that their salaries will not stop. Secondly, 76% of Bihar’s revenue comes from the Centre. Last year, when there was no pandemic or slowdown, we received Rs 25,000 crore less under the state’s share in Central taxes than what was projected… We had said earlier too that the fiscal deficit limit be increased from 3-4 per cent to 5 per cent without any condition so that all states can raise loans…. States should be allowed to borrow till 5 per cent of the deficit. Regarding GST compensation, there is a big issue. The states can’t borrow, only the Centre can. We don’t have the capacity to borrow… Though by law the Central government is not bound to pay the compensation cess to the states, it is their moral responsibility to compensate the states. If the Centre does not help states now, they will face big difficulties. SMITA NAIR: Do you think the Centre should have taken into confidence the chief ministers of all states before the lockdown was implemented? Often the media has said that migrant labourers should have been sent to their states before announcing the lockdown. When PM Modi announced the lockdown on March 24, it took one month to transfer all migrants… It would have been impractical to consult all CMs before announcing the lockdown… It was a timely decision. LALMANI VERMA: A new generation of politicians such as the LJP’s Chirag Paswan and the RJD’s Tejashwi Yadav are in the poll fray in Bihar now. Has it affected your party’s appeal? In comparison to Narendra Modi, Rahul Gandhi is younger. But whom did people vote for? Nobody votes for anyone because they are young. It is about who can deliver, the candidate and the party’s credibility. AMITABH SINHA: Compared to states with the same number of Covid-19 cases, the death rate in Bihar is low. What could be the reason for that? I am not an expert, but I think people of Bihar have strong immune systems and are hardworking… I spoke to a hundred infected people. About 80-85% of them had mild to high fever, sore throat, and experienced a loss of smell and taste. In five to seven days, most of them got well. Hardly 10 to 15 people required oxygen support and two to three needed ventilator support. This is the general phenomenon. LEENA MISRA: Alpesh Thakor, who was earlier in the Congress, led the attack on migrant workers following an incident of rape in Gujarat. At the time, you said you will not let him step in to Bihar. Now, he is with the BJP. Did you protest his induction? In politics, people keep changing with time… Alpesh Thakor is insignificant as far as Bihar is concerned. SHUBHAJIT ROY: How do you plan to conduct the NEET exams at a time when Bihar is also battling floods? Postponing the exam is not a solution. Sixteen districts of the state have been affected by floods. None of the district headquarters, where the exam centres are located, has been affected. I have also read that more than 90 per cent of the students have taken their admit cards.

[townpostin]

Champai Soren and Sudesh Mahto Meet BJP Leaders in Delhi

Former JMM leader and AJSU supremo discuss seat sharing for upcoming Jharkhand assembly elections Champai Soren and Sudesh Mahto arrive in Delhi to meet BJP leaders, including Amit Shah, for seat-sharing talks ahead of Jharkhand elections. NEW DELHI – Former JMM leader Champai Soren and AJSU Party chief Sudesh Mahto have traveled to Delhi to discuss seat-sharing arrangements with BJP leaders for…

[bharatiyamedia-blog]

Holding the fort - Nation Information

http://tinyurl.com/y4rr6h5j Starvation is writ giant on Tejashwi Yadav’s face as he swiftly makes use of his fork to dig right into a bowl of chow mein and manchurian gravy. Do paranthe kha ke nikle the, bhai (Had simply two paranthas earlier than stepping out [for the day]), he says. It’s 7 pm and Tejashwi has simply returned to 10, Round Highway, mom Rabri Devi’s official residence in Patna, after addressing 4 public conferences in Khagaria, Madhepura and Madhubani districts. With father and Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) chief Lalu Prasad in judicial custody, following conviction within the fodder rip-off, and Rabri Devi stepping again, Tejashwi is the person within the RJD sizzling seat. The Lalu Issue The youthful of Lalu’s two sons, 29-year-old Tejashwi is aware of he has massive sneakers to fill. The 2019 Lok Sabha contest is the RJD’s first main electoral marketing campaign with out Lalu on the helm. That RJD might be lacking his political acumen, charisma and oratory abilities is an understatement. Although Lalu’s parliamentary profession led to September 2013 when his first conviction within the fodder rip-off value him his Lok Sabha membership, in addition to rendering him ineligible to contest elections, he has remained a political power with a rare join with Bihar’s plenty. Out on bail, Lalu had campaigned for the RJD within the 2014 Lok Sabha election and the 2015 meeting election. Lalu Prasad is a artful campaigner who can learn the voters’ pulse and swing the fence-sitters in his favour, says an RJD chief. He has at all times been an awesome consolidator. However to Tejashwi’s credit score, he has silenced those that questioned his eligibility for the RJD mantle after Lalu went to jail in December 2017. Since then, Tejashwi, who’s chief of the opposition within the Bihar meeting, has maintained his get together’s profitable streak. Since July 2017, when Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s Janata Dal (United) left the mahagathbandhan and joined arms with the Nationwide Democratic Alliance (NDA), the RJD has gained three byelections within the statethe Jokihat and Jehanabad meeting seats and the Araria Lok Sabha seat. A Chief Is Born As a politician, Tejashwi’s capacity to attach with the folks is clear. At a public assembly in Jamui, the place voting was held on April 11, he known as a boy from the viewers on stage and requested him, Tender jaante ho? Monetary bid kya hota hai? Noticing the boy’s bewilderment, Tejashwi turned to the group. I used to be of the identical age. Inform me, can a 10-12-year-old know what a young is? Nonetheless, the CBI filed a case accusing me of irregularities in railway tenders, he stated. An outbreak of assist from the viewers adopted. Tejashwi had made his level. However it’s nonetheless a baptism by fireplace for him. In contrast to 2014, when the NDA, RJD-Congress and JD(U)-CPI (Communist Get together of India) have been pitted towards one another, this election finds the RJD-led alliance locked in a bipolar contest with the NDA, consisting of the BJP, JD(U) and Ram Vilas Paswan’s Lok Janshakti Get together (LJP). The RJD’s five-party grand alliance in Bihar is in partnership with the Congress, Upendra Kushwaha’s Rastriya Lok Samata Get together (RLSP), Jitan Ram Manjhi’s Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM) and Mukesh Sahni’s Vikassheel Insaan Get together (VIP).Whereas the RJD’s core Muslim-Yadav base, which constitutes roughly 31 per cent of Bihar’s inhabitants, could have confirmed decisive in multi-pronged contests, it will not be ample in a two-cornered struggle. Tejashwi additionally has chinks in his personal armour, with elder brother Tej Pratap embarrassing the RJD by usually talking out towards the management and the get together’s candidates. The thrill is that, fed up of enjoying second fiddle to Tejashwi, Tej Pratap performed into the arms of their maternal uncle, Sadhu Yadav. Tejashwi has tried to restrict the injury and undertaking normalcy. He known as on Tej Pratap on his birthday on April 16 and sought to lift the stakes by describing the Lok Sabha election as a much bigger battle for democracy. Rivals Roused The BJP is dismissive of Tejashwi’s functionality to steer the RJD ship. Regardless of his finest efforts, Tejashwi Yadav shouldn’t be Lalu Prasad, says a senior BJP chief in Patna. He cites Tejashwi’s marketing campaign towards the 10 per cent jobs-education quota introduced by the Modi authorities for the economically backward within the basic class. The marketing campaign, apparently initiated at Lalu’s prodding, additionally demanded a rise within the current quota for the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Different Backward Courses (OBCs). To many, the problem was a misplaced alternative to consolidate the RJD’s social base. Lalu would have milked it to create a backward-forward caste divide. Tejashwi seems to have misplaced steam halfway, says the BJP chief. One other BJP chief, although, concedes that Lalu’s absence might be a double-edged sword for the rivals. There’s a sturdy risk that Lalu’s supporters vote with a vengeance out of sympathy, he says. The RJD realises the potentialRabri Devi has issued a video message alleging a BJP conspiracy to poison the RJD chief in judicial custody whereas Tejashwi has known as the Jharkhand jail administration’s ban on guests for Lalu as inhuman. Yadav Kingdom The Yadavs, with their numerous sub-castes, are the single-largest caste group in Bihar and make up almost 14 per cent of the inhabitants. They propelled Lalu to electoral prominence in 1990 when he first turned Bihar’s chief minister. Within the 2014 Lok Sabha election, a fraction of the Yadav youth had voted for the BJP. However using on the Yadav vote financial institution, Lalu bounced again to energy in 2015, bagging over 44 per cent votes within the seats contested by the RJD. Analysts anticipate this consolidation to stay intact in 2019. Together with Muslims, who’re roughly 17 per cent of the inhabitants, Lalu’s Muslim-Yadav mixture packs a punch. For comparability, the RJD-Congress vote share within the 2014 Lok Sabha election was 29 per cent. The Extraordinarily Backward Castes, or EBCs, who’re roughly 30 per cent of the inhabitants, have been decisively voting for Nitish since his 2006 determination to order 20 per cent panchayat seats for them. As soon as the fiefdom of the higher castes and dominant backward castes, the state’s panchayats at the moment are thought-about as seats of EBC energy. EBCs have been instrumental in Nitish’s wins within the 2009 Lok Sabha and the 2010 and 2015 meeting elections. Nonetheless, by weaning away Manjhi and Kushwaha from the NDA and inducting the VIP, Tejashwi hopes to nostril forward of the NDA. The Kushwahas (7 per cent votes) are thought-about the most important non-Yadav entity among the many OBCs. Equally, Manjhi is predicted to ship the Dalit votes, together with the four per cent Mushahar vote, and Sahni is predicted to usher in the Mallah votes to the grand alliance. Tejashwi could have purpose to smile, however will he have the final giggle on Might 23? Get real-time alerts and all of the news in your telephone with the all-new India At the moment app. Obtain from Source link

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JD(U) leader Kishor says seat-sharing in Bihar should be on 2015 winning ratio - assembly elections

Janata Dal (United) national vice president Prashant Kishor on Sunday opened a new front by claiming that the party should get larger share of seats in the 2020 assembly polls. A miffed Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) said decision on seat sharing was a prerogative of the NDA’s top leadership.Kishore told a TV channel that seat-sharing talks could be held on the basis of “1:1.4 ratio” as per the old formula followed in 2009 when the BJP and JD(U) fought the elections in alliance. He added that the ratio of seats won by the two parties in 2015 elections was also close to the 1:1.4 ratio.The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in Bihar comprises of BJP, JD (U) and the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) . The JD (U) and the BJP had contested on 17 seats each during the Lok Sabha polls held earlier this year, leaving six for the LJP. While BJP and the LJP won all seats, the JD (U) won on 16. Ever since the formula of 50: 50 worked in Lok Sabha polls, it was widely believed that the NDA partners would follow the same formula in the state.Kishor’s claim on larger seat share stems after the recent rebellion of Shiv Sena against the BJP in Maharashtra after assembly polls in November. “This, coupled with BJP’s poor performance in Jharkhand polls, is going to prompt the JD (U) to stake for larger share,” said DM Diwakar, political analyst at AN Sinha Institute for Social Studies.“NDA has come a long way since 2005 to take Bihar on path of development. The NDA government is comfortably placed in Bihar till 2025. NDA is sure to sweep 2020 Bihar polls defeating Grand Alliance...All the decisions related to election 2020 is a matter of discussion between our top leadership,” said BJP’s Bihar spokesperson Nikhil Anand. Read the full article

[whittlebaggett8]

3 Critical Questions After India’s Historic 2019 General Elections

On May 23, the Election Commission of India (ECI) declared the effects of India’s 2019 common elections for the reduced household (Lok Sabha) of the Indian parliament. India’s primary ministers are elected by a the greater part of the parliament.

Led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Bash (BJP) received a whopping majority—303 seats, out of 543. This ensured its return to electric power in 2014, it received only 282 seats. Following a period of time of coalition governments all through the 1990s and 2000s, India is now entering a period of centralized consolidation by a nationwide celebration, the 1st due to the fact 1984.

The alliance of events led by the BJP, the Countrywide Democratic Alliance (NDA) won 353 seats in whole, even though the key opposition alliance, the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) received 92 seats, although the erstwhile dominant Indian National Congress (INC) which led the UPA, gained only 51. While regional state and caste primarily based functions gained most of the rest of the 98 seats, the significant victory of the BJP heralds the stop of a time period of political fragmentation that dominated India at the flip of the century. This demonstrates two items in particular: first, the slender constituencies of these functions are not wide more than enough to deliver positive aspects to their voters—at least on the countrywide stage and 2nd, in conditions of identification and narrative, Indians are thinking in conditions of broader classes (Hindu, Indian, conservative, liberal) alternatively than the limited groups of caste and language.  This displays the increasing dimension of the center course, and a populace now employed to remaining portion of a single country mainly because of mass media, films, information, and domestic travel.

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Now that the election is done and over with, on the lookout again on the electoral process and result with a bird’s eye check out, 3 queries arrive to intellect.

Was the election unquestionably absolutely free and good?

The solution is an emphatic of course. That this dilemma was raised throughout the election is mainly a reflection of anxieties by opposition. India’s ECI is regarded for its accuracy and independence, and it is tough to see how it would have been compromised in any manner. Specifically disturbing was the allegation that the digital voting machines (EVMs) employed in the election may possibly have been hacked by the BJP. (Data matching the success of the machines with a paper path has disproved this.) Hacking the EVMs would have been very hard as the machines ended up not networked, so they would have had to be bodily fastened instead. Of system, if this had happened, folks would have seen it.

On the other hand, there is no denying that the BJP govt applied its posture in electrical power to market place and boost itself additional aggressively than the opposition, which give it somewhat of a notion raise. This, even so, is not indicative of any irregularities in the Indian election, which was absolutely free and good, and properly demonstrates the electoral wants of the Indian population.

Is the defeated Congress Party toast?

The jury is out on this question. The get together has lost decisively in two consecutive national elections (2014 and 2019), so it is really hard to argue that its 2014 electoral defeat was a fluke. Nonetheless, the Congress Bash did decently in nearby elections previous 12 months, defeating the BJP in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Chhattisgarh, and forming the govt in individuals states. Furthermore, the celebration however retains a nationwide degree group, and was capable to gain seats, in 2019’s normal elections, in states in India as significantly aside and distinctive as Punjab and Kerala.

Ideologically, and in conditions of management, however, the occasion is mainly aimless. It has the framework, the historical past, and the existence in India to be competitive, but has however to settle on how. The party’s largest dilemma is what to do about the Nehru-Gandhi family that has led it for four successive generations. On a person hand, the Gandhi relatives, particularly insipid persons these as the party chief Rahul Gandhi, retains the celebration back from turning into much more meritocratic and open. Narendra Modi rose from among the ranks of the BJP to rule India, but a very similar outcome for a younger leader in Congress is not possible. Yet, on the other hand, the loved ones is what holds the get together alongside one another. With no these kinds of a centre, and with no the solid ideological commitment that the BJP’s cadres have, it is fairly conceivable that the Congress Party devoid of splinter because of to infighting. As it is, regional charismatic leaders have damaged off from the Congress Get together to variety their have outfits, which include some pretty effective kinds in West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh.

The situation of Congress will keep on being precarious until it transitions from an aged-faculty feudal, dynastic celebration with a fig-leaf centre-remaining ideology to a bash that essentially retains and promotes its rules initially and foremost. While it currently maintains a socialist and secualarist place, it is populated typically by scions of those people who led India’s independence movement, rural landlords, and an Anglicized elite that initial arose during the British Raj. A lot of of the procedures of the Congress Party, however badly carried out, led inevitably to the gradual emergence of the Indian inhabitants out of its timeless traditionalism and into the contemporary earth of aspiration and politics, and this decidedly significantly less Westernized voting inhabitants is what led to the Congress’ decrease once mass politics have been discovered.

Yet, the Congress Social gathering won about 22 p.c of the vote in the 2019 elections, which, in contrast with the BJP’s 38 per cent share, is very first rate. There is obviously space in the Indian political spectrum for a middle-left and non-Hindutva celebration, but no matter if Congress, or some new get together can satisfy this role continues to be to be witnessed.

Is the election proof of a spike in Hindu-extremism amongst the population?

This is probably the most contentious challenge, particularly in the domestic India and intercontinental narrative about India’s politics. Are the Indian people today starting to be extra ardent believers in Hindutva (political Hinduism)? Will this ideology dominate India, to the detriment of minorities?

In a feeling, the BJP did run a campaign on Hindu values that could be noticed as divisive in the spiritual light. And this likely consolidated the Hindu vote to a higher extent than in past elections, especially in districts wherever Hindu-Muslim tensions are large. But in a different feeling, the BJP’s marketing campaign united the Hindu vote to a larger extent than right before, as it had beforehand been extra fragmented by caste—many analysts ignore that dalits (untouchables) are Hindus far too, and for the most section, aspire to an equivalent position within that tradition, fairly than becoming antagonistic to it.

Anecdotal reporting has constantly held that the common BJP voter does not specially care about issues related with the Hindu suitable, these types of as adore jihad and cow safety. Numerous city, liberal, youthful center-class voters voted for the BJP, but their thoughts had been educated significantly less by religion, and additional by nationalism, a perception of a civilization mounting once more right after hundreds of yrs of decline, and alignment with the assertive picture Modi projected of India to the world.

Far more than ideational narratives, had been the economic variations that helped the BJP, specifically in the northern and central Hindi-talking districts it swept. Whilst a great deal of the media generally argued that due to the fact Modi experienced failed to keep most of his financial promises, his get together had to resort to divisive rhetoric to win the election, this is not strictly true. Though the financial aspirations of significantly of the center course and farmers were not met, Modi nevertheless did properly among the these groups, as perfectly as the poorest segments of the Indian population, who usually felt that, procedures apart, Modi channeled their perspectives and views.

It is difficult for the ordinary Western reader to recognize how grinding and demeaning rural poverty, especially among the the lowest castes, was in India. Inspite of a lack of formal financial advancement, the lives of numerous of the poorest of the poor “had been altered by just one or some or all of Modi’s a lot of welfare schemes. In some cases, the alteration was real—funds for setting up a house—and, in several conditions, there was company hope that transform is coming.” One more report, from rural Jharkhand—one of India’s poorest and most tribal states—reflected this perception, and the thought that “only Modi” could convey the poorest Indians up, reflecting, potentially, his have roots. Villagers interviewed spoke of the construction of roadways and homes, and the supply of gasoline cylinders. Whilst even now underemployed or unemployed, these improvements were being continue to a move up from before.

This issue is quite important in being familiar with India. Persons voted for the BJP, simply because, irrespective of all of its flaws, it shipped a fundamental degree of governance and sustenance to India’s population that no other party did—or was perceived to have completed so. The other possibilities: Congress, regional functions, caste-based get-togethers, had been perceived by a considerable segment of the population to have been so worthless and incompetent, than persons were being prepared to aid Modi and the BJP irrespective of financial problems and social tensions. Most persons know that Modi’s rhetoric is a great deal much more lofty than the implementation of his promises, but they vote for him anyway.

There is a definitely sure faction of the BJP that is despise-mongering, and would like nothing at all improved than to create a Hindu point out and make everyday living tricky for Muslims. But, this faction is tempered by the population’s expectations, India’s continue to assorted demographic landscape, and moderates within the BJP. Irrespective of whether it is the city youth or the rural inadequate, the average BJP voter is only nationalistic to an extent the relaxation of the party’s success does not derive from Hindutva, but from its perception as currently being assertive of India’s civilizational values to the earth or as remaining professional-lousy. When compared to the leadership of Congress, the BJP’s management seems extra in tune with the values and life of the average Indian voter.

The post 3 Critical Questions After India’s Historic 2019 General Elections appeared first on Defence Online.

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Politics over dead bodies won't fetch votes: Hemant Soren slams BJP over Pulwama ‘politicisation’

Politics over dead bodies won’t fetch votes: Hemant Soren slams BJP over Pulwama ‘politicisation’

New Delhi, Mar 17 (PTI) Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) working president Hemant Soren has slammed the BJP for allegedly politicising the Pulwama terror attack, saying “politics over dead bodies” will not fetch votes.

The former Jharkhand chief minister, who was here to hold talks with grand alliance members for firming up the tie-up, said the government should do its job and allow the security…

[todaybharatnews]

via Today Bharat nbsp; A senior NCP leader said the govt is likely to be formed before the first phase of the Jharkhand polls scheduled on Nov 30.New Delhi: The Congress-NCP alliance on Wednesday gave its most categorical indication about joining hands with archrival Shiv Sena with former chief minister Prithviraj Chavan expressing confidence of forming a "stable" government soon in the state after a marathon meeting of senior leaders of the two parties here. While the Congress leader hoped that political uncertainty will soon end in Maharashtra, NCP spokesperson Nawab Malik was unambiguous about the need to join hands with the Sena, asserting that a government cannot be formed in the state without the three parties coming together. This is the most emphatic public statement by the Congress-NCP combine about their intent to join hands with the Sena to form government. A senior NCP leader said the government is likely to be formed before the first phase of the Jharkhand polls scheduled on November 30. NCP sources said the chief minister's post is most likely to be on a rotational basis, with the first half to be given to the Shiv Sena and the latter half to the Nationalist Congress Party. nbsp; The Congress is likely to have the deputy chief minister's post for the full five-year term, they said. Earlier, speaking to reporters after the nearly four-hour-long meeting at NCP supremo Sharad Pawar's residence here, both Chavan and Malik said the current spell of President's rule in the state has brought administration to a standstill, and the two parties are confident of ending this. The announcement, which is likely to end whatever little doubt remained over whether the Congress will back the Sena or not amid reports of opposition to such an alliance by a section of its leaders, came a day after Pawar met Congress president Sonia Gandhi. Senior Congress leaders Ahmad Patel and Mallikarjun Kharge were part of the deliberations held at Pawar's residence. Earlier in the day, Pawar had called on Prime Minister Narendra Modi to discuss farmers' issues in Maharashtra. Chavan, though, added that some aspects of the likely alliance are still being discussed. "We had a long and positive discussion... We are confident that we will soon be able to give a stable government in Maharashtra," he said. Talking to reporters, Shiv Sena leader Sanjay Raut said he is constantly updating party chief Uddhav Thackeray and Aditya Thackeray on the developments in Delhi. The Sena leader also had meetings with Pawar on Wednesday. "The NCP and the Congress have clearly said that three parties will come together. All three parties have to make a Common Minimum Programme and how will it be implemented...this is being deliberated in these meetings," he said. Raut also asserted that the process of government formation will not be delayed any further. The state was plunged into political crisis after the Sena broke its three-decade ties with the BJP after its partner refused to accede to its demand of sharing the chief minister's post. The BJP and Sena, which fought the October 21 assembly polls in alliance, had secured a comfortable majority by winning 105 and 56 seats, respectively, in the 288-member assembly. The Congress and the NCP, pre-poll allies, won 44 and 54 seats, respectively. The Sena then began talks with the Congress-NCP alliance. PTI PR ASG MPB KR

[townpostin]

Champai Soren's “New Chapter with BJP” Likely Soon

Former Jharkhand CM in capital for talks; decision expected within days Champai Soren’s Delhi visit sparks rumors of potential BJP alliance, with a decision anticipated soon. RANCHI – Former Jharkhand CM Champai Soren’s Delhi trip ignites speculation about joining BJP, decision expected in coming days. Champai Soren, former Chief Minister of Jharkhand, has once again found himself at the center…

[bharatiyamedia-blog]

Nitish Kumar is frightened of my tweets - Nation Information

http://tinyurl.com/y2elydac With 40 Lok Sabha seats, Bihar is a extremely vital state. Plus, for the primary time since 1977, Rashtriya Janata Dal chief Lalu Prasad Yadav, in judicial custody in Ranchi after his convictions in fodder rip-off circumstances, shouldn’t be campaigning. In his absence, son Tejashwi Yadav, 29, is heading the opposition alliance in opposition to the NDA. Excerpts from an interview with Amitabh Srivastava: Q. How a lot do you miss Lalu Prasad, each as a son and because the RJD chief? You’ll be able to hold Laluji away from Bihar, however you’ll be able to’t hold Biharis away from Laluji. He’s being persecuted for his dedication to the reason for social justice and secularism, which scares the BJP. That is the primary election that he’s not with us bodily. In public conferences, anytime I talk about Laluji, I see how involved persons are for him. Personally, there’s a sense of unhappiness, however we all know the details. He’s struggling due to a political vendetta. We all know who these political forces are and their capabilities. They’ve conspired in opposition to him, however failed to interrupt his will. Q. However why do you name it a political vendetta’? It was a authorized course of… After I went to go to him in Ranchi on April 6, I wasn’t allowed to see him and no motive was assigned regardless of it being a Saturday, allotted by jail administration for conferences. I used to be additionally advised by journalists and docs that when he required medical check-ups, docs confronted issues in taking him to the following constructing inside the Ranchi Medical School Campus on the pretext of safety. Laluji is there for medical remedy, however even that’s not being supplied to him. Plus, the administration has stopped all guests to him since April 20. I imagine they’ve acted on the orders of Jharkhand’s BJP authorities. Political opposition is ok, however that is inhuman. Q. As a pacesetter of the grand alliance, you might be pitted in opposition to the likes of Nitish Kumar, Sushil Modi and Ram Vilas Paswan. It’s a really tough starting… Sure [Nitish Kumar] could be very massive, which is why he’s frightened of my tweets. I suppose I’m the primary one who is having the CBI, ED and I-T division ganging up on me on the age of 29. Many politicians face this in direction of the tip of their careers, I’m being hounded at first of mine. I’ve realized lots from these challenges. Q. On the bottom, the RJD begins with a formidable 31 per cent Muslim-Yadav vote financial institution. However you might be solely contesting 19 of Bihar’s 40 seats. Your alliance companions Jitan Ram Manjhi, Mukesh Sahni and Upendra Kushwaha are untested. There’s a chance of them being unable to switch their votes. Kushwaha and Manjhi had failed in 2015. It was the BJP that had bitten the mud within the 2015 meeting election, which the grand alliance gained with a thumping majority. Kushwahaji and Manjhiji, each positive leaders, paid for being within the BJP’s firm. Additionally, calling them untested is a mistake. Manjhiji is a former CM and a Dalit chief. Kushwahaji is a champion of the Extraordinarily Backward Castes. Sahniji is combating his first election. However the outcomes will show their value. Q. The sense is that whereas the RJD is transferring its votes to the allies, they’ve didn’t do the identical for the occasion. No, there’s a robust mobilisation of votes on the floor stage. I get fixed suggestions from the candidates and unbiased sources, all suggesting that not solely are the votes getting transferred seamlessly, but additionally that the alliance companions are working in good concord. Q. If there was a suggestion of reconciliation from Nitish Kumar, would you remorse not accepting it? As seen within the 2015 election, the RJD-JD(U) collectively are a formidable pressure. Why ought to there be any remorse? You noticed what occurred. Nitishji switched sides when the BJP compelled him. He wanted an excuse, so contemporary corruption circumstances have been filed in opposition to us. He’s very picture aware. However he at all times knew Laluji already had circumstances in opposition to him. Nonetheless, he joined fingers with us for the meeting ballot after which ditched us in July 2017 as a result of the BJP may have acted in opposition to him within the Srijan rip-off. Q. In contrast to 2014, which was a triangular contest, the 2019 Lok Sabha ballot might be an NDA versus grand alliance struggle. Right here, your 31 per cent M-Y vote will not be satisfactory. RJD is for everybody. Plus, you need to perceive that premising your evaluation on the 2014 verdict would give misguided outcomes. Nitishji had face worth in 2014. Nonetheless, nearly 30 of his candidates misplaced their safety deposits when he contested in opposition to each the NDA and the RJD-Congress alliance. Second, the state of affairs has modified. Folks know that Nitishji was voted to run a grand alliance authorities, however he has abused the mandate. Folks have additionally seen that the Narendra Modi authorities had promised a dream and delivered a nightmare. The place is the Bihar package deal? The place are the roles? They spoke for the backward lessons to get votes in 2014, however solely labored for the elites. Once more, the BJP leaders are silent on questions of livelihood, jobs, democracy and empowerment of the backwards. Folks will punish them for reneging on their guarantees. Q. Your brother Tej Pratap has fielded two candidates in opposition to the RJD’s official candidates. If folks wish to contest polls, they’ll. Each the occasion and he (Tej Pratap) wish to defeat the BJP. Solely, he believes another candidate might be more practical to take action. The occasion believes in another person. It occurs in a dmocracy. Get real-time alerts and all of the news in your telephone with the all-new India Right this moment app. Obtain from Source link