#ARABIC NOUN

[teaching-arabic-language]

ARABIC NOUN CASES: A BEGINNER’S GUIDE

Learning Arabic can be both fascinating and challenging, especially when it comes to understanding noun cases. Arabic noun cases are essential for correct sentence structure and meaning. In this guide, we’ll break down the basics of Arabic noun cases in a way that’s easy to grasp and apply.

Introduction

Have you ever wondered why certain words in Arabic change their endings depending on their role in a sentence? This is due to noun cases. Mastering Arabic noun cases is like understanding the grammar puzzle that holds the language together. Let’s dive in and decode this essential aspect of Arabic grammar.

What Are Arabic Noun Cases?

In Arabic, noun cases indicate the grammatical function of a noun in a sentence. This is similar to how pronouns change in English, like “I” becoming “me” or “my.” Arabic uses specific endings to show whether a noun is the subject, the object, or shows possession.

The Three Main Noun Cases

There are three primary noun cases in Arabic:

Nominative (المرفوع): Used for subjects of sentences.

Accusative (المنصوب): Used for objects of sentences.

Genitive (المجرور): Used to show possession or after prepositions.

Each case has specific endings that change based on the noun’s role in the sentence.

Nominative Case (المرفوع)

The nominative case is used for the subject of the sentence, the noun that is doing the action. For example:

الولدُ يلعب (al-walad-u yal’ab) – The boy is playing.

Here, الولدُ (al-walad-u, “the boy”) is in the nominative case, marked by the “ُ” (dammah) ending.

Accusative Case (المنصوب)

The accusative case is used for the direct object of the sentence, the noun receiving the action. For example:

رأيتُ الولدَ (ra’aytu al-walad-a) – I saw the boy.

Here, الولدَ (al-walad-a, “the boy”) is in the accusative case, marked by the “َ” (fathah) ending.

Genitive Case (المجرور)

The genitive case shows possession or follows a preposition. For example:

كتابُ الولدِ (kitābu al-walad-i) – The boy’s book.

Here, الولدِ (al-walad-i, “the boy”) is in the genitive case, marked by the “ِ” (kasrah) ending. It is also used after prepositions:

في البيتِ (fī al-bayt-i) – In the house.

Noun Case Endings

Understanding the endings for each case is crucial:

Nominative: “ُ” (dammah) for singular, “ُونَ” (ūna) for masculine plural, “َاتٌ” (ātun) for feminine plural.

Accusative: “َ” (fathah) for singular, “ِينَ” (īna) for masculine plural, “َاتٍ” (ātin) for feminine plural.

Genitive: “ِ” (kasrah) for singular, “ِينَ” (īna) for masculine plural, “َاتٍ” (ātin) for feminine plural.

Using Noun Cases in Sentences

Let’s look at some examples:

Nominative: الطالبُ يدرس (al-ṭālib-u yadrus) – The student is studying.

Accusative: أكلتُ التفاحةَ (akaltu al-tuffāḥah) – I ate the apple.

Genitive: قلمُ الطالبِ (qalam-u al-ṭālib-i) – The student’s pen.

Understanding these cases helps in constructing accurate and meaningful sentences.

Common Mistakes to Avoid

Learning Arabic noun cases can be tricky, and beginners often make these mistakes:

Incorrect Endings: Mixing up the endings for each case.

Ignoring Prepositions: Not applying the genitive case after prepositions.

Overlooking Context: Forgetting that context can change the required case.

Tips for Mastering Noun Cases

Practice Regularly: Regular practice helps solidify understanding.

Use Flashcards: Create flashcards for each case ending and practice frequently.

Engage in Conversations: Practicing with native speakers can reinforce correct usage.

Read Arabic Texts: Reading helps you see noun cases in context, enhancing your learning.

Conclusion

Arabic noun cases might seem complex at first, but with regular practice and exposure, you’ll find them to be a logical and essential part of mastering the language. Remember, each case serves a specific purpose and helps in conveying precise meanings. Keep practicing, and soon you’ll find using noun cases to be second nature.

FAQs

What are the main noun cases in Arabic?The three main noun cases in Arabic are nominative (subject), accusative (object), and genitive (possession or after prepositions).

How can I remember the different noun case endings?Using flashcards and practicing with real sentences can help reinforce the different endings for each case.

Why are noun cases important in Arabic?Noun cases are crucial for proper sentence structure and meaning, indicating the grammatical function of nouns in sentences.

Can noun cases change the meaning of a sentence?Yes, incorrect use of noun cases can alter the meaning of a sentence or make it grammatically incorrect.

Are there exceptions to the noun case rules?While the rules for noun cases are generally consistent, some irregular nouns and specific contexts might present exceptions.

Understanding and applying Arabic noun cases correctly will significantly enhance your ability to read, write, and speak Arabic with accuracy and confidence. Happy learning!

About Author: Mr.Mahmoud Reda

Meet Mahmoud Reda, a seasoned Arabic language tutor with a wealth of experience spanning over a decade. Specializing in teaching Arabic and Quran to non-native speakers, Mahmoud has earned a reputation for his exceptional expertise and dedication to his students' success.

Mahmoud's educational journey led him to graduate from the renowned "Arabic Language" College at Al-Azhar University in Cairo. Holding the esteemed title of Hafiz and possessing Igaza, Mahmoud's qualifications underscore his deep understanding and mastery of the Arabic language.

Born and raised in Egypt, Mahmoud's cultural background infuses his teaching approach with authenticity and passion. His lifelong love for Arabic makes him a natural educator, effortlessly connecting with learners from diverse backgrounds.

What sets Mahmoud apart is his native proficiency in Egyptian Arabic, ensuring clear and concise language instruction. With over 10 years of teaching experience, Mahmoud customizes lessons to cater to individual learning styles, making the journey to fluency both engaging and effective.

Ready to embark on your Arabic learning journey? Connect with Mahmoud Reda at ustazmahmoud184@gmail.com for online Arabic and Quran lessons. Start your exploration of the language today and unlock a world of opportunities with Mahmoud as your trusted guide.

In conclusion, Mahmoud Reda's expertise and passion make him the ideal mentor for anyone seeking to master Arabic. With his guidance, language learning becomes an enriching experience, empowering students to communicate with confidence and fluency. Don't miss the chance to learn from Mahmoud Reda and discover the beauty of the Arabic language.

[sorcerous-caress]

[erotetica]

the Booker v Nicky thing is so funny to me for 2 reasons:

a) bc Provence and Liguria are are like this👌 far apart (and that’s on a *contemporary* map), and bc when I’ve looked up anything from food to folk music it’s extremely similar, I’ve interpreted the sniping as Cuba v Puerto Rico 2: Same Hat & Ur Mad Abt It, BUT MOSTLY,

b) Yusuf does not take sides in the sniping bc his ace in the hole is to very very sweetly be like oh nooo why are the Franks fighting?? Which must be spaced out, or Nicky will see it coming and he won’t get maximum PAUL_RUDD_MOMENT_OF_PSYCHIC_DAMAGE_.PNG

[gayarograce]

Trying to learn a third language is all fun and games until it behaves differently from your second language (which is in the same family) and then it's utterly illogical and makes no sense.

[uburdn]

you sure it's safe to sit down here?

[falseandrealultravival]

Hagar and Ishmael/The Bible and Proper Nouns (Essay)

The Bible has major flaws. That is the overuse of proper nouns for people's names. I won't say anything about the didactic value of the Bible. The account in Matthew and the account in Lao Tzu have certain similarities, and even for me, whose sect is Lao Tzu, I have no words to deny the Bible.

But what about the following account from Genesis? “Sarah, who was unable to have children, consulted with her husband Abraham (the ancestor of Israel) and had Hagar, a female slave, become his concubine. Hagar gave birth to a boy, Ishmael, and Ishmael was about to become the heir, but Sarah also had a boy (Isaac).  and Sarah banished Hagar and Ishmael's mother and son into the wilderness. Through God's arrangement, this mother and son survived and became the ancestors of the Arab people."

From the perspective of fundamentalist Christians (e.g. evangelicals) who accept the Bible word for word, it is possible to read this statement in any other way than to say that Arabs are descendants of female slaves and are an inferior race from the perspective of the Israelites.

This view arises because the Bible's writings reduce the origins of a nation with its diverse generative processes to a single individual (a proper noun), and label the nation as a whole. In fact, regarding the current conflict between Israel and Hamas, a certain female member of the Republican Party, whose base of support is evangelicals, said, ``The Palestinians should be destroyed.''

The Bible's overuse of proper nouns gives rise to this misperception. It's easy to understand, but it confuses people. On the other hand, there are almost no proper nouns in Lao Tzu. Although it is difficult to understand, there are fewer misunderstandings. I dare say that what the world needs in the future is not the Bible but Lao Tzu.

Rei Morishita

ハガルとイシュマエル/聖書と固有名詞（エッセイ）

聖書には、大きな欠陥がある。それは人名の固有名詞が乱用されていることである。聖書の教訓的価値については言うまい。マタイ伝の記述と、「老子」の記述には、ぴったり符号する部分があり、「老子」を宗とする私から見ても、聖書を否定する言葉は持たない。

だが、創世記の以下の記述はどうだろう？“子供のできないサラは、夫のアブラハム（イスラエルの祖）と相談し、女奴隷のハガルを妾にさせた。ハガルは男児イシュマエルを産み、跡取りはイシュマエルになりかけたが、サラも男児（イサク）を産み、サラはハガルとイシュマエルの母子を荒野に追放した。この母子は神の計らいで生き延び、アラブ人の祖となった。”

この記述、聖書を一字一句そのまま受容するキリスト教原理主義（福音派など）から見れば、アラブ人はしょせん女奴隷の子孫、イスラエル人から見れば劣った民族であるという以外の読み方が出来ようか？

このような見方が生じるのは、聖書の記述が、多様な生成過程を持つ一民族の由来を、単なる一個人（固有名詞）に還元し、民族全体にレッテルを貼ることにある。現在のイスラエルとハマスの抗争について、現に福音派を支持母体とする共和党の、某女性議員は、「パレスチナ人を滅ぼすべき」と言っていた。

固有名詞を乱用する聖書は、このような誤った認識をもたらす。解りやすいだけに人を惑わすのだ。一方「老子」には固有名詞はほとんど出て来ない。理解しにくいかわりに誤解も少ない。あえて言おう、これからの世界に必要なのは、聖書ではなく「老子」だ。

[kaatiba]

legends of mourra - nano excerpt no.5

↳ a muslim themed fantasy epic feat. a kidnapped prince, a rescue mission, djinn, and lingering legends

[[ content warning: depiction of traumatic flashback, implied ptsd, implied panic attack ]]

❝ Suddenly she’s on her feet, her breath strangled in her throat, memories consuming her, blinding and deafening her to all but remembered jeering laughter and monstrous figures and constant whispers everywhere and fire, fire, fire that doesn’t burn and terror turned despair because she cannot get out she will never get out she is trapped and lost and forgotten and forsaken no one is coming for her no one will help her no will save her she is alone alone alone.

From far away she hears Ilyas call her name, but it is muted under the voices saying let us play a game, come fly with us, we might even catch you if you fall and then, suddenly there is a sharp pain in her shoulder, a pain she recognizes, and the soft trill of a call she would know anywhere, a call that guided her out of the dark and kept her safe.

Nujaym.

Her little star. ❞

lofm excerpts: pre nano / 1 / 2 / 3 / 4

general writing taglist (open!): @lockejhaven

lofm taglist (open!): @muddshadow, @hyba, @jellybeanswriting

[kaftan]

ling reading

(from one of the articles that went into my #litreview)

At the morphological levels, it is well known that SA [Standard Arabic] has richer agreement paradigms that include dual forms and feminine plurals in the second and third persons. On the other hand, CA [Colloquial Arabic] tend to have richer aspectual and temporal systems with independent morphological markers and proclitics. Another major difference includes the presence of a robust morphological case system in SA that marks nouns as nominative, accusative, and genitive, while this system is totally absent in CA.

from “Arabic Diglossia and Heritage Arabic Speakers” by Abdulkaf Albirini and Elabbas Benmamoun, published in Handbook of Literacy in Diglossia and in Dialectal Contexts

This fucking rules btw. Fuck noun cases all my homies hate noun cases and LOVE richer aspectual and temporal systems 🥰

[radioconstructed]

Ms. al-Radiodemon, you are wanted for questioning regarding the explosion of the allegra chicken factory.

⌖ Come back with a WARRANT!

(⌖ Why'd you write my name like you're romanizing the Arabic for Radiodemon? Haha!)

[moondirti]

Who from the 141 speaks the best arabic do you think? From one arab girl to another, it’d be so hot if any of them were fluent 🫠

if my memory serves me correctly, we get a bit in the first campaign from price. to me it seems to be a basic knowledge. a few sentences he picked up on the field and memorised to make his job easier. evac orders, cardinal directions, how to ask for water, food, medicine. that kind of stuff. pure utility, though that’s his approach to most things.

i like to believe (call it bias or whatever) that gaz is fluent. this ties in to my headcanon that he’s the only member who attended and graduated uni, but he strikes me as someone intensely curious about everything. introducing him to something, be it language or cuisine or a skill he hasn’t mastered yet, is like knocking down the floodgates. it’s his time in urzikstan that does it. hearing the way it rolls off farah’s tongue (let’s ignore doumit’s canon pronunciations), or how she’s able to translate a long, winding, clumsy sentence to something short. beautiful.

there’s a word for everything, he finds. one for the state of gossiping with your friends over morning coffee. one to congratulate someone on their cleanliness after a haircut. one that means may you be the one to bury me, for it would be unbearable to live without you – that is used so casually in conversation, kyle is stunned when he learns the true meaning. it doesn’t hold the same expectation, the same trepidation, as it does in english, though it retains its weight all the same. he wonders what makes a language so special that its intrinsic devotion has found a common place within its cultures, and he sets to find out.

this turns into a thing. more rambling under the cut.

the largest learning curve is the alphabet. the sounds that don’t exist in his mother tongue. he’s especially hard on himself when it comes to enunciating them properly – half the beauty is in the way words flow together, and there would really be no point in indulging in arabic’s more lyrical aspects if he’s off pitch. he gets the hang of it eventually, of course, one too many vocal exercises later.

the weathered dictionary he picks up at a second hand store teaches him that most words have three letter roots, and that it isn’t so easy as to look them up alphabetically. picking up new vocab becomes infinitesimally harder, then. for twelve million choices, the distinction between some words comes down to diacritical marks. necklace, decade, contract, held, complicated, and knots are all spelt the same way, yet pronounced ever so slightly different — a fact he learns the hard way when he tells the cashier at the kibbeh place he frequents that he likes her decade.

reading. reading is what helps him get over that.

(he probably should touch on basic grammar first — nouns, verbs, particles, sentence structure, that sort of stuff — but figures he'll pick it up as he goes, basing his methodology on an inability to remember any rules for the english language. he grew up hearing it, reading it, watching it, surrounded by it, so it just is what it is now. why work so hard on task books made for kids, then, when he can just get right into the meat of the matter? acclimatise through force.)

he picks up stacks of books upon books upon poetry. naguib mahfouz. ghada al-samman. al-mutanabbi. mahmoud darwish. it takes him a month to get through the first, and another month for the second. which only means he really takes his time with them, roving over the same line until it's etched into his memory. the cadence, the beats for pause, the way a word he has to punch from his throat is followed by one that lilts, all sing-songy. eventually, he starts to (inadvertently) mimic that sweeping manner of speech, employing it in contexts which certainly don't call for it.

the cashier — the very same one whose age he mistakenly stressed, despite the fact that she couldn't have been much younger than him — is far too nice to say anything about it, smiling instead, endeared, while he waxes poetic about meze.

farah calls him out immediately the next time they catch up.

apparently, no one speaks in classical arabic anymore, go figure. it would be like talking in shakespearean english, she tells him. he imagines it, iambic pentameter and all, and cringes, newly determined. his own research unearths (though it wasn't really a secret) the fact that there are roughly 25 different dialects belonging to different regions — and while some are pretty similar (syrian and lebanese), others could classify as a whole other language on their own (moroccan).

reddit tells him what he already knows; that the best way to learn is through exposure. there are no dictionaries for patois. and farah, despite her total enthusiasm at his interest, is far too busy of a woman to help.

(really, it just gives him an excuse to finally do what he's been meaning to.)

the next time he's craving kibbeh, he's fixed on not making a fool of himself when he asks the cashier out to lunch.

[teaching-arabic-language]

A COMPREHENSIVE GUIDE TO ARABIC NOUN AND PRONOUN RULES

Navigating the intricacies of Arabic noun and pronoun rules can seem daunting at first glance. However, with a bit of guidance and practice, mastering these fundamental components of the Arabic language becomes achievable for anyone. In this comprehensive guide, we’ll delve into the rules governing Arabic nouns and pronouns, providing you with a solid understanding to enhance your language skills.

Introduction

Arabic, known for its rich linguistic heritage, boasts a complex system of nouns and pronouns. These elements play pivotal roles in sentence construction, conveying meaning, and expressing relationships between entities. Let’s embark on a journey to uncover the rules governing Arabic nouns and pronouns.

Arabic Nouns: Forms and Functions

Nouns in Arabic come in various forms, including singular, dual, and plural. They serve as the building blocks of sentences, representing people, places, things, or ideas. Understanding noun forms and their functions is crucial for constructing grammatically correct sentences.

Gender Agreement in Arabic Nouns

Unlike English, Arabic nouns are gendered, with each noun being classified as masculine or feminine. Gender agreement plays a significant role in Arabic grammar, affecting not only the noun itself but also other elements within the sentence.

Arabic Pronouns: Types and Usage

Pronouns in Arabic replace nouns to avoid repetition and streamline communication. They come in different types, including personal, possessive, demonstrative, and relative pronouns, each serving distinct purposes in sentence structure.

Possessive Pronouns in Arabic

Possessive pronouns indicate ownership or possession of an object or attribute. In Arabic, possessive pronouns vary based on the possessor’s gender and number, reflecting the intricate nature of the language’s grammar.

Demonstrative Pronouns in Arabic

Demonstrative pronouns point to specific entities in space or time, indicating proximity or distance. Mastering demonstrative pronouns allows speakers to convey precise meanings and emphasize particular elements in their speech.

Relative Pronouns in Arabic

Relative pronouns connect phrases or clauses, introducing additional information about a noun or pronoun mentioned earlier. Understanding how to use relative pronouns enhances the clarity and coherence of Arabic sentences.

Rules for Using Nouns and Pronouns

To wield Arabic nouns and pronouns effectively, one must adhere to certain rules governing their usage. These rules encompass gender agreement, case endings, verb agreement, and other grammatical considerations.

Common Mistakes to Avoid

Learning any language comes with its share of challenges and pitfalls. In Arabic, common mistakes often stem from misunderstanding noun-pronoun agreement, misusing pronoun forms, or neglecting to apply grammatical rules consistently.

Conclusion

Arabic nouns and pronouns form the backbone of the language, enabling speakers to communicate with precision and eloquence. By grasping the rules outlined in this guide and practicing regularly, learners can navigate the complexities of Arabic grammar with confidence.

FAQs

How do I determine the gender of Arabic nouns?To determine the gender of Arabic nouns, pay attention to their endings and memorize common gender patterns.

Are there any irregularities in Arabic pronoun usage?Yes, Arabic pronouns exhibit some irregularities, particularly in possessive and demonstrative forms. Practice and exposure to authentic Arabic materials can help familiarize you with these irregularities.

Can Arabic pronouns change based on the speaker’s dialect?Yes, while the core pronoun forms remain consistent across Arabic dialects, slight variations in pronunciation and usage may occur.

What resources can help me improve my understanding of Arabic nouns and pronouns?Online courses, textbooks, language exchange programs, and immersion experiences are valuable resources for learning Arabic grammar, including nouns and pronouns.

How can I practice using Arabic nouns and pronouns effectively?Engage in conversations with native speakers, read Arabic texts, and complete grammar exercises to reinforce your understanding and usage of Arabic nouns and pronouns.

Embark on your journey to master Arabic nouns and pronouns, and unlock the door to effective communication in one of the world’s most fascinating languages.

About Author: Mr.Mahmoud Reda

Meet Mahmoud Reda, a seasoned Arabic language tutor with a wealth of experience spanning over a decade. Specializing in teaching Arabic and Quran to non-native speakers, Mahmoud has earned a reputation for his exceptional expertise and dedication to his students' success.

Mahmoud's educational journey led him to graduate from the renowned "Arabic Language" College at Al-Azhar University in Cairo. Holding the esteemed title of Hafiz and possessing Igaza, Mahmoud's qualifications underscore his deep understanding and mastery of the Arabic language.

Born and raised in Egypt, Mahmoud's cultural background infuses his teaching approach with authenticity and passion. His lifelong love for Arabic makes him a natural educator, effortlessly connecting with learners from diverse backgrounds.

What sets Mahmoud apart is his native proficiency in Egyptian Arabic, ensuring clear and concise language instruction. With over 10 years of teaching experience, Mahmoud customizes lessons to cater to individual learning styles, making the journey to fluency both engaging and effective.

Ready to embark on your Arabic learning journey? Connect with Mahmoud Reda at ustazmahmoud184@gmail.com for online Arabic and Quran lessons. Start your exploration of the language today and unlock a world of opportunities with Mahmoud as your trusted guide.

In conclusion, Mahmoud Reda's expertise and passion make him the ideal mentor for anyone seeking to master Arabic. With his guidance, language learning becomes an enriching experience, empowering students to communicate with confidence and fluency. Don't miss the chance to learn from Mahmoud Reda and discover the beauty of the Arabic language.

[vhstown]

super short london slang guide !!

i haven't got a scooby doo about cockney so this is mainly gonna be mle and like the way 14 year old secondary school boys talk oookay let's go (just so yk i am a londonder!!!!!)

direct things to call people (or avoid calling people)

bruv, blud, man, mate, fam (can use in replacement of a pronoun like he, she, you and i or for emphasis — "man's got a meeting, bruv!")

more on "man" it can be used in plural too — "us man" or "them man" or "you man"

my g, my guy (for referring someone you are friendly/friends with)

bossman (something you'd call a shop or business owner — "aye bossman get me the 3 wings and chips yeah")

big man (usually used in a sarcastic friendly but kind of demeaning way, the older cousin of "big guy" — "oi big man what you sayin' cuz?"

i wasnt going to put these here cause of personal preference but 😭 people are gonna use them anyway so i might as well tell you what they mean:

peng (adjective cute/pretty — "her? she's peng!")

leng (adjective hot/sexy — "rah, he's leng you know?)

nouns

ting (usually to refer to a girlfriend but can also just mean "thing"... or a knife? — "don't chat to my ting fam!")

grim (very outdated word for a promiscuous woman — "she's a grim bruv!")

skeng (gun)

shank, spinner (knife)

paper, Ps, pronounced "peas" (money)

ends (neighbourhood, area — "if i catch you in my ends yeah")

mandem (group of friends — "having a laugh at the pub with the mandem" aha)

gyaldem (group of women / female friends)

ganja (weed)

blem (cigarette)

pagan/paigon (snitch or untrustworthy person, not a super common you might wanna use "snake" or "snitch" instead)

wasteman (someone who's useless, a lowlife)

pussio/pussyo (pussy, coward)

other common words and phrases

wagwan, or "wag1" in text (what's up, what's going on)

bare (a lot — "i got bare problems with him!")

gassed (prideful, full of yourself — "im actually so gassed, man got promoted"

"and that" (instead of "and stuff" — "i got links and that")

"allow it" (let something slide — "i forgot my wallet allow it bossman")

safe (like "alright cool", or as a bye — "aight safe")

"pattern up" (fix up, get it together)

hard, tight (cool, good, though "hard" is also used in an offensive way — "bro thinks he's hard, pussio")

blam (to get shot, not actually very common to hear in my experience)

sheffed (up), shanked (to get stabbed)

ahlie (used as an interjection when in agreement with something, similar to phrase "am i lying?")

non-mle specific words i hear sometimes

thick (dumb, stupid)

clapped/tapped (ugly, weird, unattractive)

merk/murk (kill, beat up)

slag, sket (slut)

chav (used to refer to someone of the low social status, associated with violent or rude behaviour)

taking the mick, taking the piss (being annoying)

mad (means crazy obviously but people use it a lot, can have positive and negative connotations — "that's mad!")

nonce (literally means pedophile / sex offender, do what you will with it 😭)

dickhead, bellend (similar to douchebag)

wanker (used towards someone you dislike, or in a joking way)

geezer (usually to refer to an old man)

also!!!

depending on which communities are predominant in the area, words from other languages can come in / have come in

some words are common with US slang too because they share origins 😁 ain't that cool

there's a lot of influence from jamaican patois due to the history of british jamaicans in london for ex in words like "ting" or "mandem" or "wagwan" (hence why mle is sometimes referred to as "jafrican") and its not strange to hear "bomboclaat" or "bloodclaat" here either

in communities where there's muslims and arabs (especially in east london) you might hear arabic terms like "wallahi", "khalas" or "astagfirullah" (though people debate whether that's cultural appropriation or not)

south asians have also had an influence with words like "gora" or "ganja" though again this is largely area based and the impact of hinglish is also found a lot outside of london

some people have a mix of different dialects! i mainly alternate between mle and estuary (sometimes yorkshire don't ask it is very easy to pick up...)

you're not gonna hear every single word here all the time the usage varies throughout london. the way north and west londoners speak can be v different for example

uhhhh if you wanna learn properly just listen to some grime or sutn . listen to londoners speak!

for some more resources in-depth PLEASE check out these guides made by other british people ! (one and two)

ok that's it bye bye british ppl & londoners feel free to add on! it is midnight rn so ive probably missed stuff lol... dms are open in case you've got any questions or want any help :p

[najia-cooks]

[ID: First image shows four small porcelain bowls of a pudding topped with slivered almonds and pomegranates seeds, seen from above. Second image is an extreme close-up showing the blue floral pattern on the china, slivered almonds, golden raisins, and pomegranate seeds on top of part of the pudding. End ID]

անուշապուր / Anush apur (Armenian wheat dessert)

Anush apur is a sweet boiled wheat pudding, enriched with nuts and dried fruits, that is eaten by Armenians to celebrate special occasions. One legend associates the dish with Noah's Ark: standing on Mt. Ararat (Արարատ լեռը) and seeing the rainbow of God's covenant with humanity, Noah wished to celebrate, and called for a stew to be prepared; because the Ark's stores were diminishing, the stew had to be made with small amounts of many different ingredients.

The consumption of boiled grains is of ancient origin throughout the Levant and elsewhere in West Asia, and so variations of this dish are widespread. The Armenian term is from "անուշ" ("anush") "sweet" + "ապուր" ("apur") "soup," but closely related dishes (or, arguably, versions of the same dish) have many different, overlapping names.

In Arabic, an enriched wheat pudding may be known as "سْنَينِيّة" ("snaynīyya"), presumably from "سِنّ" "sinn" "tooth" and related to the tradition of serving it on the occasion of an infant's teething; "قَمْح مَسْلُوق‎" ("qamḥ masluq"), "boiled wheat"; or "سَلِيقَة" ("salīqa") or "سَلِيقَة القَمْح" ("salīqa al-qamḥ"), "stew" or "wheat stew," from "سَلَقَ‎" "salaqa" "to boil." Though these dishes are often related to celebrations and happy occasions, in some places they retain an ancient association with death and funerary rites: qamh masluq is often served at funerals in the Christian town of بَيْت جَالَا ("bayt jālā," Beit Jala, near Bethlehem).

A Lebanese iteration, often made with milk rather than water, is known as "قَمْحِيَّة" ("qamḥīyya," from "qamḥ" "wheat" + "ـِيَّة" "iyya," noun suffix).

A similar dish is known as "بُرْبَارَة" ("burbāra") by Palestinian and Jordanian Christians when eaten to celebrate the feast of Saint Barbara, which falls on the 4th of December (compare Greek "βαρβάρα" "varvára"). It may be garnished with sugar-coated chickpeas and small, brightly colored fennel candies in addition to the expected dried fruits and nuts.

In Turkish it is "aşure," from the Arabic "عَاشُوْرَاء" ("'āshūrā"), itself from "عَاشِر" ("'āshir") "tenth"—because it is often served on the tenth day of the month of ٱلْمُحَرَّم ("muḥarram"), to commemorate Gabriel's teaching Adam and Eve how to farm wheat; Noah's disembarkment from the Ark; Moses' parting of the Red Sea; and the killing of the prophet الْحُسَيْن بْنِ عَلِي (Husayn ibn 'Ali), all of which took place on this day in the Islamic calendar. Here it also includes various types of beans and chickpeas. There is also "diş buğdayı," "tooth wheat" (compare "snayniyya").

These dishes, as well as slight variations in add-ins, have varying consistencies. At one extreme, koliva (Greek: "κόλλυβα"; Serbian: "Кољиво"; Bulgarian: "Кутя"; Romanian: "colivă"; Georgian: "კოლიო") is made from wheat that has been boiled and then strained to remove the boiling water; at the other, Armenian anush apur is usually made thin, and cools to a jelly-like consistency.

Anush apur is eaten to celebrate occasions including New Year's Eve, Easter, and Christmas. In Palestine, Christmas is celebrated by members of the Armenian Apostolic church from the evening of December 24th to the day of December 25th by the old Julian calendar (January 6th–7th, according to the new Gregorian calendar); Armenian Catholics celebrate on December 24th and 25th by the Gregorian calendar. Families will make large batches of anush apur and exchange bowls with their neighbors and friends.

The history of Armenians in Palestine is deeply interwoven with the history of Palestinian Christianity. Armenian Christian pilgrimages to holy sites in Palestine date back to the 4th century A.D., and permanent Armenian monastic communities have existed in Jerusalem since the 6th century. This enduring presence, bolstered by subsequent waves of immigration which have increased and changed the character of the Armenian population in Palestine in the intervening centuries, has produced a rich history of mutual influence between Armenian and Palestinian food cultures.

In the centuries following the establishment of the monasteries, communities of Armenian laypeople arose and grew, centered around Jerusalem's Վանք Հայոց Սրբոց Յակոբեանց ("vank hayots surbots yakobeants"; Monastery of St. James) (Arabic: دَيْر مَار يَعْقُوب "dayr mār ya'qūb"). Some of these laypeople were descended from the earlier pilgrims. By the end of the 11th century, what is now called the Armenian Quarter—an area covering about a sixth of the Old City of Jerusalem, to the southwest—had largely attained its present boundaries.

Throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, the Patriarchate in Jerusalem came to have direct administrative authority over Armenian Christians across Palestine, Lebanon, Egypt, and Cyprus, and was an important figure in Christian leadership and management of holy sites in Jerusalem (alongside the Greek Orthodox and Roman Catholic churches). By the middle of the 19th century, a small population of Armenian Catholics had joined the larger Armenian Apostolic community as permanent residents in Jerusalem, living throughout the Muslim Quarter (but mostly in a concentrated enclave in the southwest); in the beginning of the 20th century, there were between 2,000 and 3,000 Armenians of both churches in Palestine, a plurality of whom (1,200) lived in Jerusalem.

The Turkish genocide of Armenians beginning in 1915 caused significant increases in the populations of Armenian enclaves in Palestine. The Armenian population in Jerusalem grew from 1,500 to 5,000 between the years of 1918 and 1922; over the next 3 years, the total number of Armenians in Palestine (according to Patriarchate data) would grow to 15,000. More than 800 children were taken into Armenian orphanages in Jerusalem; students from the destroyed Չարխափան Սուրբ Աստվածածին վանք (Charkhapan Surb Astvatsatsin Monastery) and theological seminary in Armash, Armenia were brought to the Jerusalem Seminary. The population of Armenian Catholics in the Muslim Quarter also increased during the first half of the 20th century as immigrants from Cilicia and elsewhere arrived.

The immediate importance of feeding and housing the refugees despite a new lack of donations from Armenian pilgrims, who had stopped coming during WW1—as well as the fact that the established Armenian-Palestinians were now outnumbered by recent immigrants who largely did not share their reformist views—disrupted efforts on the part of lay communities and some priests to give Armenian laypeople a say in church governance.

The British Mandate, under which Britain assumed political and military control of Palestine from 1923–1948, would further decrease the Armenian lay community's voice in Jerusalem (removing, for example, their say in elections of new church Patriarchs). The British knew that the indigenous population would be easier to control if they were politically and socially divided into their separate religious groups and subjected to the authority of their various religious hierarchies, rather than having direct political representation in government; they also took advantage of the fact that the ecclesiastical orders of several Palestinian Christian sects (including the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem) comprised people from outside of Palestine, who identified with religious hierarchy and the British authorities more than they identified with the Palestinian lay communities.

British policy, as well as alienating Armenians from politics affecting their communities, isolated them from Arab Palestinians. Though the previously extant Armenian community (called "քաղաքացի" "kaghakatsi," "city-dwellers") were thoroughly integrated with the Arab Palestinians in the 1920s, speaking Arabic and Arabic-accented Armenian and eating Palestinian foods, the newer arrivals (called "زُوَّار" / "զուվվար" "zuwwar," "visitors") were unfamiliar with Palestinian cuisine and customs, and spoke only Armenian and/or Turkish. Thus British policies, which differentiated people based on status as "Arab" (Muslim and Christian) versus "Jewish," left new Armenian immigrants, who did not identify as Arab, disconnected from the issues that concerned most Palestinians. They were predominantly interested in preserving Armenian culture, and more concerned with the politics of the Armenian diaspora than with local ones.

Despite these challenges, the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem came to be a vital center of religious and secular culture for the Armenian diaspora during the British Mandate years. In 1929, Patriarch Yeghishe Turian reëstablished the Սուրբ Յակոբեանց Տպարան ("surbots yakobeants taparan"; St. James printing house); the Patriarchate housed important archives relating to the history of the Armenian people; pilgrimages of Armenians from Syria, Lebanon, and Egypt increased and the economy improved, attracting Armenian immigrants in higher numbers; Armenians held secular roles in governance, policing, and business, and founded social, religious, and educational organizations and institutions; Armenians in the Old and New Cities of Jerusalem were able to send financial aid to Armenian victims of a 1933 earthquake in Beirut, and to Armenians expelled in 1939 when Turkey annexed Alexandretta.

The situation would decline rapidly after the 1947 UN partition resolution gave Zionists tacit permission to expel Palestinians from broad swathes of Palestine. Jerusalem, intended by the plan to be a "corpus separatum" under international administration, was in fact subjected to a months-long war that ended with its being divided into western (Israeli) and eastern (Palestinian) sections. The Armenian population of Palestine began to decline; already, 1947 saw 1,500 Armenians resettled in Soviet Armenia. The Armenian populations in Yafa and Haifa would fall yet more significantly.

Still, the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem maintained its role as the center of Armenian life in Palestine; the compound provided food and shelter to thousands of Armenians during the Battle for Jerusalem and the Nakba (which began in 1948). Some Armenians formed a militia to defend the Armenian Quarter against Haganah shelling during the battle.

In the following years, historical British contributions to the shoring up of insular power in the Patriarchate would cause new problems. The Armenian secular community, no longer empowered to oversee the internal workings of the Patriarchate, could do nothing to prevent embezzling, corruption, and even the sale of church-owned land and buildings to settlers.

In 1967, Israeli military forces annexed East Jerusalem, causing another, albeit smaller, surge in Armenian emigration from the city. Daphne Tsimhoni estimates based on various censuses that the Armenian population of Jerusalem, which had reached 5,000-7,000 at its peak in 1945–6, had fallen back to 1,200 by 1978.

Today, as in the 20th century, Armenians in Jerusalem (who made up nearly 90% of the Armenian population of Palestine as of 1972) are known for the insularity of their community, and for their skill at various crafts. Armenian food culture has been kept alive and well-defined by successive waves of immigrants. As of 2017, the Armenian Patriarchate supplied about 120 people a day with Armenian dishes, including Ղափամա / غاباما "ghapama" (pumpkin stuffed with rice and dried fruits), թոփիկ / توبيك "topig" (chickpea-and-potato dough stuffed with an onion, nut, fruit, and herb filling, often eaten during Lent), and Իչ / ايتش "eetch" (bulgur salad with tomatoes and herbs).

Restaurants lining the streets of the Armenian and Christian quarters serve a mixture of Armenian and Palestinian food. Լահմաջո "lahmadjoun" (meat-topped flatbread), and հարիսա / هريس "harisa" (stew with wheat and lamb) are served alongside ֆալաֆել / فلافل ("falafel") and մուսախան / مسخن ("musakhkhan"). One such restaurant, Taboon Wine Bar, was the site of a settler attack on Armenian diners in January 2023.

Up until 2023, despite fluctuations in population, the Armenian community in Jerusalem had been relatively stable when compared to other Armenian communities and to other quarters of the Old City; the Armenian Quarter had not been subjected to the development projects to which other quarters had been subjected. However, a deal which the Armenian Patriarchate had secretly and unilaterally made with Israel real estate developer Danny Rotham in 2021 to lease land and buildings (including family homes) in the Quarter led Jordan and Palestine to suspend their recognition of the Patriarch in May of 2023.

On 26th October, the Patriarchate announced that it was cancelling the leasing deal. Later the same day, Israeli bulldozers tore up pavement and part of a wall in حديقة البقر ("ḥadīqa al-baqar"; Cows' Garden; Armenian: "Կովերի այգու"), the planned site of a new luxury hotel. On 5th November, Rothman and other representatives of Xana Gardens arrived with 15 settlers—some of them with guns and attack dogs—and told local Armenians to leave. About 200 Armenian Palestinians arrived and forced the settlers to stand down.

On 12th and 13th November, the developer again arrived with bulldozers and attempted to continue demolition. In response, Armenian Palestinians have executed constant sit-ins, faced off against bulldozers, and set up barricades to prevent further destruction. The Israeli occupation police backed settlers on another incursion on 15th November, ordering Armenian residents to vacate the land and arresting three.

On December 28th, a group of Armenian bishops, priests, deacons, and seminary students (including Bishop Koryoun Baghdasaryan, the director of the Patriarchate's real estate department) were attacked by a group of more than 30 people armed with sticks and tear gas. The Patriarchate attributed this attack to Israeli real estate interests trying to intimidate the Patriarchate into abandoning their attempt to reverse the lease through the court system. Meanwhile, anti-Armenian hate crimes (including spitting on priests) had noticeably increased for the year of 2023.

These events in Palestine come immediately after the ethnic cleansing of Լեռնային Ղարաբաղ ("Lernayin Gharabagh"; Nagorno-Karabakh); Israel supplied exploding drones, long-range missiles, and rocket launchers to help Azerbaijan force nearly 120,000 Armenians out of the historically Armenian territory in September of 2023 (Azerbaijan receives about 70% of its weapons from Israel, and supplies about 40% of Israel's oil).

Support Palestinian resistance by donating to Palestine Action’s bail fund; buying an e-sim for distribution in Gaza; or donating to help a family leave Gaza.

Ingredients

180g (1 cup) pearled wheat (قمح مقشور / խոշոր ձաւար), soaked overnight

3 cups water

180-360g (a scant cup - 1 3/4 cup) sugar, or to taste

Honey or agave nectar (optional)

1 cup total diced dried apricots, prunes, golden raisins, dried figs

1 cup total chopped walnuts, almonds, pistachios

1 tsp rosewater (optional)

Ceylon cinnamon (դարչին) or cassia cinnamon (կասիա)

Aniseed (անիսոն) (optional)

Large pinch of salt

Pomegranate seeds, to top (optional)

A Palestinian version of this dish may add pine nuts and ground fennel.

Pearled wheat is whole wheat berry that has gone through a "pearling" process to remove the bran. It can be found sold as "pearled wheat" or "haleem wheat" in a halal grocery store, or a store specializing in South Asian produce.

Amounts of sugar called for in Armenian recipes range from none (honey is stirred into the dish after cooking) to twice the amount of wheat by weight. If you want to add less sugar than is called for here, cook down to a thicker consistency than called for (as the sugar will not be able to thicken the pudding as much).

Instructions

1. Submerge wheat in water and scrub between your hands to clean and remove excess starch. Drain and cover by a couple inches with hot water. Cover and leave overnight.

2. Drain wheat and add to a large pot. Add water to cover and simmer for about 30 minutes until softened, stirring and adding more hot water as necessary.

Wheat before cooking

Wheat after cooking

3. Add dried fruit, sugar, salt, and spices and simmer for another 30 minutes, stirring occasionally, until wheat is very tender. Add water as necessary; the pudding should be relatively thin, but still able to coat the back of a spoon.

4. Remove from heat and stir in rosewater and honey. Ladle pudding into individual serving bowls and let cool in the refrigerator. Serve cold decorated with nuts and pomegranate seeds.

[doccywhomst]

moment of silence for those learning a new language who google the transliteration of their name to learn its phonetic equivalent, only to discover that it translates to a random noun or slur or similarly disappointing result. unrelated, you may henceforth call me Rat in Arabic and Chicken Egg in Mandarin Chinese

[cassandraclare]

Happy Hanukkah! I hope you’re well.

Vaguely related question I guess. The parallels between the Jewish and Ashkari people were one of the things I loved most about this book. It’s not often you see a Jewish-coded character in a fantasy book - let alone as a hero. I saw in the acknowledgements you had a lovely Hebrew consultant - what were the challenges of creating a whole language? (Plus Sarthian and all the others??)

Hello! Yes, we don't see Jewish or Jewish-coded characters much (though more now than when I was growing up, and I felt very shut out of fantasy and fantastical worlds as it all seemed to contain a definite, sometimes unconscious, Christian bent). And often when we do see them, they're some variety of evildoer or hook-nosed goblin type.

I very much wanted to dig into my own cultural and religious background to furnish the mythology that underpins the Ashkar and their magic. Gematria (gematry in the book) is a Kabbalistic tool that can be used in the creation of the kind of amulet that Kel wears. Jewish readers will recognize mentions of specific names (Judah Makabi) bits of Hebrew (Shomrim, Sanhedrin) among other words and names extrapolated from Hebrew and Jewish history.

Ashkar is not Hebrew though. It is a "real" imaginary language in the sense that it was constructed to have a working system of verbs and nouns and conjugations and so forth. I didn't create it myself, because I am not Tolkien, who was a philologist first — a professor of languages and how they work. I worked with a conlanger, Matthew AbdulHaqq Niemi, who had a background in Biblical Hebrew, modern Hebrew, Arabic and Aramaic. We traded ideas back and forth, and he created a glossary and even written poetry in Ashkar. He and the other conlangers I worked with are thanked in the back of the book.

Matthew's translation of El Nora Alila into Ashkar:

Afaryaš vēmū, Afaryaš hazānū, Oqošakedsā-mav dayn fī tsīa,

God of awe, God of might, Grant us pardon in this hour,

Dalī kol Tasī-qēōt oslōg dayn lešex tsīa,

As Thy gates are closed this night.

[girlactionfigure]

intifada washing

WHITEWASH (verb)

deliberately attempt to conceal unpleasant or incriminating facts about (someone or something). (Oxford Dictionary)

DOGWHISTLE (noun)

an expression or statement that has a secondary meaning intended to be understood only by a particular group of people. (Merriam-Webster Dictionary)

PLAUSIBLE DENIABILITY 

anything illegal or unethical that can be explained away under an innocent and probable guise [whether] true or otherwise. (Law Dictionary)

These calls for an intifada are not metaphorical. This is an explicit call to violence. The red upside down triangle emoji is what Hamas uses in livestreams before they hit their (human) target. 

WHAT WERE THE INTIFADAS?

The word intifada comes from an Arabic word meaning “to shake off,” but it’s a term used for violent uprisings or rebellions. It was first used in the 1950s to describe the Iraqi Intifada, a series of violent protests to overthrow the Hashemite dynasty. 

In the Israeli-Palestinian context, there have been two intifadas, which were campaigns of bombings, suicide bombings, stabbings, car-ramming, lynchings, and stone-throwing, primarily directed at civilians. It’s worth noting that the stones in question here weren’t small pebbles, but rather, large stones that killed people. 

Some apologists claim that an intifada doesn’t necessarily describe a violent campaign because the word simply comes from the term for “shake off.” But this is a completely disingenuous argument, like claiming “Mein Kampf” simply means “my struggle” or “sieg hiel” simply means “hail victory.” 

Objectively, the intifadas deteriorated the living conditions of Palestinians. It was in response to the intifadas that Israel enacted checkpoints and constructed the West Bank wall. Thousands of Palestinians were killed in the intifadas, both in retaliatory IDF attacks and by fellow Palestinians on the charge of being collaborators. If history teaches us anything, there is no strategic reason to call for an intifada. An intifada won’t destroy Israel or free Palestine; it will provoke Israel to tighten restrictions. The only reason to call for an intifada is if one wishes for Israelis to be murdered. The only reason to call for a global intifada is if one wishes for Jews to be murdered. 

ARE THE PROTESTORS CALLING FOR AN INTIFADA CALLING FOR VIOLENCE?

Unequivocally, yes. While every person in attendance surely doesn’t understand what they are calling for, the organizers of the protests — those leading the chants and encouraging people to follow — very much know. In fact, they themselves have ties to groups that slaughtered innocents in the last intifadas.

Virtually all “pro-Palestine” protests in the United States are organized by groups such as Within Our Lifetime, Students for Justice in Palestine, and Samidoun. 

Samidoun has ties to the internationally-recognized terrorist group the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, has an office in Tehran, and is banned as a terrorist organization in Germany. The PFLP participated in both intifadas, killing scores of innocents, such as Dror Forer and Aran Bachar in 1993 (First Intifada) and three teenagers in the Karnei Shomron Mall suicide bombing in 2002 (Second Intifada). 

Within Our Lifetime and Students for Justice in Palestine both openly support Hamas, other Islamic Republic proxies, and the October 7 massacre. SJP’s founder, Hatem Bazian, is also the co-founder of American Muslims for Palestine, an organization formed by former members of the HolyLand Foundation, KindHearts, and the Islamic Association of Palestine, all of which were disbanded after its members were convicted of transferring material support to Hamas. 

Hamas took responsibility for two suicide bombings during the First Intifada and at least 54 suicide bombings during the Second Intifada. 

To them — to the people leading these protests — the intifadas have always been synonymous with violence against civilians. In deed and in action, they are showing us that another intifada would be no different. 

IS CALLING FOR AN INTIFADA ANTISEMITIC?

In this context, yes. Firstly, you have to understand that just about half of the world’s Jews live in Israel. In all Palestinian intifadas, all Israeli civilians were not only considered fair targets, but were in fact the preferred targets. If you believe every single Israeli is a fair target, then what you believe is that half of the world’s Jews are a fair target. That is no less genocidal than believing all of the world’s Jews are a fair target. Not even Hitler killed half of the world’s Jews; a third of the world’s Jews were murdered in the Holocaust.

It’s simply disingenuous to divorce calls for a Palestinian intifada from antisemitism. While Israelis of all backgrounds were killed at the hands of Palestinian terrorists in the intifadas, the terrorists sought Jewish areas, not, say, Druze villages. 

During the intifadas, Palestinian leaders mobilized their population with explicitly antisemitic rhetoric, drawing from unfavorable Hadiths about Jews, the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, and even Mein Kampf. Both political and religious leaders delivered speeches and sermons rife with antisemitism. There is absolutely no reason to believe another intifada would be any different; the October 7 terrorists also mobilized with antisemitic rhetoric (“Mom, I killed ten Jews!” one of the October 7 terrorists said excitedly in a phone call to his mother). 

As far as the rhetoric prompting Palestinians to take up arms against Israel, nothing much has changed. In May 2021, for example, senior Hamas official Fathi Hammad went on the Hamas-run Al Aqsa TV channel and asked Palestinians in Jerusalem to “cut off the heads of the Jews.”

This is Izz al-Din Shuheil al-Masri of Hamas, who, in 2001, during the Second Intifada, carried out a suicide bombing at a Sbarro pizzeria in Jerusalem, killing 16. 

Al-Masri, like other Palestinian suicide bombers, recorded a video before his attack, where you see him holding a Quran, as he, like others like him, justified his attack by pointing to Muhammad’s struggle against the Jews in the seventh century. 

According to suicidologist Adam Czabański, Palestinian suicide bombers during the intifadas were predominantly motivated by the concept of an Islamic “holy war” against the Jewish state. In other words, they saw this as a matter of Muslims versus Jews. 

DESENSITIZING THE PUBLIC 

Maybe when you call for an intifada, you do not believe that you are calling for violence. Maybe you don’t believe that you are calling for the murder of Jews. Maybe your friends don’t either. But the thing is that it doesn’t matter. This is much bigger than you and your friends. You are getting swept up into a movement headed by groups with nefarious intentions.They are duping you, because they know you, like any decent person, want to stand on the side of justice.

No matter the state of antisemitism in the west eight months ago, you couldn’t just walk into a university quad and start openly screaming about killing Jews, because thousands of students wouldn’t join you that way. You start by desensitizing people to antisemitic rhetoric, through the use of dogwhistles and by relying on plausible deniability. This desensitization of antisemitic rhetoric leads to the eventual desensitization of antisemitic violence. This is how propaganda works, how dangerous people draw gullible people into their movements.

Consider that it took nearly six years from the Nazis’ rise to power for them to carry out their first antisemitic pogrom in 1938, euphemistically known as Kristallnacht, or “the night of the broken glass.” Despite the increasingly oppressive antisemitic policies in Nazi Germany, and the blatant antisemitic rhetoric and propaganda of its leaders, after Kristallnacht, the majority of the German public — and even some Nazi leaders! — expressed their disapproval of the violence, so much so that the regime ordered the press to downplay it. And yet, less than a decade later, by 1945, Nazi Germany had managed to exterminate six million Jews to little protest from the population. The desensitization happened incrementally. (I am not saying the Holocaust will happen again, so please don’t put words in my mouth. I am illustrating how people are desensitized to antisemitic violence). 

ON THE IMPORTANCE OF LANGUAGE 

Over the past decade, our society has taken great care to clean up its language, more than ever before. There are so many terms we’ve stopped using because they come from problematic histories and have been deemed harmful for a marginalized population. We’ve discussed microaggressions and political dogwhistles. We’ve talked about impact over intent. 

Yet somehow we are meant to believe that when crowds of thousands led by groups with intimate ties to those with Jewish blood on their hands call for an intifada, something that, certainly in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, has only ever been a bloodbath, fueled by antisemitic rhetoric and incitement, we are meant to just trust that these people are not calling for violence against Jews? Please. How gullible do you think we are? Why do you continue to gaslight us?

When calls for an intifada are coupled with images of the inverted red triangle, a Hamas marker of violence, are we meant to believe that this doesn’t really imply violence against Jews? When you chant “there is only one solution, intifada revolution,” are we meant to ignore that this alludes to the Final Solution? That the chant explicitly rejects a two or a one-state solution in favor of violence against Israeli civilians, the majority of whom are Jews? When you scream for a global intifada, are we simply meant to ignore that the Islamic Republic’s terror network slaughters Jews not only in Israel, but in the diaspora as well? Are we meant to ignore that this rhetoric has correlated with the skyrocketing of violent antisemitic incidents elsewhere around the globe, including murder, kidnapping, synagogue bombings, and rape?

You are asking us to put a whole lot of trust that your violent words don’t actually mean violence just eight months after the single deadliest day for Jews since the end of the Holocaust.