#“dissident right”
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Far right ideologues, like DeSantis buddy Chris Rufo, like to refer to themselves as the "dissident right". That is a euphemism to hide their true anti-constitutional pro-dictatorship nature.
Chris Rufo, a rightwing culture-war celebrity and close Ron DeSantis ally, has maintained a close relationship with IM-1776, a “dissident right” magazine that regularly showers praise on dictators and authoritarians, puffs racist ideologues, and attacks liberal democracy. The outlet’s editors and writers – many of them so-called “anons” working under pseudonyms – have variously advocated for the repeal of the Civil Rights Act; celebrated figures such as the “Unabomber” Ted Kaczynski and the proto-fascist Italian nationalist Gabriele D’Annunzio; and advanced conspiracy theories about the Covid pandemic, and what they term the “regime”, a leftist power structure that they imagine unites the state, large corporations, universities and the media.
Rufo and his cohorts are working to muddy the difference between themselves and the less extreme right.
Last month a “manifesto” written by Rufo – The New Right Activism – ran in the online and print versions of IM-1776, and Rufo has publicly urged his audience to buy and subscribe to the outlet. He has also co-hosted a series of Twitter spaces with the magazine’s editors, beginning in July last year. In one of them, recorded in October, he indicated an interest in incorporating the “dissident right” more fully in mainstream political discourse, saying: “I think there is a room for engaging the dissident right and the establishment right. I think we need to have a bridge between the two and and engage in thoughtful dialogue.” More recently, he has expressed a personal interest in expanding the range of acceptable political discourse. On the Pirate Wires podcast earlier this month, he told host Mike Solana of his own activism: “I try to play that game, I try to lay traps, I try to provoke certain reactions, I try to launder certain words and phrases into the discourse.”
Rufo's rag IM-1776 glorifies domestic terrorists.
Last June, IM-1776 published an obituary of Ted Kaczynski by another pseudonymous author calling themselves “The Prudentialist”. Kaczynski died in a federal prison last year at the conclusion of a life sentence he received for a 17-year mailbombing campaign that killed three of his targets and injured 23 others. Describing Kaczynski as “allegedly a lone wolf terrorist, but also a mathematical genius”, the IM-1776 author relativized his crimes and explained that Kaczynski’s “iconic status on the contemporary right can be partly attributed to the devastating critique of the left included in his famous manifesto, Industrial Society and Its Future”.
The Republican Party is now the Trump MAGA Party. It refuses to call out extremists and is cozy with foreign dictators like Vladimir Putin and Viktor Orbán. Permitting Republicans to gain power puts the country under the control of the anti-constitutional "dissident right" who advocate Red Caesarism.
The ONLY way to defeat Republicans/MAGA/the "dissident right"/Red Caesarism is to vote Democratic. Any talk from the third party curious about impotent minor party candidates should get an instant reality check; the last presidential election won by a non-Democrat or non-Republican was in 1848.
#dictatorship vs. democracy#the far right#chris rufo#ron desantis#im-1776#“dissident right”#red caesarism#maga#republicans#american weakness republicans#ted kaczynski#unabomber#fascists#gabriele d’annunzio#anti-constitutional republicans#donald trump#vote blue no matter who#election 2024
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“This brutal war is not only mass murder of people and destruction of the infrastructure, economy, and cultural sites of Ukraine, but also a severe blow to the future of Russia, a country that is now pushed back into totalitarianism, but this time into a fascist totalitarianism.
We are being punished for daring to criticize authority.” —Oleg Orlov
#politics#russia#ukraine#oleg orlov#russian dissidents#🇺🇦#russia is a terrorist state#russian repression#war crimes#totalitarianism#vladimir putin is a war criminal#russian invasion of ukraine#authoritarianism#russian fascism#☭#fascisim#russian fascism ☭#memorial center for human rights
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how did this happen. this is bad.
this is now i have to buy a gun and be prepared for a literal civil war bad.
the next four years are going to be so bad we might not wind up with a whole country at the end of it. There is going to be so much more violence and oppression and militarized bigotry.
anyone who voted for trump or withheld their vote or voted third party is dead to me.
#anyone who paid attention to the specific policies and actions of trump last time he was in the oval office knows i'm right#be prepared for things like ICE becoming an anti-dissident death squad with special powers and immunity granted by the oval office#republicans have the senate too#global relationships too we're going to be in danger of going to war in a big way with public military drafts and everything#and we're already experiencing an uptick in natural disasters which won't be handled correctly#this is so bad
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Somewhere there's a hauntingly beautiful symphony where Pavel Kushnir belongs.
Rest in peace 🕊️
Kushnir was born in Tambov, central Russia, where his father Mikhail was a pianist and educator, and his mother a music school teacher. He started playing piano at the age of two and, at just 17, gave a remarkable two-and-a-half-hour concert featuring the 24 preludes and fugues by composer Dmitri Shostakovich. Later that year, he was admitted to the Moscow Conservatory, where classmate Julia Wertman says he cultivated a “dissident image”, often wearing a shabby coat and black clothes, with a half-litre bottle of vodka sticking out of a pocket. Asked in a 2005 interview what composition he would never perform, he replied: "The Russian national anthem."
Arrested for 4 social media posts objecting to the war in Ukraine. Died from a hunger strike in protest. 💜
#pavel kushnir#philharmonic#piano#russia#war in ukraine#zelensky#political dissidents#putin#free speech#russian invasion of ukraine#kremlin#prisoner#siberia#agent mulder#x files#Olga Romanova#human rights#telegram#operational reports#kursk#music#musician#pianist#classical music#rest in peace#conscientious objectors#moscow conservatory
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That's when I saw the photograph.
Facing us, on every newspaper kiosk
on that wide, tree-shaded boulevard in Paris
were photographs of fifteen-year-old Dorothy Counts
being reviled and spat upon by the mob
as she was making her way to school
in Charlotte, North Carolina.
James Baldwin, I Am Not Your Negro.
#james baldwin#dorothy counts#i am not your negro#raoul peck#the dissident library#black history#civil rights movement#go tell it on the mountain#the fire next time#giovanni's room#baldwin
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I may have said this already but the aesthetic of this office is "Federation HQ"
#I ahd to double check Conspiracy and it doesn't look anything like it in there. but the vibe is right#V#V TV#V The Series#V 1984#The Dissident#Danny watches V The Series
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Physically fighting the urge to make an edit of Eduard Limonov and Iosif Brodskij to Girl, so confusing
#NOT THE REMIX because we don't know Iosif Brodskij's thougths on Limonov#but but but hear me out it fits so uncannily#of course I haven't seen the show so I don't know what there will be in the show but based on what we have in the book#just put dissident russian instead of girl and you're there#their whole ambivalent relationship in which you don't understand if Brodskij wants to help Limonov in New York or not#and Limonov hating Brodskij specifically because he is more successful than him and he WANTS to he him#them eaiting at the russian restaurant with Tanja#AND IT FELT AWKWARD#'people say we're alike' just because their both poeats and russian dissidents#(also people=The Liberman)#'We talk about making music but I don't know if you're honest' real when Limonov doesn't even understand#if Brodskij wants to help him or just wants to fuck his wife#'can't tell if you wanna see me falling over and failing' IS RIGHT THERE when Brodskij stuck Limonov in the#small russian newspaper I forgot the naaaamd#'you're all about writing poems/but I'm about throwing parties' !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!#LIMONOV TRYING TO PARTY AND FUCKING HIS WAY UP WHILE BRODSKIJ CLOSED HINSELF IN ACADEMIA#'one day we might make some music/the internet (jet set) would go crazy'#and then they didn't#what music could have they even done#I don't know but I am mad I never got to find out#limonov#thank God they didn't work it out on the remix Limonov could have straight up attempt to murder Brodskij#So cool when your mind is plagued by 28273726 edits to make for a tv show that hasn't come out yet
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holy SHIT this song hit so hard i cannot even describe it. its so fucking relatable and true, especially with the new anti-trans laws. PLEAS LISTEN TO THIS SONG MUTUALS
#wills mumbles#dog park dissidents#refugees dog park dissidents#high risk homosexual behavior#queercore#punk rock#queer rock#transgender#trans#queer#queers bash back#anti trans laws#trans rights#Spotify
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#so my union went on strike in the fall and for a while it was awesome#my department especially was super down and well organized which shocked and inspired me#but the end of the strike the vote and everything that’s happened since has been an awful slide downhill#business unionism at its finest#it SUCKS it’s so incredibly undemocratic but with this fake woke veneer#and all the dissidents are burned and demoralized#and being shut out of everything#i want my department level union to stay strong and autonomous and I think it can#but the bullshit that the union leadership is pulling makes it so complicated#also my defense is in less than two weeks!!!!!! wtf!!!#i can’t be bothering with this right now! but i can’t not!
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Police takes phone and computer from activist in El Salvador
Early today, the house of the artist and digital activist, Temple of Evil, was raided. Just as, in the case of another journalist, they took his computer and mobile phone. They told him that his case is not publicly available.
#el salvador#temple of evil#nayib bukele#human rights#activism#state of emergency#state of exception#political dissidents
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#jd vance#patrick deneen#peter thiel#curtis yarvin#postliberal right#neo-reactionary movement#rene girard#michael anton#claremont institute#west coast straussianism#rod dreher#dissident right#republican assholes
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You know what guys? I was called a liberal today by some Mr Everything Middling's her-country-didn't-send-its-best spouse and being accused of having no respect whatsoever for family values for wanting Harris to win over women's issues. Funny, because I have never indulged myself in shitty men, never done hookup, and always believed in the sanctity of marriage since I was a teen girl, as long as it is based on mutual respect, fraternity, and reason, instead of a go-to-the-gutter-together blind devotion; basically just like how I (we all should) approach religions, NO? :) Of course, all thanks to my small c-conservative parents and their loving yet disciplined and smart upbringing ❤️🌸. It's not everyone's privilege.
#kamala harris#harris walz 2024#us politics#as someone who has built a career championing religious dissidents and human rights™️ online#I thought she would know better than I did#i knew you can never trust these people
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"Viewing the prosecution of Sterry as an early skirmish in Toronto’s free speech struggle reframes the entire issue. The first chapter of Betcherman’s The Little Band gestures in this direction by explaining the religious and cultural outlook of Toronto’s elite and their defenders: conservative Protestant (usually evangelical in outlook), British or anglophile, Tory, staunchly imperialist, royalist, and pro-capitalist. Business owners, Conservative politicians, army officers, clergymen, the Orange Order, and the Imperial Order of the Daughters of the Empire were core components of this swath of Canadian society. A.E. Smith, the clergyman-turned-communist, bluntly described Toronto as “the citadel of reaction and religious Toryism,” while J.S. Woodsworth called the city “smug,” “intolerant,” and “village-like.”
If, prompted in part by the Sterry trial, we view the Toronto free speech struggles not simply as another Red scare but more specifically as an attempt by the Anglo-Protestant elite to keep Toronto locked into late-nineteenth-century cultural patterns, we begin to see more clearly the reasons why rationalists and radical Christians were repressed alongside communists. One telltale connection is the presence of Emerson Coatsworth as the presiding judge in Sterry’s trial. He was also the dominant voice on the Toronto Police Commission, and a key supporter of the Toronto-based Canadian Christian Crusade (CCC), an anti-atheist organization formed in 1929.
….
On 5 May 1929, the police broke up a street meeting organized by the Rationalist Society of Canada. Founding members Lionel Cross [Toronto's first Black Canadian lawyer], Styles, and Leavens promptly lodged a complaint with Chief Draper and the police commissioners. They asserted that police had orchestrated the situation “by aiding and abetting persons to create a disturbance at their meetings and then [intervening] under the guise of a ‘breach of the peace being imminent’ to justify their action.” The RSC officials insisted that, “in matters of fundamental rights and liberties, they [would] permit no one to abrogate,” and they would continue holding open air meetings, just as they had for “the past four years.” They were aware, however, that Toronto’s elite, despite their frequent praise for “British freedoms,” did not believe that liberal principles protected radicals or blasphemers. On 4 August the Star published a letter from Cross spelling out this contradiction:
“I have been trying to reconcile our ideas of British liberty with the attitude of the police in breaking up the meetings on the street of those with unconventional ideas, while religious gatherings are undisturbed.”
Cross was told by an inspector that both the public and his men found rationalist speeches objectionable, and that was reason enough. Admitting that appeals to the authorities had been a waste of time, Cross asked the readers of the Star: was it possible to “arouse an enlightened public sentiment to correct this?”
On 13 August 1929, policemen forced a crowd out of Queen’s Park, in an effort to forestall a communist meeting that had not even started. The violence meted out to communists and bystanders alike shocked many of those present and sparked a furor in the press. While this incident has been discussed in the existing historiography of the “free speech struggle,” another case only a few days later has been overlooked. On the following Sunday night (18 August), police ordered an “atheist” meeting of almost five hundred people near Massey Hall to disperse. This was almost certainly a gathering of the RSC. “The crowd took exception” to the interference of the police, and “as they walked slowly towards Yonge Street they jeered [at] the officers and called upon them to stop a religious meeting” being held on a nearby street corner. Indeed, members of this “throng” themselves interrupted the religious gathering, which ended in disorder.
While this confrontation was not violent, the way it was reported in the next day’s Globe reveals the extent to which Toronto’s unbelievers were characterized as an existential threat to Canadian values, alongside communists and “foreigners.” First of all, the paper argued that police action had been entirely justified because the rationalists had blocked the street. More significantly, however, its coverage of this story was surrounded on all sides by bold headlines warning Torontonians of the dire threat they faced from depraved agitators. The rhetorical question, “‘Is It to Be Bolshevism or Constitutional Government?’” spanned the top of the page. Another headline trumpeted: “Communism Spells Murder, Pillage, Merciless Tyranny, Says Shields, and Would Eliminate Civilization.” That lengthy article praised the eloquence and logic of a sermon by the fundamentalist Baptist minister T.T. Shields, who denounced atheism, communism, modernism, anarchy, and the Toronto Star. The adjacent piece interviewed four prominent Conservatives: Anglican canon H.J. Cody, war veteran and businessman J.J. Shanahan, politician Alfred Morine, and publisher S.B. Gundy. Not unexpectedly, all four praised the police and condemned leftists. “Exaggerated Stories on Reds, Distortion of Report Alleged,” was the title of a nearby article about the police action in Queen’s Park the week before. It reprinted a letter from someone who claimed to have been present and asserted that the police had had no choice but to break up the “sullen,” “ugly” crowd, composed of threatening “foreigners” who would have become violent if given the opportunity; concerns over police brutality were simply the product of “scare headlines” and “gross misrepresentation” orchestrated by the Star. In the Globe’s coverage, the rationalists were merely one element of an ominous outside force that sought to overthrow “Toronto the Good.”
Rationalists, radicals, and their allies contested this view of events. On 2 October 1929 a heated meeting (which according to the mayor threatened to become “a regular donnybrook”) was held at city hall to address concerns over the public exercise of free speech. Chief Draper and Judge Coatsworth were present and subject to intense cross-examination by R.E. Knowles, Salem Bland, and others. Hard questions were aimed at Coatsworth in particular. After the judge explained that only seditious meetings were prohibited, an unnamed voice called out, “What about a man’s religion?” Coatsworth replied, “I don’t interfere with any man’s religion,” but he went on to caution that blasphemy would not be permitted either. One audience member pointedly asked him, “Aren’t you connected with a religious organization?” (The judge was a prominent member of the United Church of Canada.) Coatsworth responded, “I’ve been connected with a religious organization all my life, but it interferes with none in their religion.”
William Styles attended that 1929 meeting as the RSC representative. He argued that his group had “inalienable rights” to hold meetings in public places, and that “any trouble in the parks has been caused by the police themselves.” He complained about “a hysteria among certain people in the city that there is going to be a revolt.” Styles said he had seen many socialist meetings and had never witnessed a riot; but “now every meeting is construed as being unlawful.” He went on to declare that the rationalists would not “submit to a dictatorship,” defiantly concluding, “I submit that the chief of police is the servant of this city and not a dictator.” When a Free Speech Conference was called for 12 October, the “Canadian Atheist Society” was listed among its supporters, alongside Bland, Knowles, and a number of communist-affiliated organizations.
The conflict was played out well beyond the streets. Direct police pressure in 1929 led to theatre and hall owners reneging on their arrangements with communists and other leftist groups; it is possible the same thing happened to the rationalists. Early in the year, the RSC suddenly moved their meetings, going from the Victoria Theatre on 16 February to the Occident Hall a week later. After indoor lectures resumed in the fall, there were a number of other rapid venue changes: from the College Assembly Hall to the Brunswick Hall, and then, after a gap in the schedule, a move to Winchester Hall for the winter and spring of 1930. RSC officials never publicly addressed the changes but, given the timing, it is certainly conceivable that they were having trouble finding people who would rent them space.
…
That would change early in 1931, when the Globe declared, “The eyes of atheism and the eyes of bolshevism in North America are fixed for the moment on Toronto.” This renewed burst of outrage was provoked by Emanuel Haldeman-Julius, luminary of the American freethought movement. His Kansas-based company, Haldeman-Julius Publications, was enormously prolific in its production of affordable books, pamphlets, and newspapers. His series of “Little Blue Books” would become particularly influential across North America. The publisher was himself a socialist and an atheist of Jewish descent who never shied away from controversy. Upon hearing reports of the Toronto free speech battle, he decided to support local unbelievers and test the authorities by printing an “Atheist Special Edition” of his American Freeman newspaper and distributing “copies numbering in thousands” in the city.
This provoked the ire of the Globe, which denounced not only Haldeman-Julius’s atheism but also his support for “companionate marriage.” An editorial entitled “Keep This Trash Out” declared:
the atheist and the ‘Red’ have so much in common that it behooves Christian people to be on guard against their insidious style of propaganda. Their methods are so similar that general direction from Moscow is more than a suspicion.
The aim of both was the same: “the overthrow of established conditions that have been developed through the centuries.” Something had to be done. Canadians could not reasonably be asked to tolerate “widespread circulation” of arguments in favour of companionate marriage and “blatant, scoffing atheism.” Fortunately, something could be done: censorship. Crown attorney Eric Armour believed that the Atheist Special Edition of the American Freeman contained blasphemous libel and that anyone who distributed or kept it “would be subject to a criminal charge.” Indeed, he believed many American publications should be barred from Canada. Chief Draper agreed that the Freeman should be kept from circulating by mail, and pronounced that if it were sold from the city’s newsstands “police action” would be taken.
Haldeman-Julius was not intimidated. He responded by sending a telegram to the Globe a few days later. It began:
Please announce in your columns that I am coming to your city for lecture in hall to be announced soon. Will explain to your people why I am an atheist and why atheism will make Toronto a more civilized city. Will defy your Chief Constable to stop my meeting. Will also print extra edition of Freeman for free circulation and will send friends of mine to every house in Toronto to deliver free copies of paper.
The publisher also said he would attempt to bring Clarence Darrow with him because he anticipated trouble from Chief Draper, “who I understand is a tinpot tyrant and a small edition of Mussolini.” Haldeman-Julius then sent a message to Draper himself, asking if the chief would guarantee his safety at a Sunday afternoon meeting “explaining the philosophy of atheism and the falsity of Christianity and the corruption of the Catholic Church.” He took pains to stress the fact that “this special campaign is not being financed by Moscow, but by myself personally as a great believer in free speech and free assembly.”
…
Haldeman-Julius seems to have changed his mind about visiting Toronto, but he did produce a special “Canadian Free Speech Edition” of the American Freeman for distribution in the city. In it he declared, “If there isn’t free speech for an atheist in Toronto, then there is no free speech in Toronto.” Since the man himself remained out of reach, the Globe decided to use Haldeman-Julius’s example as a stick with which it could beat local free speech advocates. Earlier in the year sixty-eight professors from the University of Toronto had signed an open letter arguing that the actions of Draper and Coatsworth violated the British principle of freedom of speech. The Globe’s editorial writers claimed repeatedly (and without evidence) that Haldeman-Julius was allied with these professors and that militant atheism was the natural outcome of their line of thinking.
One reason that the Globe took this approach was that it fit popular pre-existing narrative whereby orderly Christian Canada was threatened by irreverent and destructive outsiders. This narrative was extremely common when communists were being targeted, but it was invoked to explain and belittle the rationalists as well. The reader will recall Rev. F.C. Ward-Whate having employed the reliable rhetoric of outside agitators (“mongrel curs”) during the Sterry case and calling for the rationalists to be immediately jailed and deported. At that time the Evening Telegram stressed the links between Canadian and American rationalists. In a breathless article entitled “U.S. Is Controlling Centre of Toronto’s Rationalism,” it warned that “organized atheism in this city is receiving support via the same channels as does Communism.” As proof, the Telegram pointed to the RSC’s friendly relationship with Franklin Steiner and his American Rationalist Association of Chicago, “whose horrible doctrines are a derivative of the black atheism of Moscow and Berlin.” In Ontario this type of anti-American imagery dated right back to the time of the United Empire Loyalists.
Toronto’s rationalists resented this line of attack and took pains to refute it. Cross “denied with considerable warmth” the claim that he had come from the United States. “I was born in the British West Indies, saw war service overseas and am now pleased to call myself a Canadian,” he told a Star reporter. When the Sterry incident began, Styles made a point of stating that the Rationalist Society stood for “the integrity of the British empire.” He and Leavens also strongly rejected the allegation that they were outsiders, insisting that they were, respectively, third- and fourth-generation Canadians. Styles derisively pointed out that it was Ward-Whate who was the immigrant. The clergyman would probably have seen no shame in that: he was a Briton, and Toronto was a British city. It was Americans and “other” foreigners who were the problem. We may, however, detect a certain irony in the fact that Canadian authorities wanted to eject Sterry from the body politic, even though he was a British citizen who had lived in Canada for seventeen years. The quality of “Britishness” was claimed by both Toronto’s elite and by the rationalists. It was frequently invoked by Toronto’s elite as a marker of their authority, but they hastily distanced themselves from it when it became a limitation or a liability."
- Elliot Hanowski, Towards A Godless Dominion: Unbelief in Interwar Canada. Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2024. p. 142-149.
#toronto#rationalism#communist party of canada#communists#history of irreligion#atheism#working class atheism#history of atheism#academic quote#canadian history#towards a godless dominion#interwar period#reading 2024#christianity in canada#free speech#working class politics#right of free speech#right of assembly#suppression of free speech#suppression of dissidents#anti-communism#censorship
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The Plight of the Dissident Right
The Dissident Right today has an issue, the issue of not producing art. Rather than ascribing this lack to the prevailing Liberal dogma, safeguarding the spotlight from rival ideology, the root of the issue lies within the Dissident Right (its positions and beliefs) as the internet offers ways and options to bypass the controls of establishment dogmas, even if this gets increasingly more difficult due to centralization of content platforms, algorithms, and censorship via payment processors. This deep-seated issue, I argue, stems from the realist materialist foundation of the Dissident Right today, which in its deterministic and anti-philosophical views foregoes and undermines creative considerations and works (creative in the sense of "the process and purpose of creating art"), and expresses itself in an inherent and unconscious anti-intellectualism.
This realist materialist position, stigmatized by the age of industrialization, eugenics, racism, and nationalism, seems like a natural reaction to the prevailing postmodern hyper progressive dogma from the strain of Liberalism, which is difficult to name and pin down due to its chimeric and plasticine nature. I argue the Dissident Right today finds itself in a Reactionary Ghetto, partly of their own making, partly due to censorship, with no way out of the predicament. While elements in the Dissident Right admire and subscribe to foreign cultural elements, particularly Japan and its otaku culture, the admiration remains passive following of the Other (the foreign) seen in the context of "a nation that prevailed against the Liberal menace," reducing the true picture of the situation to a degree that makes any lessons taken from Japan useless, observing this Other from the realist materialist worldview. I also argue that the Progressive Establishment is equally impotent when it comes to creating art, artificially kept alive by establishment money and astroturfed support, its greatest achievement being the normalization of confusion and bad taste. That the underlying cause for the death of art in the West envelopes both the Dissident Right and the Progressive Establishment, based on internalized nihilism stemming from the enlightenment. Japan, never having gone through the process of enlightenment, nor experienced what led up to it, but rather adopted the industrial age, which came as a consequence of the enlightenment, accordingly, never internalized the nihilism initiated by the enlightenment. Japan, therefore, operates on pre-enlightenment foundations in postmodern garb, dancing between worlds an increasingly schizophrenic dance, confusing and misleading without malice or intention the dumb (mute) and numb Dissident Right, impeding and undermining the self-destructive Progressive Liberalism of the Western establishment, while looking for and accepting guidance from the latter, in the modern Japanese tradition named "learning from the West."
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Standing with her, Yulia Navalnaya 💜
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It's 2024. People shouldn't have to die for their ideas or for caring about their fellow man, woman and/or child.
#alexei navalny#russia#political dissidents#justice#yulia navalnaya#freedom#human rights#representation#equality#institutions#government#public health#social justice#prosperity#wealth distribution#jobs#prospects#anti corruption#russians#poverty#hunger#opportunity#education#training#rights and freedoms#participation#elections#aleksei navalny
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