#Şehzade Mehmed (Son of Hürrem)

[magnificentlyreused]

This pyjama was first worn by Şehzade Mehmed in the twelth episode of the third season of Magnificent Century. It appeared again in the thirty-sixth episode of the same season, this time on Rüstem Pasha. The pyjama was worn again by Şehzade Bayezid in the twenty-fourth episode of the fourth season.

[gulnarsultan]

How about a Yandere Mehmed (Suleiman's son) in love/obsessed with his brother Mustafa's favorite concubine.

La trajeron de Grecia y ella sabe mucho de artes, literatura y mitos y llama la atención de ambos hermanos ( sería problemático ya que estaban muy "cerca" en el programa )

It's total chaos. I really like this request. I hope you will like it. Please feel free to write more requests.

~ Most likely Mahidevran Sultan or if still alive, Valide Hafsa Sultan chose you. You are always chosen from other women with your beauty and many skills.

~ You are succeeding in being Prince Mustafa's favorite and favorite concubine. He never ceases to invite you to his side. It takes you wherever possible.

~ Maybe you meet Şehzade Mehmed by coincidence or in a place you went with Şehzade Mustafa. He wants to know why you are so important to his brother Mustafa.

~ Researching you causes him to have obsessive feelings towards you. He wishes that you were presented to him.

~ If you have been with his brother, it is not possible for him to take you anymore. However, he will only want to take you if you are a concubine in the harem.

~ Hürrem Sultan soon realizes that there is something strange about his son. He is surprised when he finds out about your reason. If you weren't with Şehzade Mustafa, he would try to recruit you into his son's harem.

~ Hürrem Sultan will take advantage of this situation. He will use you to increase Mehmed's desire to ascend to the throne and to see Mustafa as an enemy.

~ Mahidevran Sultan does not want you to get too close and chat with Hürrem and her children. It warns you to stay away from them.

~ Mahidevran Sultan wants you to get pregnant as soon as possible. If you have children, it will be impossible for you to go or be taken.

~ Mihrimah Sultan will want to spend time with you. Esmehan Sultan (Sahuban Sultan's daughter and because she is in love with Mehmed) will be jealous of you. The other concubines of Şehzade Mehmed are very jealous of you.

~The other concubines of Şehzade Mustafa will be very jealous of you. The fact that you are the prince's favorite makes many concubines angry.

~ When Şehzade Mehmed sees that you and your brother are together, the gets angry and jealous. He promises himself that when he ascends the throne, he will make you his.

~ Şehzade Mustafa is a smart man. Your brother will soon realize that you have feelings for you. She does not hesitate to make her jealous and angry by having happy moments with you in front of her eyes.

[ottomanladies]

Hello,sorry for bothering you,I have question there is version according to Sakaoglu(in Bu mulkun Sultanlari) and Alderson that Ahmed I had daughter Zeynep Sultan who had died after 1617 and had died young not in early childhood or in infancy like Esma Sultan,Zahide Sultan,Hatice Sultan and possibly Kosem Sultan(?) In Sicil i Osmani,it's also mention that she had died young and was burried in her father's mausoleum,also there is possible theory that she could be daughter of Mahfiruze,because Osman II had daughter too named Zeynep Sultan and from those names for sultanas doesn't appear later untill Ahmed III.Do you think could be possible that Osman's daughter was named after Ahmed's daughter Zeynep who may have been Osman's full sister? There is also version that Turhan Sultan could have possible 1 or maybe 2 sons who had died in infancy. Some mention that Turhan Sultan had second son Şehzade Ahmed who had died shortly after his birth,it's according to Öztuna based on Turkish Wikipedia(but I don't what excact book)and others mention (Turkish men,Ottoman Women:Popular Turkish historians and the writing of Ottoman women's history,page 206-Ruth Barzail Lumbrosso). Do you know more about it or if it's mentioned that indeed? According to some there is also possibile theory for Turhan Sultan to have anither son,as there is infant sarcophagus of Şehzade Mehmed Sultan Ibrahim'in oglu in the mausoleum of Ahmed I buried next to Şehzade Bayezid also son of Ibrahim I.

Hi! Well, Zeynep has a religious meaning:

Zaynab is the name of a daughter and a granddaughter of the Islamic prophet Muhammad and two of his wives: Zaynab bint Jahsh and Zaynab bint Khuzayma.

Öztuna says Zeynep Sultan died “very little” and was one of Ahmed I’s last children. If he’s right, then he couldn’t have been Mahfiruze’s, as rumours of her death had begun in 1610.

If Öztuna is not right, and she was born earlier, then maybe she was Osman’s younger full sister. What you said about the names is very interesting and could have happened, but as of now we cannot confirm it.

I have checked Turhan’s Wikipedia page and the source to that claim is ��Öztuna, Yılmaz, Hürrem Sultan, Ötüken Yayınevi, İstanbul, 1978. (isbn=9754371415)”. The ISBN code corresponds to “Büyük Osmanlı Tarihi Osmanlı Devleti'nin Siyasi Medeni Kültür Teşkilat ve San'at Tarihi (10 Cilt)”, which is not a work I own. I do have several books of Öztuna, though, and this claim wasn’t reiterated in them. According to him, Turhan was the mother of Mehmed IV and Beyhan Sultan.

Still per Öztuna, these are Ibrahim’s children who died in infancy:

Şehzade Murad (22.3.1643-16.1.1644), buried in Ahmed I’s mausoleum

Şehzade Osman (8.1644-1646), buried in Ahmed I’s mausoleum

Şehzade Bayezid (1.5.1646-8.1647), buried in Ibrahim’s mausoleum

Şehzade Cihangir (14.12.1646-1.2.1648), buried in the mosque of Ahmed I

Şehzade Orhan (10.1648-1.1650)

Şehzade Süleyman, buried in Ahmed I’s mausoleum

Şehzade Ahmed, born and dead in 1642, buried in Ahmed I’s mausoleum

Şehzade Ahmed (2), born and dead in 1642, buried in Ahmed I’s mausoleum

Safiye Sultan, buried in Ahmed I’s mausoleum

Hatice Sultan

I don’t know how accurate this list is.

As for Barzilai-Lumbroso's dissertation, on page 206 there's nothing about a Şehzade Ahmed born to Turhan:

Turhan Sultan's transformation from a 14 year old Russian captive, presented to Kosem Sultan who had been the Valide Sultan at the time, to a powerful valide herself. Kosem was concerned that Sultan Ibrahim (1640-1648), who was considered mentally unstable, was the last male descendent of the dynasty, and "began to introduce a slave girl to the sultan every day for the purpose of producing a son. She gave Turhan to Sultan Ibrahim after a short training [period]. Turhan was a very beautiful attractive girl. Tall and well developed, her body was white, her eyes blue, her hair was reddish yellow... Turhan tied herself to sultan Ibrahim with her intelligence and coquetry…" Turhan, however, soon lost her favorite position, as Ibrahim became addicted to women. Feeling the Sultan neglected her and her son Mehmed she "attempted to argue with her husband.. .at the head of the pond. But the sultan's daughter took Turhan's child from her arms and threw him to the pond. The heir to the throne, Mehmet, almost drowned and died. Turhan Sultan saved her child with difficulty [and] withdrew from public life and began to live quietly." She returned to the historical scene, we are told, upon becoming Valide Sultan with her son's ascendance to the throne in 1648, only to find Kosem unwilling to give up her powers. The bitter struggle that ensued between these two women ended with the strangling of Kosem, usually attributed to Turhan, who then acquired absolute rule of the harem.

The only Şehzade Ahmed mentioned throughout the dissertation is Gülnuş's son.

[redxluna]

How would you rewrite Mehmed's character?

So, on a whole, I've never been all that pleased with how the şehzades were handled by the show. There's so much that can be drawn from to create depth for them, particularly given the complexities of the environment that raised them. Except, instead, each is stricken down to a highly biased stereotype.

The depiction of Mehmed, for example, as a naive sap doesn't hold up well against how the real version of himself could be considered the strongest competitor to the throne while alive.

Some of the rewrites that would occur for this character, however, do require, in my mind, the show to align a little closer to the "real historical". Mostly in actually applying the "one son to one mother" rule to draw attention to exactly why it was such a big deal for it to be broken for Hürrem.

“…calling Roxelana back to his bed would ultimately pit two full brothers against each other."—Peirce, Leslie. Empress of the East: How a European Slave Girl Became Queen of the Ottoman Empire

It's a detail that, honestly, would make it have far more sense for Mehmed, rather than Mustafa, to be the one openly opposed to harming his brothers. Then, of course, comes the tragedy of that promise coming undone after his death. It'd certainly allow for a greater explanation as to why Hürrem hopes for a chance to cheat the system, so to speak.

The bond he had with Mustafa isn't entirely unreasonable, although it wouldn't entirely resemble what's depicted in the show.

In reality, Mustafa wasn't raised alongside his half-siblings, but he was the only survivor of the children born in Suleiman's princely harem. Children that died not long after the birth of Mehmed. So, I can easily see Mustafa struggling to accept the inevitable death of the brother the members of his political camp insist is his greatest rival when, once upon a time, he rejoiced in that brother's life.

[dodscans]

Neighborhoods of İstanbul that are named after DoD characters

İstanbul doesn't show it as much as it should, but this place is old. The traces the old days are more sparse than I would have liked here, but when I stop and think "hey, why do we call this neighborhood this way?", the history just comes back to life. Reading and translating DoD made me have so many epiphany moments in that regard, so let me note them down.

I wish I could organize myself another little İstanbul DoD tour and visit all of these neighborhoods to take pictures, but I am writing this post while I have Covid and am in quarantine. Sad. So no pictures.

Süleymaniye - Suleiman Of course, our beloved bishie sultan lives on in the city. The place where he had his imperial mosque and its complex built is still called "Süleymaniye". What to do there today: It is a hot spot for haricot bean restaurants (yeah I know, strange choice of dish). So you go there, order some beans, pilaf and cacık, and admire the views of Süleymaniye Mosque.

Haseki - Hürrem As avid readers, you all know that "Haseki" is a common title given to the favorite of the Sultan. But the Haseki neighborhood in İstanbul is named after Hürrem herself. In the manga, she has established her vakif instutitions in Galata neighborhood; but in reality, her vakif in İstanbul was located in Galata. To be frank, I couldn't find any records of a Hürrem vakif in Galata, but I probably don't know where to look. This neighborhood actually screams power for her: First, a woman who doesn't even have royal blood was allowed to have something built under her name inside the city walls. Yes, Haseki neighborhood is right in the middle of the old city. Considering how previous Valide Sultans had their vakifs in the provinces or remote rural areas of İstanbul at best, that is a statement y'all. Second, like in the manga, she indeed had a hospital and medical school built there. If you ask me, that has a stronger impact on the populace than building a mosque and calling it a day. She touched people's lives. Third, that institution is still alive today. The original buildings are owned by the Directorate of Religious Affairs and do not serve their original intended purpose, but you still have a huge and well-known hospital there called "Haseki Eğitim ve Araştırma Hastanesi", and İstanbul University's medical school is located in the vicinity. 500 years later, the neighborhood still thrives on thanks to the health services it provides.

Cihangir - Prince Cihangir When Cihangir died, Suleiman had a mosque built to his name on the other side of the Golden Horn (See? Even his beloved son doesn't get to have his mosque within the old city walls. Hürrem is that cool.) Today, it's known as a den of hipsters, but when it hits you the name is related to DoD, you go soft.

Şehzadebaşı - Prince Mehmed Shinohara doesn't use this word in the JP original, so I don't use it either so that I don't confuse the readers further with the titles, but the proper way to call an Ottoman prince in Turkish would be "şehzade". When Mehmed dies, Suleiman has a mosque built for him in the old city. It's close to his own mosque complex too. Today most people would call this neighborhood "Saraçhane", but it is kind of interchangeable with "Şehzadebaşı" because the mosque is commonly called as "Şehzadebaşı mosque". Especially older people call the place "Şehzadebaşı".

Beyoğlu - Alvise Gritti Iirc, this was explained somewhere in the manga but I'm too lazy to check. So, since Alvise was the son of the Venetian Doge, a "bey" (lord), he was called "son of the lord" (beyoğlu) in Turkish. This is a huge area which is also a municipality, so Alvise had the biggest impact on İstanbul in a sense.

Barbaros Bulvarı (Barbarossa Boulevard) - Hayreddin Barbarossa The avenue which has Barbarossa's tomb at its ending point is called "Barbaros Avenue". This isn't some random street, it's pretty much a main artery of İstanbul traffic in Beşiktaş, so it's impressive that it was named after him.

Ayaspaşa - Vizier Ayas Paşa Yes, even that old guy Suleiman sometimes gives orders to has a neighborhood named after him. The place where he used to have his mansion is still called "Ayaspaşa" although the said estate is no more.

Kasımpaşa - Vizier Kasım Paşa Another one of Suleiman's viziers, Güzelce Kasım Paşa, was tasked with the development of this neighborhood and he himself used to live there. He had his mosque, school, public bath etc. built there.

Belgrad Ormanı (Belgrade Forest) After Suleiman's 1926 Hungarian Expedition, a village was set up here for the Serbian prisoners.

[reallifesultanas]

Portrait of Şehzade Mustafa/Musztafa herceg portréja

Prince Mustafa is a prime example of the struggle for the Ottoman throne. His life and death show well that a sultan could not only be the father of his children but he saw his sons as a constant source of danger for his authority. The case of Mustafa is also a good indication of to where excessive popularity is leading. His death to this day is one of the most controversial events in the history of the Ottoman Empire. Was he a traitor or just a victim of the circumstances?

It’s not easy to write about Mustafa. Maybe I managed to write this portrait the slowest and hardest, because even if I find him innocent or rebellious, what happened to him is tragic. And writing about Mustafa’s life, one cannot go without saying a word about Mahidevran’s suffering. While I was writing this post, my heart didn't really hurt for Mustafa, but for Mahidevran...

Origin and upbringing

Prince Mustafa was born as the second son of Suleiman in 1515 in Manisa, his father's princely province. His mother was one of Suleiman's concubines, Mahidevran Hatun. At the time of his birth, he had at least one older brother, Mahmud, and perhaps at the same time as his birth, his half-sister, Raziye, was born also. His childhood in Manisa was certainly happy. His paternal grandmother, Ayşe Hafsa, paid attention to the smallest detail to give her grandchildren the best education. He also had the opportunity to see his father on a daytime basis, so they had a quite calm and nice life in Manisa.

This calmness was interrupted in the fall of 1520, by Sultan Selim I's death. Suleiman immediately went to the capital with his entourage to ascend the throne. With the departure of Suleiman, Ayşe Hafsa Sultan prepared the entire court and harem for their journey to Istanbul. The kids must have been curiously excited about the upheaval around them, the packaging, the bustling harem. Ayşe Hafsa had already left Manisa before the harem to be with her son as soon as possible. Prince Mustafa, with his brothers, sister and other members of the harem, probably reached Istanbul in early 1521 and moved into the Old Palace. Ayşe Hafsa has so far prepared the children’s apartements so they can arrive into a relatively peaceful place.

Mustafa shared his apartement with his mother. His father also tried to visit his harem as often as possible, but they could no longer see each other on a daily basis. This must have been a difficult and strange situation for little Mustafa and his siblings. They arrived into a whole new world, with hundreds of women and servants living in the Old Palace's harem, while the Manisa harem - the only home they knew until then - consisted of barely a few dozen people. The many new faces, the hustle and bustle, could have been exciting and scary for the kids at the same time.

Around their arrival one of Suleiman's new concubines, Hürrem, was already pregnant, but this probably did not particularly interest Mustafa, as Suleiman always had other women, never living in a romantic relationship with Mustafa's mother. However, the period after the birth of Hürrem's son certainly affected Mustafa and his mother deeply. In October 1521, the plague broke into the palace and Mustafa's brothers and sister died as the victims of plague, except the newborn Mehmed. Mustafa lost his brothers overnight, he had to experience death up close. He could not yet comprehend that, with the death of his brothers, his chances of ascending to the throne had greatly increased. As a newborn, Mehmed was not really a full-fledged heir yet, as infant mortality was high, so Mustafa and his mother could feel privileged for a while. Soon, however, that changed.

Trapped in the background

Suleiman soon asked Hürrem back into his bed, breaking the centuries-old tradition. It became clear that he was placing Hürrem in front of every other women, and at the same time, Hürrem’s children could expect more support from their father than Mustafa. Perhaps that is why Mahidevran took special care to her son. According to the traditions of the period, the heirs were primarily raised by the governesses, who often had a closer relationshipt with them than their mothers. However, Mahidevran never let it happen, Mustafa became “all her joy and happiness”. It was for this reason that the prince had a very close relationship with his mother, receiving from her the love and care which his brothers received together from their mother and father together. Suleiman, of course, tried not to neglect Mustafa either, but it could still be felt that his family with Hürrem enjoyed an advantage.

Mustafa was very clever as a child, and as the eldest boy he was already the favorite of the Janissaries. Although the right to the throne was not the right of the eldest prince, all the brothers had the same right to the throne, yet in the case of Mustafa, the Janissaries preferred him the most. The ambassador, Bragadin also mentioned that when Mustafa was only eleven, the people described the his talents, strong sense of self, and popularity among the Janissaries. Bragadin had commented, “they say that if he lives, he will bring great fame to the Ottoman House, and this also is said, that if it happens that the sultan lives long, it is inevitable that Mustafa will create much disorder”. The fact that both the people and the ambassadors noticed this as early as the second half of the 1520s clearly indicates that a sultan could never have been only the father of his children, but also a rival. In addition, this conjecture raises the possibility that the relationship between Suleiman and Mustafa may not have been perfect even back then.

As a child, Mustafa, who wanted more attention from his father, acted especially envious with those close to his father. Thus, for example, several cases are known when the prince acted against Ibrahim Pasha. The sultan sent İbrahim the gift of a beautiful saddle for his horse with jewels and all; and Mustafa, aware of this, sent word to İbrahim to have one like it made for him; İbrahim understood this and sent him the saddle, and said to him, ‘now listen, if the sultan learns of this, he will make you send it back.’

Mustafa was circumcised relatively late, in 1530. A similar circumcision ceremony has never been held in the capital. At the ceremony, his brothers Mehmed and Selim were circumcised with him also. The lavish ceremony lasted for more than two weeks, during which time the princes also took part in their father’s political deliberations, gaining admission into adult life. After his circumcision, it began to become timely when he would receive his own princely province. Like all princes, Mustafa was certainly looking forward to his appointment, to proving his ability and perseverance to his father and the people. However, he did not expect how much his departure from Istanbul would determine his later relationship with his father and his chances for the throne.

The young prince

Mustafa was sent out to his princely post to Manisa in 1533. Before leaving, Mustafa was received by his father in a formal audience within the palace that was attended by the vezirs and other leading officers of the inner and outer service. After kissing his father’s hand, Mustafa was escorted from the palace and publicly girded with a sword by the vezirs, one of whom held the stirrup of his horse and another his ceremonial robe. He was followed by his mother Mahidevran. Suleiman soon moved Hürrem and her children to Topkapi Palace. Thus, as soon as Mustafa left Istanbul, his brothers were able to move close to the Sultan, gaining an advantage that Mustafa was in no way able to reach: Mehmed, Mihrimah, Selim, Bayezid and Cihangir could live together with their father, tidy, normally and they had the opportunity to know exactly the ruler's personality. Mustafa never had the opportunity to get to know his father so deeply, which is why he later misjudged the outcome of his actions many times.

While his father lived a family life in Istanbul, Mustafa settled in Manisa. Everyone was happy with the well-prepared prince, he did a very good job in his province. According to the ambassadors, his mother never left the prince alone and helped him to rule. In addition, the ambassadors said it was thanks to Mahidevran that Mustafa had won the support of the people so successfully. They thought Mahidevran, who knew Manisa and the people well, had instructed her son well. Mustafa's court in Manisa, according to the Bassano's description was “a most wonderful and glorious court, no less than that of his father”. But in addition to the splendor, his stay in Manisa certainly hid sadness. For the prince learned here that his father had married his concubine, Hürrem, and even elevated her to the rank of sultan, creating a new title for her. This must have been affected the prince who was devoted to his mother. In addition, they clearly had to realize that Suleiman had chosen Hürrem and her children instead of them with this move. We do not know what Mahidevran felt about Hürrem’s blatant ascension or what Mustafa thought about it. Either way, they had to realize that they needed supporters right away if they didn’t want to lose the fight againts Hürrem.

Time - and perhaps the news of Suleiman's marriage - brought the support of the Grand Vizier for Mustafa. Although Mustafa did not have a perfect relationship with Ibrahim Pasha as a child, they had to get over it. Probably both of them realized they needed each other. Ibrahim had a particularly bad relationship with Suleiman's wife, Hürrem. Mustafa, on the other hand, could feel desperate because of Hürrem and her children's rise. So he needed strong supporters. So Mustafa and Ibrahim set aside the old grievances and began to build a respectful relationship. In 1534, Ibrahim referred to himself as a "sincere friend" of Prince Mustafa in his letter to the prince. It is difficult to say whether this alliance may have been politically active and Ibrahim sought to support Mustafa's future accession to the throne; or whether it was merely a respectful friendship between them. After all, it would have been logical for both parties to have a good relationship with the other, but to form a political alliance would have posed considerable dangers for both of them.

We don’t know much about Mustafa’s private life, but he seems to have followed the old traditions of family planning and did not produce countless descendants, such as his half-brother, Bayezid did. What is certain is that Mustafa's first child, Nergisşah, was born in Manisa in 1536 from a presumably circassian concubine. Even if another child was born in Manisa, they did not reached adulthood, for his other two known children, Şah, was born in 1545, and Mehmed in 1547, both in Amasya. His son, Ahmed is a questionmark, if he existed, was he really his son, when was he born? The only thing we may know about him, that he died by natural causes in 1552.

"Exile"

His move to Amasya in 1541 was by far one of the most crucial points of Mustafa's life. Suleiman appointed Mustafa to Amasya instead of Manisa, which at first may seem like exile, Mustafa may not have experienced this as a negative event. In general, Manisa was the starting position of every prince, as it was a simple province, had no special forces, was close to Istanbul, and did not pose much of a challenge. However, Amasya was a different place, close to the Iranian border, with a significantly larger military, requiring a distinctly high level of expertise and effort. In earlier times, the princes desired the province of Amasya precisely because of the difficulty of it. Overall, therefore, the appointment to Amasya was not necessarily as tragic and ominous as is thought today, mainly due to the series. Furthermore, Prince Mehmed was appointed more than a year after Mustafa's departure as head of Manisa, so we cannot speak unequivocally that Suleiman removed Mustafa from Manisa for Mehmed's sake.

Whatever he thought, Mustafa was forced to obey and travel to Amasya with his harem and court. They were barely settled when they learned that Suleiman had appointed Prince Mehmed to head Manisa, and soon the news of the prince's death came. What Mustafa may have felt about Mehmed's death remains an eternal secret. According to some sources, the two princes were close to each other, but most probably this is not true. The princes from different mothers were raised separately, and their education was separated also, so it is likely that there was no such close bond between Mehmed and Mustafa, which was the case between Mehmed and his full-brothers. Nevertheless, Mehmed was clearly Suleiman’s favorite son, popular, intelligent, and educated. His presence posed a huge threat to Mustafa. With his death, only his brothers, much younger than Mustafa, remained in competition for the throne. And because of their age, they posed no threat to Mustusta. Mustafa was 28 years old so far, a father, a prince who provedhis ability in two provinces, a favorite of the Janissaries, and with many other influential supporters. In contrast, Selim was not even 20 years old, he had just been appointed to his first province, Bayezid was only a teenage boy and Cihangir was a child.

In addition to the fact that none of his younger brothers posed a real threat to Mustafa, Suleiman himself believed that Mustafa would follow him on the throne. This is indicated by the dialogue between Suleiman and Prince Cihangir, recorded by an ambassador. When Cihangir ventured that his physical deformity would allow him to escape the princely fate of fratricide, Süleyman responded, “My son, Mustafa will become the sultan and will deprive you all of your lives.” This suggest that even the sultan expected Mustafa to succeed. This also suggests that, although Suleiman certainly loved his children born with Hürrem more than Mustafa, he no longer wished to have a say in the question of succession. He would no doubt have done it for Prince Mehmed, but with his loss the Sultan was shattered and showed no particular interest in inheritance.

The wait

Under such circumstances, it may seem that Mustafa had nothing to do but wait for Suleiman's death. And this did not seem so distant, as Suleiman's health began to decline gradually in the 1540s, and his gout became more and more prevalent. So the logical thing would have been that Mustafa would do nothing for a long time but wait and just rule in Amasya, produce children and thats all. Contemporary historians then wrote of Mustafa as “the envy of all the princes in his gloriousness, lofty titles, and learning, and in his liberality, justice and munificence; nearly all the soldiers were of one heart and mind in their love of him”.

In addition, the ambassadors regularly mentioned the role and actions of his mother. Navagero in a report described Mahidevran’s efforts to protect her son: “Mustafa has with him his mother, who exercises great diligence to guard him from poisoning and reminds him every day that he has nothing else but this to avoid, and it is said that he has boundless respect and reverence for her”. However, Mahidevran was not satisfied with the warnings, according to some sources, she herself cooked the prince's food, and if she did not prepare it, she followed every single step of the preparation and the cooking. This paranoia clearly suggests that Mahidevran — as mother and as woman — knew exactly that Hürrem — as mother and as woman — would never accept Mustafa’s victory, as it would mean the death of her own sons. Mustafa may have felt his mother's fear exaggerated, but no doubt Mahidevran was right, even if Hürrem did not want to get rid of Mustafa with poison.

The intrigues

Hürrem's son-in-law, Rüstem Pasha, the Grand Vizier, tried to make Prince Mustafa's life and work impossible by political methods. On the one hand, all the prince's faults were immediately revealed to the sultan, while in the case of Hürrem's sons they were concealed. In addition, Rüstem tried to make every movement of the prince impossible: Mustafa twice asked Rüstem Pasha for support when Georgians and then Persians invaded Amasya province and killed several governors and people, first in 1549 and then in 1550. Mustafa asked for an army, with what he could have crushed the invading neighbors, but Rüstem rejected Mustafa's request. It cannot be ruled out that he did so on the orders of Suleiman. Suleiman already knew then that his son was a favorite of the Janissaries, he was afraid that if he got an army, his popularity would continue to grow, and perhaps he could even start a rebellion as the head of the army. But why was Suleiman so paranoid about his son? Because, as a prince, he himself watched as his own father, Selim, do a rebellion and overthrew Sultan Bayezid II, then kill him. Suleiman experienced this rebellion up close, seeing how - thanks to the support of the Janissaries - his father was able to triumph, with almost no one but the Janissaries supporting him. This is why the fact that Mustafa was a favorite of the Janissaries was especially dangerous. The prince, if he had known his father well, should have known that he would have to be much more careful with the Janissaries.

The sons of Hürrem knew the sultan well, having lived together for years, but Mustafa was not in such a privileged position, so perhaps unsurprisingly, he did not realize the danger of seeking allies. That is why, instead of quietly waiting for his father's death, he tried to gather supporters around him. This, of course, was understandable, as he felt Hürrem was doing everything against him, so he wanted to get supporters at all costs. For example, an undated letter is known, which is part of his correspondence with Ayas Pasha. Ayas Pasha was a Grand Vizier between 1536 and 1539, so presumably the letter dates from this period. He disclosed his ambitions in a letter to Ayas Pasha expressing his desire for the throne—although he clearly stated that he would not overthrow his father and wished to be sultan only after Süleyman’s death. He requested the help of Ayas Pasha, who responded positively, assuring the prince that he was worthier of the throne than his brothers were, so of course all his support belonged to the prince. The letter presumably did not immediately was given to Suleiman, for although its content would have been unacceptable to Suleiman, but he still did not punish Mustafa during this period. It is more likely that the letter could have been given to the sultan later (if he had become aware of its existence at all). And perhaps Rüstem Pasha was the one who gave the letter to Suleiman. Rüstem became the second vizier in 1541, and Mustafa was sent to Amasya that year. Maybe Rüstem was theone who found the letter when he came across the letter in the archives? We'll probably never know the answer...

Rüstem Pasha, by the way, seems to have actually tried to undermine the prince's influence. This is revealed by another letter. According to this, someone wanted to complain to the Sultan that Rüstem was falsifying the seal of Prince Mustafa and fabricated a false letters as if Mustafa had conspired with the Persian shah. Eventually, however, the complaint fell into the hands of Rüstem, so the Sultan did not know what vile methods Rüstem was trying to use to eliminate his son, if the accusation was true at all. In the end, Rüstem did not dare to openly accuse Mustafa with the Persian alliance.

The last mistake

With such a background, Suleiman even in the 1540s, was particularly afraid of Mustafa, but apart from his mistakes, Suleiman did not believe that his son would rebel against him. However, in 1552, Mustafa made a mistake that could no longer be forgiven. Suleiman was not afraid of anything but the Janissaries. And in 1552, despite all the orders and prohibitions of their leader and Rüstem Pasha, the janissaries decided to visit Prince Mustafa, their future sultan, who lived not far from the place they were. This, of course, was not yet Mustafa's fault, but the prince welcomed the incoming Janissaries, distributing food and money among them. And this proved to be a fatal mistake. Rüstem Pasha immediately wrote a letter to Suleiman and told him what happened, but the sultan did not believe that Mustafa would receive the soldiers. Backing from the campaign, Rüstem, took witnesses to the Sultan and told him everything again, but Suleiman still did not believe him and rebuked Rüstem. According to the records, Suleiman said: "God forbid that my Mustafa Khan should dare such insolence and should commit such an unwise move during my lifetime! It is trouble-makers trying to obtain the rule for the prince they support who are responsible for such slander. Beware that you never again repeat such a thing and that you do not believe such maliciousness."

However, the suspicion certainly arose in the sultan as well, because he ordered an investigation of the case. The investigation also shed light on rumors that were spreading between the soldiers that they were dissatisfied with Suleiman sitting at home and they wanted a young, vivid sultan like Mustafa. And this, coupled with Mustafa's positive reception of the Janissaries, was enough for Suleiman to consider his own son as a potential source of danger. If Mustafa had rejected the Janissaries who came to him, he could have proved his unconditional allegiance to his father. However, the prince either did not know his father or really intended to rebel and therefore did not want to offend the Janissaries with a rejection.

Adding to the trouble, letters and news also came to light, proving that Mustafa had conspired with the Venetians. A letter was sent by Mustafa at the end of the summer of 1553 to the Venetian Senate and was received in Ocotber. Along with the letter, Mustafa also sent an ambassador who carried expensive gifts and, presenting them, asked for financial support from bailo on behalf of the prince so that Mustafa could obtain the throne for himself. The authenticity of the event itself is not in question; however, whether Mustafa was the one who sent the ambassador, or whether it was a trap, is questionable. Either way, it could not have been easy to obtain the seal of the prince and carry out such an intrigue without fail, so it is not at all clear that it was indeed an intrigue or that Mustafa was actually involved in it. There is a realistic chance that both the letter and the ambassador were sent by the prince. The Venetians were, by the way, ready to support Prince Mustafa, and they also wrote it in their reply, however, this letter could no longer reach the prince alive.

His encounter with destiny

In August 1553, Suleiman himself led his soldiers into a campaign near to the Iranian border. The seriousness of the situation is well illustrated by the fact that Rüstem Pasha and Sultan Suleiman left Istanbul by leaving it in the hands of two loyal and capable people. They left the more militant prince, Bayezid, in Edirne to protect the capital from there; and the most loyal pasha to Rüstem, his own brother, Sinan Pasa was appointed as the admiral of the fleet. This was necessary because if Mustafa had guessed the sultan’s plan and decided to march to Istanbul, the fleet would not have allowed him to enter the capital because a faithful pasha was the head of it. And  if the prince would succeed to cross the sea, with his aggressive nature, Prince Bayezid might have been more likely to stop Mustafa until the Sultan's army could returned.

After the news of the Venetian alliance, Suleiman decided that his son was rebellious and therefore had to be punished. It is not clear when Suleiman received the news of the Venetian alliance, it is not known whether he already knew it or got the news during his journes to Ereğli, or maybe only recieved the news after Mustafa's death. Anyhow Suleiman invited Mustafa to his camp to explain the charges against him. His mother, his supporters, and everyone close to him warned him, not to enter the sultan's camp. His supporters encouraged him to message the Janissaries and rebel against his father because he had no other option to survive. Mustafa, however, did not believed them and set out. This move suggests that he may not have been guilty of correspondence with the Venetians, for if he had, he should have been aware that it would cause his death. Maybe he thought the sultan didn't know about the incident? Maybe he thought that he only had to give an account for the Janissaries’ greetings last year? The Austrian ambassador gives the most accurate description of the prince's dilemma: "Mustafa hesitated between two choices: if he entered the presence of his father and found him angry and offended, he would certainly be at risk. But if he avoided him, he would publicly admit that he had contemplated an act of treason. The decision he took is the one that required more courage and risk. Leaving Amasya, the seat of his government, he headed to his father’s camp, which lay not far off, relying on his innocence; he was probably also confident that no harm could come to him in the presence of the army."

Either way, Mustafa arrived at Ereğli on October 5 but his father did not let him into his camp but made him built his camp 2 miles away. Legend has it that the evening someone from the Sultan’s camp fired a message into the prince’s camp with an arrow. In the message, the sender clearly described that the sultan would kill Mustafa if he enters to the camp. Mustafa, however, did not believe the letter, he guessed it was Rüstem Pasha's trick, so he ignored it. Mahidevran also sent an envoy to the prince and said that Suleiman had taken deaf-mute people with him to his camp, whose presence clearly indicated that the sultan wanted to execute his son. However, according to reports from the ambassadors, Mustafa did not believe to his mother either and on October 6 he set out for the Sultan's camp to go "where destiny cast him." It is not known whether the arrow and the envoy of Mahidevran actually happened, or only poetic exaggerations, but it is certain that many warned the prince not to go to the sultan's camp, but he still did.

Arriving to the camp, the prince entrusted his horse to his mirahûr (stable master) and his sword with the sultan’s guards. When he entered the fourth section of the imperial tent, he saw his father seated there with an arrow in his hand. He reverently saluted his father but received a shocking response: “Ah! Dog, do you still dare to salute me?”. The deaf-mutes then attacked the prince from several sides and seized him, then tried to wrap the silk cord around his neck. Mustafa, however, miraculously emerged from their grip and began to rush outward. He had almost reached the gate of the tent, from which, if he had escaped, the Janissaries would immediately kill the Sultan's guards and the Sultan himself, and history would be different. But at the door, he was eventually crushed, and legend has it that one of the sultan’s men, Zal Mahmud, was the one who finally successfully strangled the prince. As soon as the prince died, a signal was given and his mirahûr and one of his accompanying aghas were killed immediately in front of the tent. After this in the camp, hell broke loose, the Janissaries revolted against the Sultan, and long riots began. Suleiman soon ordered the strangling of Mustafa's only son, Mehmed. This was not under the pressure of Hürrem, as the malevolent rumors and the series showed, but it was the law. The sons of the rebellious princes were also branded as rebels, and their daughters did not deserve a marriage worthy of their rank.

News of Mustafa's death quickly reached Mahidevran and the prince's court. Mahidevran certainly knew that a similar fate awaited for her grandson, but she could do nothing. The prince's harem, along with his mother, followed his body to Bursa, where he was eventually buried. His mother spent all her wealth on building a tomb over Mustafa's grave, but Suleiman made it impossible, so in the end it was Mustafa's half-brother, Selim, who had sent money to Mahidevran to complete the tombe even during Suleiman's life. Mustafa’s mother and harem were the last harem concubines to retire to Bursa and not to the Old Palace.

Was Mustafa guilty?

This is one of the greatest questions in Ottoman history. His guilt has not yet been proven, nor has his innocence. In my opinion, Mustafa did not want to rebel then and there, but at the same time he was at fault for accepting the love and support of the Janissaries and never expressing his unconditional loyalty to his father towards the Janissaries. Besides, like any other prince, he longed for the throne, which in itself is not a mistake, but its expression is already is. Especially as we know, in Suleiman's eyes, this was the greatest betrayal possible. If, on the other hand, he had wanted to rebel against his father, I think he would not have gone to Ereğli and never entered the sultan's tent. He would not have risked his murder, but would rather have rebelled, as the Janissaries were present in Ereğli and would no doubt have sided with the prince.

The fact that contemporary poets, writers, pashas, ​​soldiers — so basically every essentially important person — but even the common people supported him and believed he was executed innocently by the Sultan does not mean it is the truth. These people hated Hürrem immeasurably, because Suleiman broke so many customs and traditions for her sake, so they blamed the woman for everything. And whom Hürrem did not like, they worshiped. Thus, the general belief that Mustafa was innocent does not really help in deciding the reality, as these individuals were very biased. Modern historians are very much divided on this subject, some say the prince was indeed guilty, others say not at all, and others say the truth is halfway. Zahit Atçıl wrote a great article on the subject, summarizing all the evidence that just exists, so for anyone who wants to know more about the circumstances of Mustafa’s execution, I would definitely recommend reading it.

Either way, Mustafa posed a real threat to his father for supporting by Janissaries. The Janissaries were able to arbitrarily dethrone sultans from the throne and lift princes up to it. If the Janissaries had decided definitively that they had had enough of the aging, sick Suleiman, they would have dethrone Suleiman and lift Mustafa even without the will of the prince. Thus, the death of Mustafa was mostly caused by the excessive love of the Janissaries.

Used sources: L. Peirce - The imperial harem; L. Peirce - Empress of the East; Z. Atçil - Why Did Süleyman the Magnificent Execute His Son Şehzade Mustafa in 1553; C. Imber - The Ottoman Empire 1300-1650; Y. Öztuna - Kanuni Sultan Süleyman

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Musztafa herceg a trónért folyó küzdelem mintapéldája. Élete és halála jól mutatja, hogy egy szultán nem tudott csak édesapja lenni gyermekeinek hanem állandó veszélyforrásként tekintett fiaira. Musztafa esete emellett jól mutatja, hogy hová vezet a túlzott népszerűség. Halála a mai napig az egyik legellentmondásosabb esemény az oszmán birodalom történetében. Áruló volt vagy csupán a körülmények áldozata?  Musztafáról nem könnyű írni, talán ezt a portrét sikerült a leglassabban és legnehezebben megírnom, mert akár ártatlannak tartom, akár lázadónak, az ami vele történt tragikus. És Musztafa életéről írva nem lehet elmenni szó nélkül Mahidevran szenvedése mellett sem. Amíg írtam ezt a posztot nem is igazán Musztafáért fájt a szívem, hanem Mahidevránért...

Eredete és neveltetése

Musztafa herceg Szulejmán második fiaként született 1515-ben Manisában, apja hercegi tartományában. Édesanyja Szulejmán egyik ágyasa, Mahidevran Hatun volt. Születésekor legalább egy idősebb testvére volt, Mahmud és talán vele egy időben jött világra féltestvére, Raziye. Gyermekkora Manisában minden bizonnyal boldog volt. Apai naganyja, Ayşe Hafsa a legapróbb részletekig odafigyelt arra, hogy unokái a legjobb neveltetésben részesülhessenek. Emellett pedig napiszinten volt lehetősége látni édesapját is.

Ez a nyugalom 1520 őszén szakadt meg, mikor meghalt I. Szelim szultán. Szulejmán azonnal a fővárosba vágtázott szűk kíséretével, hogy elfoglalhassa a trónt. Szulejmán távozásával Ayşe Hafsa szultána felkészítette az egész udvartartást is az Isztambulba utazásra. A gyerekek minden bizonnyal kíváncsi izgalommal tekintettek a körülöttük zajló felfordulásra, a csomagolásra, a nyüzsgő háremre. Ayşe Hafsa már a hárem előtt elhagyta Manisát, hogy mielőbb fiával lehessen. Musztafa herceg, testvéreivel és a hárem többi tagjával valószínűleg 1521 legelején érte el Isztambult és költözött be a Régi Palotába. Ayşe Hafsa eddigre előkészítette a gyermekek lakosztályait, így már viszonylagos nyugalomba érkezhettek meg.

Musztafa lakrészét édesanyjával osztotta meg. Édesapja is igyekezett minél gyakrabban meglátogatni háremét, azonban többé nem láthatták napi szinten egymást. Ez minden bizonnyal nehéz és furcsa helyzet lehetett a kis Musztafának és testvéreinek. Egy teljesen új világba érkeztek meg, a Régi Palota háremében több száz nő élt, míg a maniszai hárem - az egyetlen otthon amit addig ismertek - alig néhány tucat emberből állt. A sok új arc, a nyüzsgés egyszerre hathatott izgalmasan és ijesztően a gyerekekre.

Érkezésükkör Szulejmán egyik új ágyasa, Hürrem már várandós volt, ám ez valószínűleg nem különösebben érdekelte Musztafát, hiszen Szulejmánnak mindig voltak más asszonyai, sosem élt Musztafa édesanyjával romantikus kapcsolatban. A Hürrem fiának születése utáni időszak azonban minden bizonnyal mélyen érintette Musztafát és édesanyját is. 1521 októberében a pestis betört a palota falai közé és áldozatául estek Musztafa testvérei, kivéve az újszülött Mehmedet. Musztafa egyik napról a másikra veszítette el testvéreit, kellett megtapasztalnia testközelből a halált. Ő ekkor még nem foghatta fel, hogy bátyja halálával esélyei a majdani trónra jutásra jócskán megnövekedtek. Mehmed újszülöttként nem igazán számított még teljesjogú örökösnek, hiszen a csecsemőhalandóság nagy volt, így Musztafa és édesanyja egy ideig kiemelt státuszban érezhették magukat. Hamarosan azonban ez megváltozott.

Háttérbe szorulása

Szulejmán hamarosan újra ágyába kérette Hürremet, amivel megtörte az évszázados hagyományt. Egyértelművé vált, hogy Hürremet minden más asszony elé helyezi, ezzel együtt pedig Hürrem gyermekei is nagyobb támogatásra számíthattal édesapjuktól, mint Musztafa. Mahidevran talán épp ezért különös gondot fordított fia nevelésére. A kor szelleme szerint elsősorban a dajkák nevelték a szultáni sarjakat, gyakran közelebb állva hozzájuk mint édesanyjuk. Mahidevran azonban sosem engedte ki fia nevelését kezéből, Musztafa lett “minden öröme és boldogsága”. A herceg épp emiatt igen szoros kapcsolatban volt anyjával, tőle kapva meg azt a szeretetet és törődést, melyet testvérei anyjuktól és apjuktól együttesen kaptak. Szulejmán természetesen igyekezett nem elhanyagolni Musztafát sem, ám mégis érezhető lehetett, hogy Hürremmel közös családja előnyt élvez.

Musztafa igen okos volt már gyermekként is, emellett legidősebb fiúként a janicsárok kedvence volt már ekkor. Bár nem a legidősebb herceg joga volt a trón, az összes testvér ugyanakkora joggal rendelkezett a trónért, mégis Musztafa esetében, a janicsárok őt kedvelték legjobban. A követ, Bragadin egyik levelében hosszasan ecseteli, hogy Musztafa “11 éves korában már mindenki a tehetségéről, erejéről, alkalmasságáról beszélt, kiemelve, hogy még a janicsárok is nagyon kedvelik a herceget”. Bragadin emellett már ekkor megjegyezte, hogy “Isztambul népe szerint ha életben marad hatalmas dicsőséget fog hozni az oszmán házra, ám ha a szultán hosszú életű lesz, az gondot fog okozni Musztafa és ő közötte”. Az, hogy már az 1520-as évek második felében felfigyelt erre mind a nép, mint a követek egyértelműen utalnak arra, hogy egy szultán sosem lehetett csak apja gyermekeinek, hanem vetélytársa is. Emellett ez a sejtés felveti annak az eshetőségét is, hogy Szulejmán és Musztafa viszonya talán már ekkor sem volt felhőtlen.

Gyermekként Musztafa több figyelemre vágyott apjától ezért különösen irigyen tekintett az apjához közelálló személyekre. Így például több eset is ismert, amikor Ibrahim Pasával szemben lépett fel a herceg. Amikor a szultán egy díszes nyerget és kantárt küldött a pasának ajándékba, Musztafa azonnal levelet írt Ibrahimnak, melyben megparancsolta, hogy készíttessen számára is egy ugyanolyat. Ibrahim azonban meglehetősen intelligensen kezelte a helyzetet és az eredeti nyerget juttatta el a hercegnek ajándék gyanánt.

Musztafa körülmetélésére viszonylag későn, 1530-ben került sor. Ehhez fogható körülmetélési szertartás sosem volt még a fővárosban. A ceremónián vele együtt metélték körül öccseit Mehmedet és Szelimet. A pazar ünnepély több, mint két hétig tartott és a hercegek ezen idő alatt részt vettek apjuk politikai tanácskozásain is, ezzel pedig bebocsátást nyertek a felnőttek életébe. Körülmetélése után kezdett időszerűvé válni, hogy mikor kap saját hercegi tartományt. Mint minden herceg Musztafa is minden bizonnyal alig várta a kinevezést, alig várta, hogy bizonyíthassa alkalmasságát és rátermedtségét apja és a nép felé. Arra azonban nem számított, hogy Isztambulból való távozása mennyire meg fogja határozni kapcsolatát apjával és esélyeit a trónra.

A fiatal herceg

Szulejmán végül 1533-ban nevezte ki Musztafát Manisa tartomány élére. Távozása előtt Musztafa részt vett egy hivatalos szultáni audiencián, ahonnan a vezírek kísérték el őt a következő megállóhoz. Ott Musztafa megcsókolta apja kezét, a vezírek kardot kötöttek az oldalára majd lovára ülve elhagyta Isztambult. Őt pedig követte édesanyja Mahidevran is. Szulejmán hamarosan átköltöztette Hürremet és gyermekeit a Topkapi Palotába. Így tehát amint Musztafa elhagyta Isztambult, testvérei a szultán közelébe költözhettek, ezzel pedig olyan előnyre tettek szert a későbbiekben, amit Musztafa sehogyan sem volt képes behozni: Mehmed, Mihrimah, Szelim, Bayezid és Cihangir édesapjukkal együtt élhettek, rendezett, normális családi környezetben, ezzel pedig lehetőségük adódott pontosan kiismerni az uralkodót. Musztafának sosem volt lehetősége kiismerni apját, épp ezért mérte fel a későbbiekben sokszor rosszul egy egy cselekedete kimenetelét.

Amíg apja Isztambulban élt családi életet, Musztafa berendezkedett Maniszában. A jól felkészült herceggel mindenki elégedett volt, nagyon jó munkát végzett tartományában. A követek leírása szerint édesanyja sosem hagyta magára a herceget és segítette őt uralkodásában. Emellett a követek szerint Mahidevránnak volt köszönhető az, hogy Musztafa olyan sikeresen nyerte meg magának az emberek támogatását, szerintük ugyanis Mahidevran, aki jól ismerte Manisát és az embereket, remekül instruálta fiát. Musztafa maniszai udvartartása a követek szerint pompában nem maradt el a szultánétól sem. A pompa mellett azonban maniszai tartózkodása egészen biztosan rejtegetett szomorúságot is. A herceg ugyanis itt értesült arról, hogy édesapja feleségül vette ágyasát, Hürremet, sőt új rangot kreálva számára, szultána rangra emelte. Ez, az édesanyjáért elkötelezett herceget minden bizonnyal rosszul érintette. Emellett pedig egyértelműen rá kellett jöjjenek arra is, hogy Szulejmán ezzel a lépésével Hürremet és gyermekeit választotta őhelyettük. Nem tudjuk, hogy Mahidevran hogyan élte meg Hürrem kirívó felemelkedését és azt sem, hogy Musztafa mit gondolt róla. Akárhogyan is, fel kellett ismerniük, hogy azonnal támogatókra van szükségük ha nem akarják elveszíteni a harcot Hürremmel szemben.

Az idő - és talán Szulejmán házasságának híre - meghozta Musztafa számára a nagyvezír támogatását is. Ibrahim Pasával bár nem volt felhőtlen a viszonyuk, felnőve, ezen sikerrel léptek túl. Valószínűleg mind a ketten felismerték, hogy szükségük van egymásra. Ibrahim ugyanis kifejezetten rossz viszonyt ápolt Szulejmán eddigre feleséggé előlépő ágyasával, Hürremmel. Musztafa pedig kegyvesztetten érezhette magát, akinek szüksége volt erős támogatókra. Így tehát félre tették a régi sérelmeket és tiszteletteljes kapcsolatot kezdtek el kiépíteni. 1534-ben már Musztafa herceg "barátjaként" hivatkozik magára Ibrahim egy a hercegnek írt levelében. Azt nehéz megmondani, hogy politikailag is aktív lehetett e ez a szövetség és Ibrahim igyekezett támogatni Musztafa majdani trónralépését vagy csupán tiszteletteljes baráti viszony volt köztük. Hiszen mindkét fél számára logikus lett volna jó kapcsolatot ápolni a másikkal, ám politikailag szövetkezni meglehetősen nagy veszélyeket rejtett volna magában mindkettejük számára.

Musztafa magánéletéről nem tudunk sokat, ám úgy tűnik, hogy a régi szokásokat követte a családtervezés tekintetében és nem nemzett számtalan utódot, mint például féltestvére, Bayezid. Annyi bizonyos, hogy Musztafa első gyermeke Nergisşah, Manisában született 1536-ban egy feltehetőleg cserkesz ágyastól. Ha született is Maniszában másik gyermeke, azok nem érték meg a felnőttkort, ugyanis másik két ismert gyermeke Şah 1545-ben, Mehmed pedig 1547-ben születtek már Amasyában. Fia, Ahmed pedig egy nagy kérdőjel. Nem tudjuk, hogy egyáltalán létezett e, Muszafa fia volt e. Az egyetlen amit talán tudunk vele kapcsolatban az az, hogy 1552-ben hunyt el, természetes okokból. 

"Száműzetése"

Az 1541-ben bekövetkező Amasyába költözés Musztafa életének mindenképpen egyik legsarkalatosabb pontja volt. Szulejmán Manisza helyett Amasyába nevezte ki Musztafát, ami elsőre bár száműzetésnek tűnhet, nem biztos, hogy Musztafa negatív eseményként élte ezt meg. Általában Manisza volt minden herceg kezdő posztja, hiszen egyszerű tartomány volt, nem volt különösebb hadereje, közel volt Isztambulhoz, nagy kihívást nem jelentett. Amasya azonban más terep volt, közel az Iráni határhoz, lényegesen nagyobb katonasággal rendelkezett, kifejezetten nagy szakértelmet és rátermedtséget igényelt irányítása. A korábbi időkben a hercegek Amasya tartományt tartották a vágyott tartománynak épp nehézsége miatt. Összességében tehát az Amasyába való kinevezés nem feltétlen volt olyan tragikus és vészjósló, mint ahogy azt napjainkban - főleg a sorozatnak köszönhetően - gondolják. Továbbá Mehmed herceget csak több, mint egy évvel Musztafa távozása után nevezte ki Manisza élére Szulejmán, így nem beszélhetünk egyértelműen arról, hogy Szulejmán Mehmed kedvéért távolította el Musztafát Maniszából.

Akármit gondolt is, Musztafa kénytelen volt engedelmeskedni és háremével, udvartartásával együtt Amasyába utazni. Alig rendezkedtek még be, mikor megtudták, Szulejmán Mehmed herceget nevezte ki Manisza élére, majd hamarosan már a herceg haláláról érkeztek a hírek. Az, hogy Musztafa mit érezhetett Mehmed halálával kapcsolatban örök titok marad. Egyes források szerint a két herceg közel állt egymáshoz, ám ez nem igazán valószínű. A különböző anyától származó hercegeket elszeparálva nevelték, oktatásuk is külön zajlott, így valószínűleg Mehmed és Musztafa között nem alakult ki olyan szoros kötelék, ami Mehmed és vérszerinti öccsei között viszont igen. Mindemellett Mehmed egyértelműen Szulejmán kedvenc fia volt, népszerű, intelligens és rátermedt. Jelenléte hatalmas veszélyt jelentett Musztafára. Halálával csupán a Musztafánál jóval fiatalabb testvérei maradtak versenyben a trónért folyó harcban. Ők pedig korukból adódóan nem jelnetettek semmiféle fenyegetést Musztafára. Musztafa eddigre 28 éves volt, édesapa, két tartományban is bizonyított herceg, a janicsárok kedvence és sok más befolyásos támogatóval is rendelkezett. Ezzel szemben Szelim 20 éves sem volt, éppen csak kinevezték első tartományába, Bayezid kamasz fiú volt csupán, Cihangir pedig gyermek.

Amellett, hogy egyik öccse sem jelenthetett reális veszélyt Musztafára, maga Szulejmán is úgy gondolta, hogy Musztafa fogja őt követni a trónon. Erre utal legalábbis egy követ által feljegyzett párbeszéd Szulejmán és Cihangir herceg között. Amikor a trónöröklésről beszélgettek Cihangir naivan azt mondta a szultánnak, hogy bárki kerül is trónra őt bizonyára megkíméli majd fizikai állapota miatt. Szulejmán erre pedig azt felelte, hogy "Fiam, ne legyenek kétségeid, azon a napon, amikor Musztafa lesz a szultán, mindannyiótokat kivégezteti". Ez arra is utal, hogy Szulejmán bár minden bizonnyal jobban szerette Hürremtől született gyermekeit, mint MUsztafát, nem kívánt többé beleszólni az utódlás kérdésébe. Mehmed hercegért kétségtelenül megtette volna, ám elvesztésével a szultán összetört és nem mutatott különösebb érdeklődést az öröklést illetően.

A várakozás

Ilyen körülmények között úgy tűnhet, hogy Musztafának nem volt más dolga, mint várakozni Szulejmán halálára. Ez pedig nem is tűnt olyan távolinak, hiszen Szulejmán egészsége az 1540-es években fokozatosan hanyatlani kezdett, köszvénye egyre jobban elhatalmasodott rajta. Így tehát a logikus az lett volna, hogy Musztafa jóideig nem csinál mást, mint várakozik és intézi Amasya ügyes-bajos dolgait, gyermekeket nemz. Kortárs történészek ekkor úgy írtak Musztafáról, mint "a herceg, akinek helyében szeretne lenni mindenki, akire méltán lehetnek irigyek tudása, eszessége, nagysága, szabadsága, igazsága és nagylelkűsége miatt az emberek; a herceg, aki minden katona támogatását élvezi mind szívben, mind fejben".

Emellett a követek rendszeresen megemlékeztek édesanyja szerepéről és cselekedeteiről is leveleikben. Navagero szerint Mahidevran sosem hagyta magára fiát, minden nap emlékeztette a herceget arra, hogy a mérgezéstől kell legjobban tartania. Musztafa pedig a végletekig hálás volt édesanyja erőfeszítéseiért. Mahidevran azonban nem elégedett meg a figyelmeztetésekkel, egyes források szerint ő maga főzte a herceg ételeit, ha pedig nem ő készítette el, akkor minden egyes lépését végigkövette az étel készítésének. Ez a paranoia egyértelműen utal arra, hogy Mahidevran - mint anya és mint nő - pontosan tudta, hogy Hürrem - mint anya és mint nő - nem fog beletörődni Musztafa győzelmébe, hiszen ez saját fiai halálát jelentené. Musztafa talán túlzónak érezhette anyja féltését, ám kétségkívül Mahidevrannak volt igaza, még akkor is, ha Hürrem nem méreggel készült szembe szállni Musztafával.

Az intrikák

Hürrem vejével, Rüsztem Pasával, a nagyvezírrel politikai módszerekkel igyekeztek ellehetetleníteni Musztafa herceget. Egyrészről a herceg minden hibáját, ballépését azonnal a szultán elé tárták, míg Hürrem fiai esetében ezeket eltitkolták. Emellett pedig Rüsztem igyekezett a herceg minden megmozdulását ellehetetleníteni. Musztafa kétszer is kérte Rüsztem Pasa támogatását, amikor Amasya tartományba betörtek először a grúzok majd a perzsák és meggyilkoltak több helytartót és embert, először 1549-ben, majd 1550-ben. Musztafa sereget kért, ami élén leverhette volna a betörő szmszédokat, Rüsztem azonban elutasította Musztafa kérését. Nem lehet kizárni, hogy Szulejmán parancsára járt el így. Szulejmán ugyanis már ekkor jól tudta, hogy fia a janicsárok kedvence, félő volt, hogyha sereget kap, népszerűsége tovább fog növekedni, sőt talán lázadást is indíthat a sereg élén. Na de miért volt Szulejmán ilyen paranoiás fiával szemben? Mert hercegként ő maga végignézte, ahogy saját édesapja, Szelim lázadást szítva letaszítja trónról II. Bayezid szultánt, majd megöli őt. Szulejmán testközelből élte át ezt a lázadást, látta, ahogy a janicsárok támogatásának köszönhetően apja képes volt győzedelmeskedni, úgy, hogy a janicsárokon kívül szinte senki sem őt támogatta. Épp ezért volt különösen veszélyes az a tény, hogy Musztafa a janicsárok kedvence volt. A herceg, ha ismerte volna édesapját, tudnia kellett volna, hogy sokkal ��vatosabban kellene viselkednie a janicsárokkal.

Hürrem fiai jól ismerték a szultánt, hiszen évekig éltek együtt, Musztafa azonban nem volt ilyen kiváltságos helyzetben, így talán nem meglepő, hogy nem mérte fel, mekkora veszélyt jelent szövetségeseket keresni. Épp ezért, ahelyett, hogy csendben várta volna apja halálát, igyekezett maga köré támogatókat gyűjteni. Ez természetesen érthető volt, hiszen úgy érezte, Hürrem mindent elkövet ellene, így mindenáron támogatókat akart maga mellett tudni. Ismert például egy nem dátumozott levél, mely Ayas Pasával való levelezésének részlete. Ayas Pasha 1536 és 1539 között volt nagyvezír, így feltehetőleg ebből az időszakból származik a levél. Ebben Musztafa egyértelműen leírja mennyire vágyakozik a trón iránt, természetesen hozzátéve, hogy mindez csupán szeretett apja a szultán halála után válhat valósággá, nem áll szándékában édesapja életében a trónért harcolni, csak a szultán halála után. Ebben pedig Ayas Pasa segítségét kérte, aki meglehetősen pozitívan reagált a herceg kérésére, megírva, hogy őt tartja a trónra a legalkalmasabbnak testvérei közül, így természetesen minden támogatása a hercegé. A levél feltehetőleg nem került azonnal Szulejmán kezébe, hiszen bár tartalma Szulejmán számára elfogadhatatlan lett volna, nem büntette semmivel ezen időszakban Musztafát. Valószínűbb, hogy később kerülhetett a szultán kezébe a levél (ha egyáltalán tudomást szerzett létezéséről). Ebben pedig talán Rüsztem Pasa is segítségére volt. Rüsztem 1541-ben második vezír lett, Musztafa pedig ezen évben lett Amasyába küldve. Talán Rüsztem ekkor bukkant rá a levélre a levéltárban? A választ valószínűleg sosem fogjuk megtudni...

Rüsztem Pasa egyébként úgy tűnik, ténylegesen igyekezett aláásni a herceg befolyását. Erről árulkodik egy másik levél. Eszerint valaki be akarta panaszolni Rüsztemet a szultánnál, amiért az meghamisította Musztafa herceg pecsétjét és hamis leveleket fabrikált, mintha Musztafa a perzsa şahhal szövetkezne. Végül azonban a panasz Rüsztem kezébe került, így a szultán nem tudta meg, hogy Rüsztem milyen aljas módszerekkel igyekszik befeketíteni fiát, már ha a vád igaz volt egyáltalán. Végül Rüsztem sem merte megvádolni nyíltan Musztafát a perzsa szövetséggel, félve a lebukástól.

Az utolsó hiba

Szulejmán ilyen háttérrel az 1540-es években bár különösen tartott Musztafától, ám hibáitól eltekintve nem hitte, hogy fia lázadna ellene. Azonban 1552-ben Musztafa olyan hibát vétett, amit már nem lehetett megbocsátani. Szulejmán nem félt mástól, csak a janicsároktól. Ezek a janicsárok pedig 1552-ben egy hadjárat során vezetőjük, Rüsztem Pasa minden parancsa és tiltása ellenére önkényesen úgy döntöttek, hogy a hadjárat kitervelt menetrendje helyett ők meglátogatják Musztafa herceget, leendő szultánjukat, aki a menettől nem messze élt. Ez természetesen még nem Musztafa hibája volt, azonban a herceg az érkező janicsárokat szeretettel fogadta, ételt és pénzt osztott szét közöttük. Ez pedig végzetes hibának bizonyult. Rüsztem Pasa azonnal megírta Szulejmánnak az eseményeket, a szultán azonban nem hitte el, hogy Musztafa képes volt fogadni a katonákat. A hadjáratról hazatérő Rüsztem tanúkkal alátámasztva újra elmondta a szultánnak az eseményeket, aki továbbra sem hitt neki és megdorgálta Rüsztemet. A feljegyzések szerint Szulejmán azt mondta "Isten óvjon attól, hogy Musztafa ilyen szégyenteljes cselekedetet követett volna el míg én élek! Ez csak bajkeverők mesterkedése lehet, akik be akarják sározni a hercegemet. Légy óvatos és máskor ne merészelj ilyen aljas rágalmakkal elém járulni!".

Azonban a gyanú minden bizonnyal felépbredt a szultánban is, mert az eset kivizsgálását rendelte el. Ezek során fény derült a katonák közt szárnyrakelő pletykákra is, miszerint azok elégedetlenek az otthon ülő Szulejmánnal és fiatal, élettelteli szultánt akarnak maguknak, mint amilyen Musztafa. Ez pedig azzal párosítva, hogy Musztafa pozitívan fogadta a janicsárok üdvözlését elég volt ahhoz, hogy Szulejmán potenciális veszélyforrásként tekintsen saját fiára. Ha Musztafa ugyanis elutasította volna a hozzá érkező janicsárokat, azzal bizonyíthatta volna apja előtt feltétlen hűségét. A herceg azonban vagy nem ismerte apját, vagy valóban szándékában állt lázadni és ezért nem akarta megsérteni a janicsárokat.

Tetézve a bajt előkerültek levelek és hírek is, melyek bizonyítékul szolgáltak arra, hogy Musztafa a velenceiekkel szövetkezett. Az egyik levelet 1553 nyarának végén küldte Musztafa, majd ősszel kapta meg a velencei szenátus. A levéllel együtt Musztafa egy követet is küldött, aki drága ajándékokat vitt, és ezeket prezentálva, anyagi támogatást kért a herceg nevében a bailo-tól, hogy Musztafa megszerezhesse magának a trónt. Maga az esemény valódisága nem kérdéses, azonban az, hogy valóban Musztafa küldte e a követet, vagy pedig egy csapda volt, kérdéses. Akárhogyan is, nem lehetett egyszerű a herceg pecsétjét megszerezni és lebonyolítani egy ilyen cselszövést lebukás nélkül, így egyáltalán nem egyértemű, hogy valóban cselszövésről lett volna szó vagy Musztafa ténylegesen részt vett ebben. Reális esély van arra, hogy a levelet és a követet is a herceg küldte. A velenceiek egyébként készek voltak támogatni Musztafa herceget, melyet válaszlevelükben meg is írtak. Ez a levél azonban már nem kerülhetett a herceg kezébe.

Találkozás a végzettel

1553 augusztusában Szulejmán maga vezette katonáit hadjáratra az iráni határ közelébe. Jól mutatja, a helyzet kiélezettségét, hogy Rüsztem Pasa és Szulejmán szultán úgy hagyta hátra Isztambult, hogy a harciasabb herceget, Bayezidet hagyták Edirnében, hogy onnan védje a fővárost; valamint a Rüsztemhez leghűségesebb pasát, saját testvérét - az egyébként etéren tapasztalatlan - Sinan Pasát nevezték ki a flotta élére. Erre azért volt szükség, mert ha Musztafa megsejtette volna a szultán tervét és úgy döntött volna, hogy Isztambulba masírozik, a flotta ne engedje őt bejutni a fővárosba. Bayezid herceg pedig agresszív természetével talán nagyobb eséllyel tartóztathatta volna fel, amíg visszaér a szultáni sereg, ha mégis átkel a tengeren.

A velencei szövetség híre után Szulejmán eldöntötte, fia lázadó és ezért felelnie kell. Nem tiszta, hogy Szulejmán mikor kapott hírt a velencei szövetségről, nem tudni, hogy már indulás előtt tudta vagy útközben jutott el hozzá a hír. Akárhogyan is, Ereğli-hez érve táborába hívatta Musztafát, hogy magyarázza meg az ellene felhozott vádakat. Édesanyja, támogatói és mindenki aki közel állt hozzá, óva intette őt, hogy belépjen a szultán táborába. Bíztatták, hogy üzenjen a janicsároknak és lázadjon fel apja ellen, mert nincs más lehetősége az életben maradásra. Musztafa azonban nem hitt nekik és útra kelt. Ez a lépés arra utal, hogy a velenceiekkel való levelezésben talán mégsem volt bűnös, hiszen ha az lett volna, tisztában kellett volna lennie vele, hogy ezért halál jár. Talán azt hitte, a szultán nem tud az esetről? Talán azt hitte, csupán a janicsárok előző évi üdvözléséért kell számot adnia? Az osztrák követ adja a legpontosabb leírást a herceg dilemmájáról: "Musztafa két lehetőség között vacillált: ha apjához megy és dühösen találja, kockáztatja életét, ám ha nem megy nyíltan felvállalja, hogy lázadást szít a szultán ellen. Végül a bátrabb, de kockázatosabb utat választotta. Így elhagyta Amasyát, hogy apja nem túl távoli táborába menjen. Vagy ártatlanságában vagy a hadsereg támogatásában bízott, úgy hitte a hadsereg jelenlétében nem történhet vele semmi rossz."

Akárhogy is, Musztafa október 5-én megérkezett Ereğli-hez de apja nem engedte a táborába, hanem 2 mérfölddel távolabb táboroztatta le fiát. A legendák szerint aznap este valaki a szultáni táborból egy üzenetet lőtt át a herceg táborába egy nyíllal. Az üzenetben egyértelműen leírta a küldő, hogy a szultán meg fogja őt ölni ha belép a táborába. Musztafa azonban nem hitt a levélnek, úgy sejtette Rüsztem Pasa trükkje csupán, ezért ignorálta. Mahidevran is küldött egy követet a herceghez és megüzente, hogy a Szulejmán süket-némákat vitetett magával a táborába, akiknek jelenléte egyértelműen utal arra, hogy a szultán ki akarja végeztetni fiát. A követek beszámolói szerint azonban Musztafa nem hitt anyjának sem és október 6-án úgy indult el a szultáni táborba, hogy "muszáj azt az utat járnia, amelyre a sors hívja". Nem tudni, hogy a nyíl és Mahidevran követe valóban megtörtént dolgok e, vagy csak utólagos költői túlzások, az azonban biztos, hogy sokan óva intették a herceget attól, hogy a szultán táborába menjen, ő viszont ment.

A herceg a táborba érve lovát a lovászára bízta, a kardját a szultán testőreinek adta át, majd belépett apja sátrába. Amikor apja elé ért, Szulejmán egy nyíllal a kezében ült és dühösen nézte fiát. Musztafa üdvözölni akarta a szultánt, aki ráförmedt: "Ah kutya! Még van képed üdvözölni engem?". Ezekután a süket-némák több oldalról rárontottak a hercegre és lefogták majd igyekeztek nyaka köré tekerni a selyemzsinórt. Musztafa azonban a csodával határos módon kikerült szorításukból és elkezdett kifelé rohanni. Már majdnem elérte a sátor kapuját, ahonnan ha kijutott volna, a janicsárok azon nyomban meggyilkolják a szultán őrségét és magát a szultánt is, a történelem pedig másképp alakul. Az ajtó előtt azonban végül legyűrték, a legenda szerint a szultán egyik embere, Zal Mahmud volt az, aki végül sikeresen megfojtotta a herceget. Amint a herceg meghalt, jelt adtak és lovászát és egyik kísérő agáját is azonnal meggyilkolták a sátor előtt. A táborban pedig elszabadult a pokol, a janicsárok fellázadtak a szultán ellen és hosszas zavargások kezdődtek. Szulejmán valamivel később parancsot adott Musztafa egyetlen fiának, Mehmednek a megfojtására is. Ez nem Hürrem nyomására történt, ahogy azt a rosszinudlatú pletykák és a sorozat mutatták, hanem ez volt a törvény. A lázadó hercegek fiai is lázadónak bélyegződtek meg, lányaik pedig nem érdemeltek rangjukhoz méltó házasságot.

Musztafa halálának híre gyorsan elérte Mahidevrant és a herceg háremét. Mahidevran minden bizonnyal tudta, hogy unokájára is hasonló sors vár, ám nem tehetett semmit. A herceg háreme, édesanyjával együtt követte élettelen testét Bursába, ahol végül örök nyugalomra helyezték. Édesanyja minden vagyonát arra költötte, hogy türbét húzhasson fel Musztafa sírja fölé, ám Szulejmán elehetetlenítette ebben, így végül Musztafa féltestvére, Szelim volt az, aki már Szulejmán életében pénzt küldött Mahidevrannak a türbe befejezésére. Musztafa édesanyja és háreme voltak az utolsó háremhölgyek, akik Bursába vonultak vissza és nem a Régi Palotába élték le hátralévő életüket.

Bűnös volt vajon Musztafa?

Az oszmán történelem egyik legnagyobb kérdése ez. Bűnösségét azóta sem sikerült bizonyítani, ugyanakkor ártatlanságát sem. Véleményem szerint Musztafa nem akart akkor és ott lázadni, ugyanakkor hibás volt, amiért a janicsárok szeretetét és támogatását mindig elfogadta és sosem fejezte ki apja iránti feltétlen hűségét a janicsárok irányába. Emellett pedig mint bármelyik másik herceg, vágyott a trónra, ami önmagában nem hiba, ám ennek kifejezése már az. Különösen úgy, hogy tudjuk, Szulejmán szemében ez volt a lehető legnagyobb árulás. Ha viszont lázadni akart volna apja ellen, véleményem szerint nem ment volna el Ereğli-be és sosem lépett volna be a szultán sátrába. Nem kockáztatta volna meggyilkolását, hanem inkább lázadt volna, hiszen a janicsárok jelen voltak Ereğli-ben és kétségkívül a herceg mellé álltak volna.

Az, hogy a korabeli költők, írók, pasák, katonák - tehát lényegében minden fontos személy -, de még a köznép is őt támogatta és úgy vélte ártatlanul végeztette ki őt a szultán, nem jelent sokat a valóság szempontjából. Ezek a személyek ugyanis mérhetetlenül gyűlölték Hürremet, amiért Szulejmán oly sok szokást és hagyományt tört meg a kedvéért, így mindenért a nőt okolták. Akit pedig Hürrem nem kedvelt, azt ők imádták. Így tehát az általános vélekedés, hogy Musztafa ártatlan volt, nem igazán segíti a valóság eldöntését, hiszen ezek a személyek igen elfogultak voltak. A modern történészeket pedig nagyon megosztja ez a téma, vannak akik szerint a herceg igenis bűnös volt, mások szerint egyáltalán nem, megint mások szerint pedig az igazság félúton van. A témában Zahit Atçıl írt egy nagyszerű cikket összefoglalva minden bizonyítékot, ami csak létezik, így annak, aki szeretne többet tudni Musztafa kivégzésének körülményeiről mindenképpen javaslom elolvasását.

Akárhogyan is, Musztafa valódi veszélyt jelentett apjára a janicsárok támogatása miatt. A janicsárok képesek voltak önkényesen letaszítani a trónról szultánokat és felemelni hercegeket. Ha a janicsárok eldöntötték volna végérvényesen, hogy elegük van az öregedő, beteges Szulejmánból, akár Musztafa akarata nélkül is letaszították volna Szulejmánt és felemelték volna Musztafát. Így tehát Musztafa vesztét leginkább a janicsárok túlzó szeretete okozta.

Felhasznált források: L. Peirce - The imperial harem; L. Peirce - Empress of the East; Z. Atçıl - Why Did Süleyman the Magnificent Execute His Son Şehzade Mustafa in 1553; C. Imber - The Ottoman Empire 1300-1650; Y. Öztuna - Kanuni Sultan Süleyman

[fymagnificentwomcn]

Hi, thanks for the amazing content and for always answering everybody patiently, kindly and very throughly! I was wondering, what historical detail in MC/mck you wish they had changed and which you wish they didn't?

Awww thank you so much

While thinking on this question, I caught myself questioning how much we can label as 100% historical fact, except for recorded dry facts from registers because so many of this stuff is what version the screenwriters chose, interpretation or them guessing how it could have been based on what we know. Which again leads to me mentioning how we have so scarce information from Ottoman sources on Imperial harem, somewhat we can gather more from foreign ambassadors.

 A lot of it is just guessing based on rumours circulating around that the the diplomats picked up. Even the records don’t provide all information, like mothers of sultan’s daughters are not usually recorded.

But let’s come to the gist:

It’s hard for me to criticise them sticking to facts even if don’t like them (I would make everything much happier, I guess), but something I think should have been changed more for the actual plot purposes?

Mhm maybe I’d have killed off Safiye a bit earlier, honestly. They in a way wrote themselves in a corner bc it would be OOC for MYK Safiye to suddenly just sit in Eski Saray and not meddle at all, and it was clear Halime would never put Mustafa’s fate in her hands again. The Şehzade Yahya character is rather a mystery & semi-historical figure on its own, but I think I would have removed Safiye from main plot earlier regardless, and make Halime&Dilruba into main antagonists earlier, even if it had meant axing Safiye before her due date. I suppose she was kept as part of main action to also distract Kösem from Halime&Co.’s actions (after all, Mustafa’s condition was already exposed publically, so she saw justifiably more danger in Iskender).

I’d have made Hafsa into a slave concubine (I know historiography back then said often something earlier though) because I think it truly messes the view of Imperial harem during that period (same with them trying to marry Mustafa off to Aybige), and frankly I think introducing a second concubine of Selim, who would be a mother to at least one of Suleiman’s sisters coud be a cool idea? Since daughters wouldn’t place her in any competition with Hafsa, mother of sole heir, they could just form a believable friendship IMO. And yes bringing Suleiman’s illegitimate brother Üveys Pasha, who only got mentioned briefly in first episode. And instead off killing Suleiman’s brothers in infancy, Selim killing at least one of his sons other than Suleiman could make for a more juicy backstory for all characters involved, especially since it would have reflected Selim Yavuz’s character well lol.

What I would have introduced that was omitted?

I’d surely try to change a bit things in MY to showcase Hürrem unprecedent elevation. I understand to an extent why they changed some things – not to make her simply benefitting from Suleiman’s love and only his preference being source of her elevation, but to also give her some agency & make her fight for everything herself, while still benefitting from Suleiman’s bigger leniency towards her than towards others. NGL I was left a bit puzzled by the whole “mother of prince must go to province” thing as done in show because actually the rule seems to be initially broken by Mahidevran in the show when Ibrahim asks Suleiman to let her stay. Okay, it was special circumstance since Hafsa was dead and we know Suleiman also had huge fondness for Ibrahim, but it was a bit messed up to me. And no Mahidevran didn’t benefit in it the end actually – they just made her lose yet again and made her joining Mustafa in Manisa as punishment, not simply normal course of things. And then there’s talk all the time about Hürrem joining Mehmed in Manisa, but when the time comes, there are no plans of her joining him or any of his brothers (even before the kidnapping). And we know Hürrem wanting to stay close to capital was an additional motive to scheme against Mustafa in order to make him removed from Manisa. But then I suppose dealing with Meryem’s sudden departure was far more important & to minimise damage for overall plot stemming from this unexpected occurrence had priority. Then in S4 she’s still there and it���s not explained whether it’s because of Cihangir or  because Suleiman wants to have her as close to him as possible after he almost lost her forever (I suppose the second option is more implied). And later even her joining Bayezid in Kütahya for some time was a punishment too. I think general depiction of mother-province thing was rather muddled, conflicting and puzzling. Same with titles because while they made their own clear rule for “Sultan” title, the whole haseki and baş haseki thing was a bit puzzling, especially Mahfiruz being called baş haseki before the seniority principle was even introduced. If they so wanted to stress mother of eldest son having her status, they could have even made both Mahfiruz and Kösem hasekis, just like they did with Mahidevran and Hürrem. Then again maybe they wanted to hint at some changes favouring eldest son more being present already as opposed to Suleiman’s era, but idk. But then I do concur that the whole titles thing WAS more complex than e.g. Peirce presents it in the Imperial Harem, which is trying to bring some general, ordered, easy to understand explanation of terms pertaining to harem hierarchy for Western recipients. Yet something about Hürrem’s special and unprecedented position also signified by title should have been done, though then again they didn’t hint that Hafsa was first Valide Sultan as opposed to Valide Hatun either.

Oh and I would make Murad CLEARLY bisexual mhm.

- Joanna

[operabooknerd68]

Hürrem Sultan

(1515- April 1558)

often called Roxelana, was the second favourite after Mahidevran Sultan and later the chief consort and legal wife of the Ottoman Sultan Süleyman the Magnificent. She had six children with Süleyman: Şehzade Mehmed, Mihrimah Sultan, Şehzade Abdullah, Sultan Selim II, Şehzade Bayezid, and Şehzade Cihangir. She became one of the most powerful and influential women in Ottoman history and a prominent and controversial figure during the era known as the Sultanate of Women. She was the first ever "Haseki Sultan" (favorite of the Sultan) when her husband, Süleyman I, reigned as the Ottoman sultan. She achieved power and influenced the politics of the Ottoman Empire through her husband and played an active role in the state affairs of the Empire.

Sources indicate that Hurrem Sultan was originally from Ruthenia (now Western Ukraine, Belarus), which was then part of the Polish Kingdom. She was born in the town of Rohatyn 68 km south-east of Lwów, a major city of the Ruthenian Voivodeship in the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland. According to late 16th-century and early 17th-century sources, such as the Polish poet Samuel Twardowski (died 1661), who researched the subject in Turkey, Hurrem was seemingly born to a father who was an Orthodox priest.

In the 1520s, Crimean Tatars kidnapped her during one of their Crimean–Nogai raids into East Slavic lands. The Tatars may have first taken her to the Crimean city of Kaffa, a major centre of the Ottoman slave trade, before she was taken to Istanbul. In Istanbul, Valide Sultan Hasfa Sultan selected Hurrem as a gift for her son, Sultan Süleyman; Hurrem was to become the Haseki Sultan or "favorite concubine" of the Ottoman imperial harem. However, she would eventually rise to high status thru Süleyman and he broke imperial tradition by allowing her to have more than one child and eventually married her formally. Making him the second Ottoman Sultan to have a formal marriage since Orhan Ghazi (1326-1362), Michalo Lituanus wrote in the 16th century that "the most beloved wife of the present Turkish emperor – mother of his primogenital [son] who will govern after him, was kidnapped from our land" Süleyman was also known to have written many love poems about her and upon her death he remained in deep mourning and he was eventually buried in a mausoleum next to hers.

[whiteroseofthemoon]

Muhteşem Yüzyıl (Magnificent Century) fancast: Daughters of Hürrem Haseki Sultan. Second generation.

1. Hümaşah Sultan (1540-1593) - daughter of Şehzade Mehmed of the Ottoman Empire.Like her cousin Ayşe Hümaşah Sultan, she was reportedly beloved by their grandfather, to whom she wrote letters.She is regarded amongst the most influential women of Suleiman's reign.This affection can be explained, in large measure, by the fact that her late father, Mehmed, was Suleiman's favorite son. It was she who, in 1563, gifted her cousin Şehzade Murad (future Sultan Murad III) with a concubine that would go on to be Safiye Sultan.

2. Ayşe Hümaşah Sultan (1541–1594) -  daughter of Mihrimah Sultan of the Ottoman Empire and Rüstem Pasha. She was her parents' first child and only daughter, and possibly her grandparents' first grandchild as well. She had several brothers, whose number and names are though contested.

3. Ismihan Sultan (1544 – 1585) -  daughter of Selim II and Nurbanu Sultan. She was the most powerful daughter of Selim II because she was married to the Grand Vizier Sokollu Mehmed Pasha. She is famous for having built the Sokollu Mehmed Pasha Mosque and Esmahan Sultan Mosque.

4. Gevherhan Sultan (1544 - after 1604) -  daughter of Sultan Selim II and Nurbanu Sultan. Soon after his succession, Mehmed's son by Handan Sultan, Ahmed I wanted to express his gratitude to Mehmed Pasha and Gevherhan Sultan for the role they had played in bringing his parents together. He also named one of his daughters after her.

5. Şah Sultan (1545 – 1580) -  daughter of Selim II and Nurbanu Sultan. The union of Şah Sultan to Zal Mahmud is said to be a very happy one. They were suited to each another. It was said that, that they fell ill at the same time, lay in their deathbeds together, and expired at the same very moment. 

6. Fatma Sultan (1559–1580) -  daughter of Sultan Selim II. Fatma was born in 1559,during Selim's princedom, at Konya or Karaman where he served as sanjakbey, or provincial governor, at the time.

7. Mihrimah Sultan (1547 – 1594) - daughter of Şehzade Bayezid. Married in 1562 to Damat Müzaffer Pasha.

8. Hatice Sultan and Hanzade Sultan (1550/1556-?) -  daughters of Şehzade Bayezid.

9. Ayşe Sultan (1553- 1572) -  daughter of Şehzade Bayezid. Married in 1562 to Damat Hoca Ali Pasha Eretnaoğlu.

[magnificentlyreused]

This green and gold kaftan was first worn by Şehzade Mehmed in the twentieth episode of the third season of Magnificent Century. It is worn again by Şehzade Mustafa in the first episode of the fourth season.

The kaftan also appears on Musa Çelebi in the twenty-sixth episode of the second season of Magnificent Century: Kösem.

[mihrunnisasultans]

MC/K meme [2/5] characters -> Mihrünnisa Sultan

Hürrem Sultan! The light in my heart has gone out, Sultanim... You took away the owner of my heart, my Şehzade, my darling. I have been buried into darkness. Just as I was being drown in this bloody ocean, my son, Mehmed, held my hand. He pulled me out from the well of sadness and grief. I depended on him... I hugged him... But you, Sultanim... You took him from me and killed him as well. If he were beside me, another glimpse and glimmer of hope would arrive. Birds would sing and flowers would bloom in the mountains. The smell of roses would encompass everywhere, as opposed to the smell of blood! You, Sultanim, you have changed the seasons in the world. You have started such a winter... It brings with itself such a wind that will never die down. It will pick up and sweep everything that it comes across. It will drag everyone to their fate. My winter has ended, Sultanim. Your winter has just begun.

[ottomanladies]

THE LIFE AND DEATH OF HÜRREM SULTAN | day 3: Hürrem and her children

There are no certain dates of birth for Hürrem's children, sometimes not even a specific year. Her first child, Şehzade Mehmed, was born in late 1521. In his case, only the year of his birth was recorded - 972 in Islamic calendar - which ended on 30 November 1521. Şehzade Mehmed was the first child of Süleyman I's to be born after his accession, around a year later, which could confirm the theory that Hürrem had been presented to him as a congratulatory gift. After Mehmed's birth, Hürrem's status rose, and in harem registers she started to be referred to as "the mother of Prince Mehmed". Her only daughter, Mihrimah, was born in autumn 1522, therefore breaking a centuries-old rule that mothers of a son could not have any more sexual encounters with the sultan. Süleyman was far from Istanbul at the time of the birth: he was at war against the Knights Hospitallers and returned to the capital only in February 1523. The future Selim II was born on 28 May 1524 - the only child to have a sure date of birth - and was followed in 1525 or 1526 by another prince, Şehzade Abdullah, who died of smallpox at a young age. Şehzade Bayezid was born in 1527, and Hürrem's youngest child - Şehzade Cihangir - was born in 1531, unusually distanced from his elder brother Bayezid. Peirce thinks he may have been "unanticipated or an afterthought—the result of a decision by Roxelana and Suleyman to have one last child", since his birth had arrived after the magnificent circumcision fest that Süleyman had organised for his three eldest princes, which could have symbolised that "the sultan considered his reproductive obligation to the empire fulfilled"

sources: Leslie Peirce, Empress of the East: How a European Slave Girl Became Queen of the Ottoman Empire; Leslie Peirce, The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire

[redxluna]

What are the most blatant writer favoritisms in MC that annoy you?

This is one where I always wind up having to say that it’s how the şehzades were handled. If only because it really seemed that, more often than not, the writers wanted to hype Mustafa up as much as possible. He’s presented as the ultimate noble prince with his half-brothers only being allowed to be considered “good” if they either support him unflinchingly or attempt to emulate him in some way.

The most notable of issues created by this, of course, was how Mehmed’s character was robbed of any of the complexity any of his brothers had. Even Cihangir suffers from this, to a point, with both brothers being used as props for the writers to highlight Mustafa while ignoring any development for them at the same time.

I’ll admit that some of this is from the writer’s part of my mind being influenced by the historical elements I kept researching. I understand that MC is, overall, more soapy drama than not, but there’s so much complexity that could have been added to some characters.

I can absolutely see Mustafa, for example, still wrestling with the concept of having to commit fratricide to secure the throne when he watched three of the siblings he grew up with die not long after he took the throne. It’d probably be an even greater struggle with the members of his political camp insisting that Mehmed was his greatest rival when that’s the same brother born after the death of others.

His more vocal determination to never harm his brothers could have been given to Mehmed instead (the show downplays it but Hürrem’s children really were the first full blooded brothers to fight for the throne) in something that could only increase the tragedy of that promise all unspooling after his death. Not to mention, it’d lend greater credence to Hürrem clutching at those desperately unraveling threads, determined that her sons could break tradition even as tensions rise between them.

It’s just one of those moments where I always feel like there could have been more, I won’t lie.

(I'll also always be peeved over their treatment of Selim, but that's a whole other story.)

[sonmuzik]

Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Kimdir

Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Kimdir

Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Dönemi (1520 – 1566) – Osmanlı Devleti 10. Padişahı, 75. İslam halifesidir. Kanuni Sultan Süleyman kimdir? Hayatı, Kanuni Sultan Süleyman nasıl öldü eşi Hürrem ve çocukları kimdir? Kanuni Sultan Süleyman neler yaptı, kimlerle savaştı? Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Kimdir? I. Süleyman‎, Sultan Süleyman-ı Evvel; 6 Kasım 1494, Trabzon – 7 Eylül 1566, Zigetvar Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun onuncu padişahı ve 89. İslam halifesi ve aynı zamanda Batıda Muhteşem Süleyman, Doğuda ise adaletli yönetimine atfen Kanunî Sultan Süleyman olarak da tanınan I. Süleyman, 1520’den 1566’daki ölümüne kadar, yaklaşık 46 yıl boyunca padişahlık yapmıştır. 13 kez sefere çıkan I. Süleyman, saltanatının toplam 10 yıl 1 ayını seferlerde geçirmiştir.Süleyman böylece imparatorluğun hem en uzun süre görev yapan hem en çok sefere çıkan ve de en uzun süre sefer yapan Osmanlı Sultanı olmuştur. Kanuni Sultan Süleyman; Osmanlı Devleti’nin 10. sultanı ve İslam halifelerinin yetmiş beşincisi. Babası Yavuz Sultan Selim Han, annesi Aişe Hafsa Sultan olup, Kanuni lakabıyla meşhur oldu. Avrupalılar Büyük Türk ve Muhteşem Süleyman lakaplarını verdiler. Muhteşem Süleyman Hayatı Kısaca 10. Osmanlı Padişahı Kanunî Sultan Süleyman (I. Süleyman) 6 Kasım 1494 tarihinde Trabzon’da doğdu. Halife – İki Kutsal Caminin Hizmetkârı I. Süleyman 1520 yılında, babası I. Selim’in ölümünün ardından tahta çıktı. Batıda Belgrad, Rodos, Boğdan ve Macaristan’ın büyük kısmını imparatorluk topraklarına kattı. 1529 yılında Viyana’yı kuşatsa da çeşitli sebeplerden ötürü bu kuşatma başarısızlıkla sonuçlandı. Doğuda, Safevîlerle yapılan savaşlar sonrasında Orta Doğu’nun büyük kısmını ele geçirdi. Afrika’da imparatorluğun sınırları Cezayir’e kadar uzanırken; Osmanlı Donanması ise Akdeniz’den Kızıldeniz’e kadar olan sularda hakimiyet kurmuştu. I. Selim’den 6.557.000 km2 olarak devraldığı Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nu, padişahlığı döneminde 14.893.000 km2’ye ulaştırmıştır. Zigetvar Kuşatması’nın sonlanmasından bir gün önce, 7 Eylül 1566 tarihinde 71 yaşındayken hayatını kaybetti ve yerine oğlu II. Selim geçti. Hüküm süresi ; 30 Eylül 1520 – 7 Eylül 1566 Kanunî Sultan Süleyman’dan önce gelen padişah I. Selim, sonra gelen padişah ise oğlu II. Selim’dir. Sultan Süleyman’ın eşleri sırasıyla; Hürrem Sultan, Mahidevran Sultan, Gülfem Hatun, Fülane Hatun Hürrem Sultan, Sancak beyliği veya 1520’deki tahta çıkışının ardından haremine girdiği tahmin edilen cariyelerindendir. Hürrem Sultan, 1521’de Mehmed’ı, 1522’de Mihrimah’ı, 1522 veya 1523’de Abdullah’ı, 1524’de Selim’ı, 1525’de Bayezid’ı, 1531’de Cihangir’ı dünyaya getirdi. 15 Nisan 1558’de vefat etti. Toplam 11 çocuğu vardır, çocuklarının isimleri; Şehzade Mahmud, Şehzade Mustafa, Şehzade Murad, Şehzade Mehmed, Mihrimah Sultan, Şehzade Abdullah, Raziye Sultan, Şehzade Ahmed, II. Selim, Şehzade Bayezid, Şehzade Cihangir Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Dönemi Yavuz Sultan Selim’in tek oğludur. Annesi Hafsa Sultan Kırım Hanı Mengli Giray’ın kızıdır. Kanuni Süleyman, Trabzon’da, babası orada sancakbeyi iken doğdu, Zigetvar Seferi sırasında 71 yaşında öldü. 46 yıl tahtta kaldı ki, bu Osmanlı padişahlarının en uzun saltanat süresidir. Kanunî Sultan Süleyman, 1520’de babası Yavuz Sultan Selim’in beklenmeyen ölümü üzerine 25 yaşında tahta çıktı. Saltanatı hemen hemen hep savaşlarla geçti. 29 ağustos 1521’de Macaristan’ın en önemli kalesi, kilit noktası olan Belgrat’ı aldı. 1522’de Rodos adasını ele geçirerek buradaki Rodos şövalyeleri devletine son verdi. Almanya İmparatoru Şarlken’in eline esir düşen Fransa Kralı I. François (Fransua) nın yardım istemesi üzerine, Şarlken’e karşı savaş açtı. Mohaç’ta 2 saat içinde Macar ordusunu yok etti. Macaristan’ı haritadan sildi. Bec’i (Viyana’yı) kuşattıysa da bastıran kış üzerine 16 ekim 1529’da kuşatmayı kaldırdı. 1532’de Almanlar’dan Graz şehrini aldı. 1534’de çıktığı Irak seferinde Hamedan’ı, dünyanın en ünlü şehirlerinden biri olan Bağdat’ı aldı. Irak’ta Safevîler’in egemenliğine son verdi. Doğu Anadolu’da İran’ın elinde bulunan son toprakları Erzurum’la Van’ı ele geçirerek Türkiye’nin bugünkü doğu sınırlarını çizmiş oldu. 1536’da Korfu, Bordan (Moldavya) seferlerinden sonra düzenlediği Budin seferinde Macaristan’ın yönetim şeklini değiştirdi, bir eyalet olarak İstanbul’a bağladı. Estergon seferiyle, Macaristan’ı Almanya’nın istilasından kurtardı. 1547’de Almanya – İspanya ile yapılan barışta V. Karl (Şarlken) en ağır şartları kabul zorunda kaldı. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun Avrupa’daki egemenliği en yüksek noktasına çıkmıştı. Kanuni Süleyman 1553’te üçüncü defa İran üzerine yürüdü. Karabağ’ı, Nahcıvan’ı aldı. İki yıla yakın süren bu seferden dönerken, 35 yıl içinde Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nu iki kat genişletmiş bulunuyordu. Estergon Zaferi Kanunî’nin en büyük zaferlerinden biri Estergon Seferi’dir. Bir yıl süren bu seferde, Viyana ile Budin arasındaki en önemli kale olan, Türk akıncılarının bundan böyle başlıca merkezlerinden biri haline gelen Estergon, Almanlar’dan geri alındı. Bali Paşa’nın 24 kasım 1542’de kazandığı bu büyük zafer, Macaristan’ı Alman imparatoru’ nun istilâsından kurtarmıştı. Yalnız, Almanlar’ın giriştiği o taarruzun cezasını vermek gerekiyordu. Kanunî’nin bu seferi (1543) maksadı sağladığı gibi, Macaristan’ı Osmanlı Imparatorluğu’na daha sıkı bağlarla bağladı. Bu sıralarda, 1543 yazında, Barbaros da batıdan V. Karl’a (Şarlken)e ağır darbeler vurdu, Nice’i aldı, Roma’ya 15 km. yaklaştı, Fransa’yı himayesine aldı. 19 haziran 1547’de Almanya – İspanya ile barış yapıldı; V. Karl, en ağır şartları kabul zorunda kaldı; Osmanlı devletine yıllık haraç vermeyi bile taahhüt etti. Avrupa’da Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun nüfuzu şahikasına çıktı, Habsburglar’ın itibarı azaldı. Lehistan, Rusya, Fransa, bazan ingiltere ile Venedik, Osmanlı devletinin nüfuzuna girdiler. Venedik, Rusya ve Lehistan Osmanlılar’a yıllık vergi veriyor, Fransa, Osmanlı devletinden büyük para, silah yardımı görüyordu. Vefatı Kanunî Süleyman son çıktığı Zigetvar seferinde 7 Eylül 1566 tarihinde 71 yaşındayken gut hastalığı sebebiyle vefat etti. Veziriâzam (başbakan) Sokullu Mehmet Paşa, padişahın sağ kalan tek oğlu şehzade Selim (II. Selim) Belgrat’a gelinceye kadar Kanunî’nin ölümünü ordudan sakladı. Cenazesi sonradan İstanbul’a getirilerek Süleymaniye Camisi’ndeki türbesine gömüldü. Süleyman’ın vefatının ardından yerine oğlu II. Selim geçti. Kanunî, Osmanlı tarihinin en büyük hükümdarlarından biridir, imparatorluğu dünyanın en büyük ülkesi durumuna getirmiştir. Avrupalılar ona «Muhteşem» derler. Türkler de, hakseverliği, yaptığı kanunlardan ötürü «Kanunî» adını vermişlerdir. Kanunî Süleyman Fatih’ten sonra Osmanlılar’ın en büyük devlet, siyaset adamı, Yavuz’ dan sonra da Osmanlılar’ın yetiştirdiği en büyük asker olarak kabul edilir. Kanunî «Muhibbî» takma adıyla şiir de yazardı. “Halk içinde mûteber bir nesne yok devlet gibi Olmaya devlet cihanda bir nefes sıhhat gibi” beyti pek tanınmıştır. Kanuni’nin Mezarı / Türbesi Nerede? 28 Kasım 1566 yılında 71 yaşında vefat eden Kanuni Sultan Süleyman’ın mezarı ve türbesi Süleymaniye Camii’nde bulunmaktadır. Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Dönemindeki Faaliyetler Kanuni Sultan Süleyman ne yaptı? Yavuz Sultan Selim Döneminde Osmanlı Devleti’nin doğu sorunları neredeyse çözülmüştü, bu yüzden Kanuni tahta çıkar çıkmaz batıya yöneldi. Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Dönemi Özellikleri (1520 – 1566) Sultan Süleyman Osmanlı hanedanı içinde en uzun süre tahtta kalan padişahtır. Baba Zünnun ve Kalender çelebi isyanları Sadrazam İbrahim Paşa tarafından bastırılmıştır. 1521’de belgratı alarak 1526 da Mohaç Savaşıyla Macaristanın büyük bir kısmı alınmıştır. Bunun üzerine Avusturyalılar memnun olmamışlar.Osmanlı Venediği kuşatmış ama ele geçirememişlerdir.1533 İstanbul Antlaşması imzalanmıştır. Antlaşamaya göre: Avusturya Arşüdükası Osmanlı Sadrazamına eşit sayılacaktır.(bu madde ile Avusturya Osmanlının üstün oldugunu kabul etmiştir.) Avusturya savaş tazminatı verecek idi. 1535 de fransaya geçici kapütülasyonlar verildi. 1565 İran ile Amasya Antlaşması imzalandı.(bu antlaşma Osmanlı ile iran arasındaki ilk antlaşmadır.) 1522 Rodos adası fethedildi. 1538 Barbaros Hayrettin Paşa ile PREVEZE DENİZ SAVAŞI kazanılmış Akdeniz türk gölü haline gelmiştir. 1534 cezayir,1551 Trablusgarp fethedildi. Barbaros Hayrettin Paşa ve Kitab-ı Bahriye adılı kitabıyla PİRİ REİS Osmanlı deniz hizmetinde görev yapmışlardır. Ünlü şarkiyâtçılarından Ortalon’un şu sözleri onun nasıl bir padişah olduğunu göstermesi bakımından önemlidir: “Sultân Süleyman’ın eserleri bir sıraya konulsa, en alt katta muhârebeleri, onun üstünde bıraktığı âbideler ve en üstte ise, kurmuş olduğu ilmî ve hukukî müesseseler gelir.” “Gazelleri inceden inceye işlenmiş hayaller ve söz oyunlarıyla doludur. Sade yazmaktan ve zaman zaman ustaca kaleme alınmış kahramanlık şiirleri nazmetmekten hoşlanan bir şairdir.” (Ahmet Atilla Şentürk) Kenan Işık kimdir KAYNAKÇA (Başlıcaları): Nihat Sami Banarlı / Resimli Türk Edebiyatı Tarihi (Kanuni Sultan Süleyman I, s. 567-570), Prof. Dr. M. Tayyip Gökbilgin / Kanuni Sultan Süleyman (1992), Ahmet Atilla Şentürk / Osmanlı Şiiri Antolojisi (1999), Coşkun Ak / Şair Padişahlar (2001), Güler Tüzün / Muhteşem Süleyman (Tarihte Olağanüstü Kişiler, s.19, 2004) – Kanuni (Britannica Bilgi Hazinesi, s. 477, 2008), İhsan Işık / TEKAA (2006), Yavuz Bahadıroğlu / Kanuni Sultan Süleyman: Muhteşem Padişah (Osmanlı Tarihi, s.157-189, 2009), Mustafa Armağan / Avrupa’nın Patronu Kim Olacak? “Kanuni’nin casuslarından mektup var!” (Kır Zincirlerini Osmanlı, s.158-161, 2010). Read the full article

[odoarchitecture]

🏗Project: Şehzade Mosque 📐Architect: Mimar Sinan 📍Location: Fatih, İstanbul, Turkey 🌇Type: Religious, Mosque 📅Year: 1543-1548 ⚒Area: 2.475 m² 📸Photos: wikipedia.org @wikipedia 〰️〰️〰️ 📘Information: The construction of the Şehzade Complex was ordered by the Ottoman Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent as a memorial to his favorite son Şehzade Mehmed (born 1521) who died in 1543 while returning to Istanbul after a victorious military campaign in Hungary. Mehmed was the eldest son of Suleiman's only legal wife Hürrem Sultan - although not his eldest son - and before his untimely death he was primed to accept the sultanate following Suleiman's reign. Suleiman is said to have personally mourned the death of Mehmed for forty days at his temporary tomb in Istanbul, the site upon which the imperial architect Mimar Sinan would construct a lavish mausoleum to Mehmed as one part of a larger mosque complex dedicated to the princely heir. The complex was Sinan's first important imperial commission and ultimately one of his most ambitious architectural works, even though it was designed early in his long career. 〰️〰️〰️ 📚Source: wikipedia.org @wikipedia 〰️〰️〰️ 🗣Mimar Sinan serimize devam ediyoruz. 〰️〰️〰️ #mimarsinan #şehzadecamii #sultansüleyman #cami #istanbul #mimarsinaneserleri #architecture #mimarlık #architect #mimar (Şehzade Camii) https://www.instagram.com/p/CBBBJ5QnEIM/?igshid=153imnm0oh2yd

[reallifesultanas]

Portraits of the daughters of Murad III / Murad III lányainak portréja

Sultan Murad III has had at least 28 daughters born in his lifetime, but only a few of them are known by their names. Most of his daughters are lost in history as they died young or simply were insignificants in the political fields. During the epidemic of 1597-98, at least 17 daughters of Murad died. His two best-known daughters are Ayşe and Fatma, who were born from his favorite concubine, Safiye Sultan, but there were more daughters of his.

Ayşe Sultan

The exact birth-date of Ayşe is unknown, but she was most likely the eldest daughter of later Murad III and Safiye Sultan, so she was born between 1565 and 1570. She spent her childhood in her father's province of Manisa, until in 1574 her grandfather Selim II died. Then, following her father, she moved to Istanbul and settled in Topkapi Palace. Ayşe, together with her siblings, essentially grew up there, under the strict supervision of her mother and grandmother. There is no information about Ayşe’s relationship with her mother or grandmother, but her personality and nature make it likely that her grandmother, Nurbanu, played an important role in her upbringing. Moreover, we must not forget that Nurbanu wanted to marry Ayşe very hardly to her adoptive son. So maybe she liked Ayşe very much? Anyhow, in the end, the marriage did not happen.

The 1580s brought a big change in the life of Ayşe. Her mother and grandmother became tenser and tenser to each other and there was an increasingly fierce struggle between them. It finally peaked in 1583 when her mother was exiled from Topkapi Palace. According to some sources, Ayşe and her sisters accompanied Safiye to the Old Palace and spent the next roughly two years there. It is not known how this exile affected the relationship between Ayşe and her father. When her grandmother,  Nurbanu, passed away, her mother gradually returned to the sultan’s grace and soon Safiye could plan her own and her daughter's wedding. Sultan Murad wanted to marry Safiye and marry off his daughter Ayşe to one of his trusted men.

Her first marriage took place in 1586, to Ibrahim Pasha, the beylerbey of Egypt. The wedding took place with huge celebrations which lasted for a week. Ayşe finally could be in the spotlight for a while after her exile in recent years. Soon, however, she moved to Egypt with her husband. Ibrahim Pasha was out of favor during Murad's reign, but with Murad's death his star began to rise the brother of Ayşe, Mehmed III, named his Grand Vezier three times. Thus Ayşe was able to live in the capital again, close to her family. Ibrahim Pasha died on July 10, 1601, and Ayşe was widowed. The pasha was buried in the Şehzade Mosque Complex along with his two children, a boy and a girl who most probably were the children of Ayşe and the pasha, but they died as infants.

However, she could not enjoy her widowhood for long. In April 1602, Ayşe was remarried, this time to Yemişci Hasan Pasha. Ayşe had no intention of marrying the pasha at all because the man was known as a tough man who was rude and ignorant. Despite all her resentment, under the pressure of her mother, the marriage happened but was a short-lived one. Yemişci Hasan Pasa soon fell out of the favor of the sultan (or rather the favor of Safiye) and was sentenced to death. Ayşe pleaded her mother and the sultan to spare her husband’s life and allow them to go on a pilgrimage to purify themselves or go into voluntary exile to Egypt. However, the sultan refused his sister’s request and told her that if she clung so much to her husband, she could follow him to death. It is not known whether Ayşe ended up begging for her husband’s life out of a sense of duty or she started to like him in the meantime. Yemişci Hasan Pasha hid in Ayşe's palace, but was found and executed on October 18, 1603, and Ayşe was widowed again. Somewhat nuanced the romantic image of Ayşe begging for her husband’s life, that some say she fell in love with Güzelce Mahmud Pasha when her husband was still alive. This Güzelce Mahmud pasha did his best to execute Yemişci Hasan Pasha. Güzelce Mahmud Pasa tried to forge his own fortune in this way and in the end he managed it.

Sultan Mehmed III soon passed away, so Ayşe was married off by her nephew, Ahmed I, this time to Güzelce Mahmud Pasha, her lover in 1604. This marriage did not last long either, as Ayşe died on 15 May 1605. She has done a lot of charity during her short life. In 1603, she established a fountain in the garden of ​​the Şehzade Mosque complex in memory of her first husband, as well as a fountain in other parts of the capital and had a bridge built in the countryside. She also explained in detail in her testament how she wanted to help people even after her death. According to her will, she freed all her servants; 10,000 akces were set aside to be paid for those in prison for debt; she sacrificed 2,000 akces to help the needy, the sick, the poor, and orphans; she wished to distribute the remainder among the poor of Mecca, Medina, and Jerusalem; and she sacrificed a certain amount to set free the imprisoned Muslims during the wars, on the proviso that the female prisoners must be set free first. She was buried in her father’s mausoleum at Aya Sofiya.

Fatma Sultan

The exact date of Fatma's birth is unknown, but it is certain that she was younger than Ayşe, and perhaps even Mehmed. She was most likely born between 1570 and 1575. Like her sister, she was the child of the later Sultans Murad III and Safiye. She spent the first few years of her life in her father's province of Manisa, then moved to Istanbul in 1574 when her father became a sultan. Her mother's exile in 1583 brought serious changes in her life, as she probably accompanied her mother, Safiye, to the Old Palace along with her sisters. Soon, however, they returned to the sultan's favor and were able to go home to Topkapi Palace.

On December 8, 1593, her father married off her to Admiral Halil Pasha in a huge ceremony. The ambassadors made detailed descriptions of the wedding ceremony. The marriage turned out to be a happy one, Fatma and Halil Pasha fit together perfectly, and they also tried to support Safiye Sultan in her intrigues. In 1595 the head of the fleet, Halil Pasha, did not left Istanbul with his fleet because Fatma was pregnant and wanted her husband to be by her side. This also suggests that it was a good marriage and that Safiye liked Halil. From their marriage, a child was born in the fall of 1595, Sultanzade Mahmud Bey, who died in 1598, presumably as a result of an epidemic. Halil Pasha died in 1603 and Fatma was widowed.

Some sources say she was married to Cafer Pasha, a vizier, shortly after Halil Pasha’s death, but others dispute this. Then in 1604 his nephew, Ahmed I, married her off to Hızır Pasha. The exact time of Fatma's death is disputed, but she probably died in early 1620. She was buried in hwe father’s mausoleum at Aya Sofiya as her sister Ayşe.

Hüma / Hümaşah Sultan

Hümaşah was also the daughter of the late Murad III and was born in his Manisa province, which is why historians conclude that she was also Safiye’s daughter, so she is the full-sister of Ayşe and Fatma. She was named after Murad’s cousin, Hümaşah, who presented Safiye to Murad in the past. This fact also suggests that Hümaşah was the daughter of Safiye. Some sources believed for years that she became the wife of Sokolluzade Lala Mustafa Pasha before 1580, based on which it was thought that she was the first child ot Murad and Safiye. However, it is now certain that she was only mistaken with Hümaşah, the daughter of Şehzade Mehmed (son of Hürrem), who was truly the wife of Sokolluzade Lala Mustafa Pasha. Thus, it is certain that Hümaşah married only once in her life, to Nişar Mustafazade Mehmed Pasha, but the date of the wedding is unknown. However, Hümaşah was never mentioned once after the pasha's death in 1586, nor was she included in the harem registers, which clearly suggests that she died in the 1580s.

Fahriye Sultan

Murad III ended his monogamous relationship with Safiye around 1583 and accepted dozens of concubines from then on. One anonymous concubine gave birth to Fahriye Sultan between 1585 and 1590. Fahriye's first marriage took place only after the death of her father, by her nephew - who was about the same age as her - Ahmed I, who married her to Çuhadar Ahmed Pasha in 1604. Others say Bosnian Sofu Bayram Pasha was her husband. In 1618 she was widowed and retired to the Old Palace. She never remarried and lived her remaining years within the walls of the Old Palace before she died in 1641 (or after).

Rukiye Sultan

The names of most of Murad III’s new concubines did not survive, but Rukiye’s mother did. Her name was Şemsiruhsar Hatun, who established a foundation during her lifetime and died around 1613. Rukiye may have been born in Murad's last years, as her first marriage did not take place until 1613. Nakkaş Haşan Pasha was chosen as a groom by Sultan Ahmed. The pasha was the leader of the Janissaries, and later the governor of Rumelia and Kubbe Vizier. It is not known whether any child was born from this marriage or not. Also, no information has survived about their marriage. Rukiye is not mentioned at all after her husband's death in 1623, so it is possible that she died before her husband.

Mihrimah, Mihriban, Fetihye and Hatice

Mihrimah Sultan was born between 1585 and 1590 as the daughter of an anonymous concubine and Murad III. Her nephew, Ahmed I, married her to Mirahur Ahmed Pasha in 1604, but nothing else is known about her.

All that is known about Mihriban Sultan is that she married to Topal Mehmed Aga and was buried in her father’s mausoleum.

Fetihye Sultan and Hatice Sultan were also Murad's daughters, but no information remained about them.

Used sources: L. Peirce - The imperial harem; M. P. Pedani - Safiye's household and Venetian diplomacy; G. Börekçi - Factions and favourites at the courts of Sultan Ahmed I (r. 1603-17) and his immediate predecessors; Necdet Sakaoğlu - Bu Mülkün Kadın Sultanları

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III. Murad szultánnak legalább 28 leánygyermeke született élete során, azonban csak néhányukról áll rendelekzésünkre kielégítő mennyiségű információ. Legtöbb lányának a neve sem maradt fenn és sokuk hunyt el fiatalon. Az 1597-98as időszak járványai során legalább 17 lánya hunyt például el. Két legismertebb lánya Ayşe és Fatma, akik kedvenc ágyasától, Safiye szultánától születtek.

Ayşe Sultan

Ayşe pontos születési ideje nem ismert, ám nagy valószínűséggel ő volt a legidősebb lánya III. Muradnak és Safiye szultánának, így 1565 és 1570 között jöhetett világra. Gyermekkorát apja maniszai tartományában töltötte, mígnem 1574-ben nagyapja II. Szelim elhunyt. Ekkor apját követve Isztambulba költöztek és a Topkapi Palotában rendezkedtek be. Ayşe testvéreivel együtt lényegében itt nőtt fel, anyja és nagyanyja szigorú felügyelete alatt. Nem maradt fenn információ arról, hogy Ayşe milyen viszonyban volt édesanyjával vagy nagyanyjával, személyisége és természete azonban valószínűsíti, hogy nagyanyja, Nurbanu szultána fontos szerepet töltött be nevelésében. Emellett nem szabad elfeljetünk azt sem, hogy Nurbanu komoly erőfeszítéseket tett, hogy az örökbefogadott fiához adhassa nőül Ayşét. Talán Ayşe közel állt Nurbanuhoz és emiatt akarta ennyire egy általa jó partinak tartott férfihoz nőül adni? Akárhogy is, végül a frigyből nem lett semmi.

Az 1580-as évek nagy változást hoztak Ayşe életébe is. Anyja és nagyanyja egyre inkább egymásnak feszültek és egyre kiélezettebb harc folyt köztük. Ez végül 1583-ban tetőzött, mikor édesanyját, Nurbanu szultána nyomására száműzték a Topkapi Palotából. Egyes források szerint Ayşe és húgai is Safiye szultánával tartottak a Régi Palotába és az elkövetkezendő nagyjából két évet ott töltötték. Nem tudni, hogy hogyan hatott ez a száműzetés Ayşe és apja viszonyára. Mikor nagyanyja, Nurbanu szultána elhunyt, édesanyja fokozatosan visszakerült a szultán kegyeibe és hamarosan anyjával közösen tervezhették az esküvőjüket. Murad szultán ugyanis feleségül kívánta venni Safiye szultánát, lányát Ayşét pedig ki akarta házasítani.

Első házasságára 1586-ban került sor, Egyiptom beglerbégjéhez, Ibrahim Pasához adták nőül. Az esküvő hatalmas ünnepségekkel zajlott és egy hétig tartott. Ayşe az elmúlt évek száműzetése után a középpontba kerülhetett egy időre. Hamarosan azonban férjével együtt Egyiptomba költözött. Ibrahim Pasa Murad uralkodása során kegyvesztett lett, azonban Murad halálával csillaga emelkedni kezdett és háromszor is viselhette a nagyvezíri posztot Ayşe bátyja, III. Mehmed mellett. Így Ayşe újra a fővárosban élhetett, közel családjához. Ibrahim Pasa 1601 július 10-én hunyt el, Ayşe pedig megözvegyült. A pasát a Şehzade mecsetkomplexumban helyezték örök nyugalomra két gyermekével együtt. Egy fiú és egy lány fekszik mellette, akik minden bizonnyal Ayşéval közös gyermekeik voltak és gyermekként elhunytak.

Özvegységét azonban nem élvezhette sokáig. 1602 áprilisában Ayşét újra férjhez adták, ezúttal Yemişci Hasan Pasához. Ayşének egyáltalán nem állt szándékában hozzámenni a pasához, mert a férfi kemény ember hírében állt, aki arcátlan és faragatlan volt. Minden ellenérzése ellenére is anyja nyomására a frigy megköttetett, ám rövidéletűnek bizonyult. Yemişci Hasan Pasa hamarosan kiesett a szultán (vagy inkább Safiye valide szultána) kegyeiből, amiért halálra ítélték. Ayşe szultána könyörgött édesanyjának és a szultánnak is, hogy kíméljék meg férje életét és engedjék, hogy zarándokútra menjenek, hogy megtisztulhassanak vagy önkéntes száműzetésbe vonuljanak Egyiptomba. A szultán azonban elutasította húga kérését és azt mondta neki, hogy ha ennyire ragaszkodik a férjéhez, akkor kövesse a halálba. Nem tudni, hogy Ayşe végül csak kötelességtudatból könyörgött férje életéért vagy időközben megszerette őt. Yemişci Hasan Pasa Ayşe palotájában rejtőzködött, ám kivégzői megtalálták és 1603 október 18-án kivégezték, Ayşe pedig újra megözvegyült. Némileg árnyalja a romantikus képet a férje életéért könyörgő Ayşéről az, hogy egyesek szerint még férje életében beleszeretett Güzelce Mahmud Pasába, aki önmaga is mindent megtett, hogy Yemişci Hasan Pasát kivégezzék. Güzelce Mahmud Pasa saját szerencséjét igyekezett ily módon kovácsolni.

III. Mehmed szultán hamarosan elhunyt, így a szultánát legközelebb unokaöccse, I. Ahmed házasította ki, ezúttal Güzelce Mahmud Pasához 1604-ben. Ez a házasság sem tartott sokáig, Ayşe ugyanis 1605. május 15-én elhunyt. Rövid élete során rengeteget jótékonykodott. 1603-ban a Şehzade-mecset komplexum területén létesített egy kutat első férje emlékére, valamint a főváros más részén is létrehozott egy kutat, vidéken pedig eg hidat építtetett. Végrendeletében is részletesen kifejtette, miképp szeretne halála után is segíteni az embereknek. Végrendelete szerint az összes szolgálóját felszabadíttatta; 10 000 akcét elkülönített arra, hogy a tartozás miatt börtönben ülőket kiváltsák; 2000 akcét arra áldozott, hogy a nélkülőzőket, betegeket, szegényeket és árvákat megsegítse; a maradékot Mekka, Medina és Jeruzsálem szegényei között óhajtotta szétosztani; egy bizonyos összeget pedig arra áldozott, hogy a háborúk során bebörtönzött muszlim fogjokat kiválthassanak, azzal a kitétellel, hogy először a női fogjokat kell kiváltani. Apja mauzóleumában helyezték örök nyugalomra az Aya Sofiyában.

Fatma Sultan

Fatma pontos születési ideje nem ismert, az azonban bizonyos, hogy Ayşénél fiatalabb volt, sőt talán Mehmednél is. 1570 és 1575 között születhetett legnagyobb valószínűség szerint. Nővéréhez hasonlóan a későbbi III. Murad és Safiye szultána gyermeke volt és első néhány évét apja maniszai tartományában töltötte, majd 1574-ben Isztambulba költözött, mikor apjából szultán lett. Életében komoly változásokat hozott anyja 1583-as száműzetése, ugyanis valószínűleg lánytestvéreivel együtt elkísérte anyját Safiyét a Régi Palotába. Hamarosan azonban vissza kerültek a szultán kegyeibe és hazatérhettek a Topkapi Palotába.

1593. december 8-án apja férjhez adta őt a tengernagy Halil Pasához hatalmas ünnepség keretei között. A házasság boldognak bizonyult, Fatma és Halil Pasa remekül összeillettek, Safiye szultánát is igyekeztek együtt támogatni annak intrikáiban. Boldog házasságukat és Safiye szultána támogatását jól bizonyítja, hogy 1595-ben a flotta feje, Halil Pasa nem utazott el a flottával együtt hadjáratra, ugyanis Fatma várandós volt és maga mellett akarta tudni férjét. Házasságukból egy gyermek született 1595 őszén, Sultanzade Mahmud bég, aki 1598-ban hunyt el, feltehetőleg járvány következtében. Halil Pasa 1603-ban elhunyt, Fatma pedig megözvegyült.

Egyes források szerint nemsokkal Halil Pasa halála után Cafer Pasához, egy vezírhez ment hozzá, mások azonban vitatják ezt. 1604-ben aztán unokaöccse, I. Ahmed házasította ki a szultánát Hızır Pasához. Fatma pontos halálozási ideje vitatott, ám valószínűleg 1620 elején halt meg. Apja mauzóleumában helyezték örök nyugalomra az Aya Sofiyában.

Hüma/Hümaşah Sultan

Hümaşah szultána is a későbbi III. Murad maniszai háremében született, emiatt következtetnek arra a történészek, hogy ő is Safiye lánya volt, így tehát Ayşe és Fatma édestestvére. Nevét minden bizonnyal Murad unokatestvére, Hümaşah után kapta, aki annak idején Safiye szultánát Muradnak ajándékozta. Ez a tény is arra enged következtetni, hogy Hümaşah Safiye lánya volt. Egyes források úgy vélték évekig, hogy Sokolluzade Lala Mustafa Pasa felesége lett még 1580 előtt, ez alapján őt gondolták későbbi III. Murad és Safiye első gyermekének. Azonban ma már bizonyos, hogy csupán Şehzade Mehmed (Hürrem fia) lányával Hümaşahval keverték össze, aki valóban Sokolluzade Lala Mustafa Pasa neje volt. Így bizonyos, hogy Hümaşah csak egyszer házasodott meg életében, Nişar Mustafazade Mehmed Pasával, ám ennek ideje nem ismert. Hümaşah azonban a pasa 1586-os halála után egyszer sem volt említve, nem szerepelt a hárem jegyzőkönyvekben sem, ami egyértelműen arra utal, hogy az 1580-as években elhunyt.

Fahriye Sultan

III. Murad 1583-tól kezdődően befejezte monogám kapcsolatát Safiye szultánával és több tucat ágyasnak is gyermeket nemzett. Egyik névtelen ágyas hozta világra Fahriye szultánát 1585 és 1590 között. Fahriye első házasságára csupán édesapja halála után került sor, nagybátyja - a vele nagyjából egykorú - I. Ahmed által, aki Çuhadar Ahmed Pasához adta nőül 1604-ben. Mások szerint a bosnyák Sofu Bayram Pasa vette el a szultánát. 1618-ban megözvegyült és a Régi Palotába vonult vissza. Sosem házasodott újra. A Régi Palota falai között élte le hátra lévő éveit, mielőtt 1641-ben (vagy utána) elhunyt.

Rukiye Sultan

III. Murad legtöbb új ágyasának neve nem maradt fenn, Rukiye anyjáé azonban igen. Şemsiruhsar Hatunnak hívták, aki élete során alapítványt hozott létre és 1613 körül hunyt el. Rukiye Murad utolsó éveiben születhetett, ugyanis első házasságára csupán 1613-ban került sor. Nakkaaş Haşan Pasát jelölte ki Ahmed szultán a szultána férjének, aki a janicsárok vezetője volt, majd később Rumélia helytartója és Kubbe vezír. Nem tudni, hogy született e gyermekük és a házasságukról sem maradt fenn információ. Rukiyét férje 1623-as halála után egyáltalán nem említik, így lehetséges, hogy már férje előtt elhunyt.

Mihrimah, Mihriban, Fetihye és Hatice

Mihrimah Sultan III. Murad és egy névtelen ágyas lányaként született 1585 és 1590 között. Unokaöccse, I. Ahmed házasította ki 1604-ben Mirahur Ahmed Pasához, ám semmi mást nem tudni róla.

Mihriban Sultanról annyit tudni, hogy Topal Mehmed Agához ment nőül és apja mauzóleumában helyezték örök nyugalomra.

Fetihye Sultan és Hatice Sultan is Murad lányai voltak, azonban semmi információ nem maradt fenn róluk.

Felhasznált források: L. Peirce - The imperial harem; M. P. Pedani - Safiye's household and Venetian diplomacy; G. Börekçi - Factions and favourites at the courts of Sultan Ahmed I (r. 1603-17) and his immediate predecessors; Necdet Sakaoğlu - Bu Mülkün Kadın Sultanları