#tv domination market domination politics domination you are fucking EVERYWHERE

[guzhufuren]

most americans are so fucking annoying. i hate your imperialist colonialist ass country deeply

[fashiontrendin-blog]

17 Style Lessons To Take From 2017

http://fashion-trendin.com/17-style-lessons-to-take-from-2017/

17 Style Lessons To Take From 2017

School’s not quite out for winter, but we’re counting down the days on the advent calendar. So it seemed like a good time to stop doing any real work and reflect on the year that’s about to end.

Here are 17 of the biggest style lessons that we learnt in 2017, from the best and worst looks to the menswear movements you need to know for the next 12 months.

Conor McGregor’s Wardrobe Is Brasher Than His Trash Talk

Never knowingly understated, Conor McGregor dropped napalm on the promotional fire ahead of his circus act with Floyd Mayweather by sporting a three-piece suit with a pinstripe that, on closer inspection, was in fact the repeated epithet “Fuck you”. (This wasn’t even the most offensive thing about the press tour.)

The Notorious’ tailor David August subsequently made the punchy fabric available by popular demand. Which begs the question of where exactly buyers are planning to wear it – the inevitable rematch?

Streetwear Is Violently Popular?

By no means an isolated example of people getting dropped over the latest drop, fights broke out at the VLONE pop-up in London this summer. A police presence at streetwear launches is now a thing and it comes to something when even Hypebeast is asking whether sneaker hype is too rabid. “Clout” indeed.

Stranger Things’ Dustin Is An Unlikely Style Icon

In November, fans of the eighties-tastic Netflix series crashed the Science Museum of Minnesota’s website in their enthusiasm to cop the perma-permed geek’s purple brontosaurus hoodie he sports in the opening episode of season two.

Meanwhile Nicolas Ghesquière, Louis Vuitton’s artistic director of womenswear collections, designed a Stranger Things T-shirt featuring Dustin and his fellow party members and sent it down his SS18 catwalk, while Topman’s eerily similar merchandise turned the high street upside down.

Trump Has Tape More Incriminating Than Nixon’s

The overwhelming impression that the Trump administration is only just being held together by sticky-back plastic was reinforced by the revelation that the most powerful man in the world uses Scotch tape to affix the slim end of his inexplicably long ties to the other. (Sad!)

It’s perhaps the most bewildering sartorial decision made in the White House, closely followed by Anthony Scaramucci’s blue aviators, Sean Spicer’s stars-and-stripes suit lining and Steve Bannon’s shirting Inception. Maybe make tie clips great again instead?

The Real ‘It’ Bag Is From Ikea

The Swedish homewear institution responded to Balenciaga’s $2,000 leather “homage” to its iconic blue carrier in style, with a tongue-in-cheek ad explaining “How to identify an original Ikea Frakta”.

Suspicion persists that the French house’s artistic director Demna Gvasalia – he of the infamous £185 DHL T-shirt – is in fact some kind of satirical performance artist.

Love Island Is A Badly Packed Sausage Fest

We’re talking about the cringe-inducing, DVT-preventing skinny legwear. Not what you’d call quad goals. But that was only one crime against fashion in this summer’s muscle-fit, brain-drain reality TV hit. The worst? Everyone dressing exactly the same as everyone else. Like, exactly. Not what you’d call squad goals, either.

A Sneaker Crossed With A Sock Is A… Snocker?

Thanks to technological advances like stretchy knitted uppers, futuristic-looking trainers with no laces or tongues are being lapped up, from Adidas’ urban ninja City Sock to Balenciaga’s Speed Trainer, which sells out faster than Supreme-branded hot cakes. Acne Studios’ Tristan is even striped like a classic business sock – but is still NSFW in most offices.

Blade Runner Is Very Now

We’re still some way off the Los Angeles imagined in the 2019-set original, but not that far, as Raf Simons’ spring/summer 2018 collection was a convincing replicant of the 1982 film in both rainwear and neon-lit Chinatown setting (albeit in New York).

And while the shearling worn by Ryan Gosling in Blade Runner 2049 was a custom one-off, his boots – by US military supplier Bates – can be bought on Amazon by voice command, if not quite yet delivered by robots.

Brands Are Getting #downwiththekids

Dolce & Gabbana sent a stream of millennial social media influencers down the catwalk instead of models at its show at Milan Fashion Week at the start of the year. Meanwhile, Shawn Mendes – AKA the next Justin Bieber – closed Emporio Armani’s SS18 show in Milan. Feel old yet?

Kurt Cobain’s Style Is Deathless

2017 was the year that nineties style really came back: sportswear, streetwear, massive logos, even bumbags. Our favourite throwback: grunge.

Shades of the late Nirvana frontman were everywhere in 2017, in particular his white oval (women’s) sunglasses. Both Pharrell and Migos’ aptly named Takeoff wore cover versions at this year’s Coachella.

Supreme Rules The Fashion World

The cult streetwear brand has gone from being sued by Louis Vuitton for knocking off its monogram in 2000 to collaborating with the luxury house in 2017, in the ultimate symbol of its peerless, priceless cred. After selling a minority stake to private equity behemoth the Carlyle Group, Supreme is now valued at (adopts Dr Evil voice and raises little finger to mouth) $1bn.

Can you be anti-establishment and establishment at the same time? And if you can slap a box logo on literally anything and make money, do you care?

Everybody’s Dressed Like They’re Going To A Board Meeting

Related to both of the above, the general slackening of dress codes and nostalgia for all things nineties, skateboarding has gone from niche subculture to overarching aesthetic.

Never mind that Tony Hawk chic was rooted in inexpensive workwear and military surplus: the eagle-eyed fashion industry has cannily appropriated the authenticity but not the affordability of the skatewear trend, marking up basic cotton T-shirts and hoodies and marketing them to wistful 40-year-olds with disposable income and 14-year-olds with predisposed parents.

Fashion Shows Are Out Of Fashion

In this age of Insta-gratification, the archaic catwalk system, in which designers parade wares that won’t actually hit stores for another six months, makes even less sense than it used to. As of January, so-hot-right-now Vetements became the latest brand to ditch the broken model, following Burberry and Tom Ford in showing clothes that, if you like, you can also buy right now.

More prosaically, changing the arbitrary fashion seasons should resolve some of the production idiosyncrasies that makes it maddeningly difficult to shop for a pair of shorts in the height of summer, or a warm coat in the depths of winter.

Gender Boundaries

Brands are also combining menswear and womenswear into the same show, and more fluidly still. Alexander McQueen SS18 men’s riffed on its Iceland-inspired women’s collection, while Thom Browne clad male models in shirt-dresses and pleated skirts. And you thought his trademark cropped trousers were pushing it.

On the high street, too, brands including H&M and Zara have offered gender neutral collections.

Dads Are In Fashion

Comfortably winning the bet between designers as to who can successfully rehabilitate the least cool thing possible, Gvasalia’s SS18 Balenciaga show was not only “inspired by young dads in the park with their kids” but also featured street-cast fathers and offspring. Their stonewashed jeans weren’t, however, encrusted with food and vomit.

Boring Gets Boring After A While

In fashion as in politics, the trend pendulum often swings from one extreme to the other. So the three-piece and pocket square peacockery of hashtag menswear’s early adopting days gave way to a pared-back period of minimalism.

Feeding our hunger for Instagram likes, the “trendulum” has now swung back to maximalism, as exemplified by Alessandre Michele’s seventies-vibed tenure at Gucci: think John Legend at the Billboard Music Awards in a double-breasted, checked suit with a tiger head on the back, or everything that Jared Leto wears.

Leopard print, embellishment, pastels… we’ll be diplomatic and just say that, as in politics, the middle ground is usually best.

Corduroy Is The Prince Of Wales

Of all the unlikely seventies styles enjoying a revival this year, it’s corduroy that we think has actual staying power. It was everywhere from Prada to Armani via Marni in 2017. There’s even a hip new label entirely dedicated to the formerly professorial fabric: The Cords & Co, AKA “the world’s first premium corduroy brand”.

Who knew that ribbing could be so pleasurable?

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[epitomy-of-venegance-blog]

Best Tv Shows All Time

'The Daily Show' 1996-Present

The fa-Ke information display that became mo-Re credible as opposed to news that is real. Comedy Central started The Everyday Show in 1996, but it hit its stride when Jon Stewart took over in 1999. The Everyday Present got more politically abrasive as the the headlines got worse. Stewart had the rage of a man who'd signed on in the conclusion of the Bill Clinton years, only to finish up with an America much more scary and more ugly for, as well as the anger showed. "It's a comic box lined with unhappiness," he informed Rolling Stone in 2006. While the franchise struggles on without him, Samantha Bee and Daily alumni John Oliver keep that hard-hitting spirit alive on their shows.

'The Office (U.K.)' 2001 03

Ricky Gervais created one of TV's most agonizing comic tyrants in David Brent – a bitter, awkward, pompous ball of vanities terrorizing his workers at a London paper company. He fidgets, fondles his tie, cracks awful jokes, plays guitar ("Free Love Freeway"!), invisible to anyone except the longsuffering office drones who need to put up with him. This mockumentary raised the cringe level of sitcoms everywhere, spawning the surprisingly fantastic U.S. version (also on this checklist) while paving the way for the glories of Parks & Re-Creation and Peepshow.

'Sesame Street' 1969-Present

No kiddie present has ever been as fiercely beloved as this urban utopian fantasy, emerge a brownstone neighborhood populated by a multi racial cast of smiling adults, a gigantic yellow chicken, a grouch in a garbage can, and z/n-loving vampires, plus many talking letters and figures. It's great songs, but most important, Sesame h-AS soul, which can be why the air h-AS stayed sweet for 40 years – or as the Count would say, 4-5! 46! 47 years!

'The Sopranos' 1999 2007

The crime saga that slice the the history of TV kicking off a golden age when abruptly something seemed possible. With all The Sopranos, David Chase smashed all the rules about just how much you could get away with on the little screen. And he created an immortal American antihero in James Gandolfini's Nj Mob boss, Tony Soprano over a crew of gangsters who double as damaged husbands and dads, men seeking to live using their murderous secrets and dark memories. As the late, great Gandolfini told Rolling Stone in 2001, "I noticed David Chase say one time that it is about people who lie to themselves, as we all do. Lying to ourselves on a daily basis as well as the mess it creates." What an inspiring mess it is. This particular poll was run away with by the Sopranos as the planet was altered by it. Chase showed how much story telling ambition tv could be brought to by you, and it didn't take long for everybody else to to go up to his problem. The breakthroughs of the next few years – The Wire, Mad Guys, Breaking Bad – could not have happened without The Sopranos kicking the door down. But Chase had a tough time convincing any community to take on a story of a guilt- while his mom plots to destroy him, gangster who goes to therapy. "We'd no idea this show would appeal to folks," he told Rolling Stone. "The show really unexpectedly made this type of splash that it screwed all of US up." The Sopranos stored heading having a wild mix of humor and blood shed for the long bomb over six masterful seasons on HBO. When FBI agents tell Uncle Junior which mobsters they want him to finger, he says using a shrug, "I want to fuck Angie Dickinson – let us see who gets lucky first." The Sopranos is full of damaged characters who linger on in the long term parking of our national imagination – Edie Falco's Carmela, Dominic Chianese's Junior, Michael Imperioli's Christopher, Tony Sirico's Paulie Walnuts. E Street Band guitarist Steve Van Zandt became Tony's lieutenant Silvio – Chase spotted him on early Bruce Springsteen album addresses. (As Chase told Rolling Stone, "There was something about the E Street Band that looked the same as a crew.") It might not have been possible without Gandolfini's slow-burning intensity – he was the only actor who could deliver Tony's angst to life. But the writing, directing and acting went locations Television had never attained before. The Sopranos arguably hit its imaginative peak with all the well-known Pine Barrens episode, where Christopher and Paulie Walnuts wander away in the woods, realizing the gangster they tried to whack is still out there-in the darkness. They shiver in the cold. ("It is the the fuckin' Yukon out there!") They wait. And worry. The Sopranos never solved this mystery – for all we know, the Russian is nonetheless atlarge, however another key these guys can't shake off. In the streets, family loyalties flip, both on The Sopranos and a-T home. Beloved characters can get whacked at any given moment. It stored that perception of risk alive proper up to the ultimate seconds. And not quite a decade after it faded to black in a Jersey diner together with the juke-box playing "Do Not Cease Believin'," The Sopranos stays the standard all ambitious TV aspires to meet.

'Friday Night Lights' 200611

"Obvious eyes, total hearts, cannot drop" is the golden-rule in a dusty Texas town where everybody else lives and dies for the large college football team. But Friday Night Lights isn't truly about football s O much as family, perform, class, the bitter flavor of dashed goals, with Kyle Chandler as Coach Taylor, Connie Britton as wife Tami and Taylor Kitsch as Tim Riggins – the most most notable of the many vulnerable kids who go through the Panthers' locker room. Riggins' tale becomes particularly moving after his grid iron glory fades and genuine existence beats him down.

'Star Trek' 196669

The Starship Business took off using a five-year mission: "To explore unusual new worlds, to to locate new life and new civilizations," and it succeeded in making the most beloved of sci fi franchises, maybe not just inspiring numerous spin-offs but also codifying fan fiction as a creative art form. Gene Roddenberry's original sequence stays the the inspiration, with William Shatner's awesomely pulpy Capt. Kirk, Leonard Nimoy's logical Mr. Spock, Bones, Sulu, Uhura and Scotty. They make contact with strange and inexplicable lifeforms – Romulans, Gorns, Joan Collins. During its three years, Star Trek suffered from low ratings till NBC pulled the plug, but thanks to the most doggedly faithful of Television cults (re-member when "Trekkie" was an insult?), Roddenberry's vision lives long and prospers to this day.

'Mad Men' 200715

The American desire and how exactly to sell it – aside from Don Draper as well as the hustlers of Sterling Cooper, selling is the American dream. Mad Men became a sensation as soon as it appeared, partly due to the glam surface – a New York advert agency in the JFK period, all sex and money and liquor and cigarettes – but mostly as it was an audaciously adult drama which wasn't about cops or robbers (or medical practioners or lawyers), staking out new story-telling territory. Jon Hamm's womanizing ad man, Don, is a genius a-T shaping other people's goals and fantasies, but he can not e-Scape his own loneliness – he's a con-man who stole the identification of a lifeless Korean War officer and constructed a new life out of lies. "A good marketing individual is like an artist, channeling the lifestyle," creator Matthew Weiner told Rolling Stone. "They're supporting a mirror saying, 'This is the way you desire you were. That is the thing you're scared of.'" A room can be reduced by Don to tears although the content family memories he is attempting to sell are a fraud. There was nothing on TV as seductive as Mad Men before – and years later, there still isn't.

'Deadwood' 200406

Al Swearengen's moral philosophy: "you-can't cut the throat of every cock-sucker whose character it would improve." Spoken just like a Founding Father that is true. He is the villain of David Milch's epic Western set in the mud and slime of an 1870s South Dakota gold-mining c AMP. In the middle of it all (i.e., the saloon), Ian McShane's Al glowers, pours drinks, counts money and slices jugulars, in a frontier hell-hole total of prospectors, whores, drunks and dropped freaks looking for one last fatal battle to get in to (and often discovering it a T Al's place). It was like McCabe & Mrs. Miller with mo Re depressing sex scenes. The first two seasons are solid gold, the third, flimsier, but Deadwood is about how communities get built – and every one of the dirty work that requires.

Third Watch TV Show

'Cheers' 1982 93

You require a spot where everyone knows your title – even if it's just a dive bar in Boston full of regulars with no place else to go. Cheers started with a focus on the mismatched romantic banter between Ted Danson's washedup Red-Sox pitcher Sam and Shelley Long's up-tight book-worm Diane. ("Over my dead body!" "Hey, don't b-ring last evening in to this.") By attracting new blood like Kelsey Grammar, Kirstie Alley and Woody Harrelson, but it regularly renewed it self. Cheers was to the purpose where you could tune in to see which regulars would hang tonight.

[duanecbrooks]

The Media Bubble Is Worse Than You Think We crunched the data on where journalists work and how fast it’s changing. The results should worry you. By JACK SHAFER and TUCKER DOHERTY May/June 2017 How did big media miss the Donald Trump swell? News organizations old and new, large and small, print and online, broadcast and cable assigned phalanxes of reporters armed with the most sophisticated polling data and analysis to cover the presidential campaign. The overwhelming assumption was that the race was Hillary Clinton’s for the taking, and the real question wasn’t how sweeping her November victory would be, but how far out to sea her wave would send political parvenu Trump. Today, it’s Trump who occupies the White House and Clinton who’s drifting out to sea—an outcome that arrived not just as an embarrassment for the press but as an indictment. In some profound way, the election made clear, the national media just doesn’t get the nation it purportedly covers. What went so wrong? What’s still wrong? To some conservatives, Trump’s surprise win on November 8 simply bore out what they had suspected, that the Democrat-infested press was knowingly in the tank for Clinton all along. The media, in this view, was guilty not just of confirmation bias but of complicity. But the knowing-bias charge never added up: No news organization ignored the Clinton emails story, and everybody feasted on the damaging John Podesta email cache that WikiLeaks served up buffet-style. Practically speaking, you’re not pushing Clinton to victory if you’re pantsing her and her party to voters almost daily. The answer to the press’ myopia lies elsewhere, and nobody has produced a better argument for how the national media missed the Trump story than FiveThirtyEight’s Nate Silver, who pointed out that the ideological clustering in top newsrooms led to groupthink. “As of 2013, only 7 percent of [journalists] identified as Republicans,” Silver wrote in March, chiding the press for its political homogeneity. Just after the election, presidential strategist Steve Bannon savaged the press on the same point but with a heartier vocabulary. “The media bubble is the ultimate symbol of what’s wrong with this country,” Bannon said. “It’s just a circle of people talking to themselves who have no fucking idea what’s going on.” The map at the top of this piece shows how concentrated media jobs have become in the nation’s most Democratic-leaning counties. Counties that voted for Donald Trump in 2016 are in red, and Hillary Clinton counties are in blue, with darker colors signifying higher vote margins. The bubbles represent the 150 counties with the most newspaper and internet publishing jobs. Not only do most of the bubbles fall in blue counties, chiefly on the coasts, but an outright majority of the jobs are in the deepest-blue counties, where Clinton won by 30 points or more. But journalistic groupthink is a symptom, not a cause. And when it comes to the cause, there’s another, blunter way to think about the question than screaming “bias” and “conspiracy,” or counting D’s and R’s. That’s to ask a simple question about the map. Where do journalists work, and how much has that changed in recent years? To determine this, my colleague Tucker Doherty excavated labor statistics and cross-referenced them against voting patterns and Census data to figure out just what the American media landscape looks like, and how much it has changed. The results read like a revelation. The national media really does work in a bubble, something that wasn’t true as recently as 2008. And the bubble is growing more extreme. Concentrated heavily along the coasts, the bubble is both geographic and political. If you’re a working journalist, odds aren’t just that you work in a pro-Clinton county—odds are that you reside in one of the nation’s most pro-Clinton counties. And you’ve got company: If you’re a typical reader of Politico, chances are you’re a citizen of bubbleville, too. The “media bubble” trope might feel overused by critics of journalism who want to sneer at reporters who live in Brooklyn or California and don’t get the “real America” of southern Ohio or rural Kansas. But these numbers suggest it’s no exaggeration: Not only is the bubble real, but it’s more extreme than you might realize. And it’s driven by deep industry trends. The national media really does work in a bubble, something that wasn’t true as recently as 2008. And the bubble is growing more extreme. Parts of the media have always had their own bubbles. The national magazine industry has been concentrated in New York for generations, and the copy produced reflects an Eastern sensibility. Radio and TV networks based in New York and Los Angeles likewise have shared that dominant sensibility. But they were more than balanced out by the number of newspaper jobs in big cities, midsized cities and smaller towns throughout the country, spreading journalists everywhere. No longer. The newspaper industry has jettisoned hundreds of thousands of jobs, due to falling advertising revenues. Dailies have shrunk sections, pages and features; some have retreated from daily publication; hundreds have closed. Daily and weekly newspaper publishers employed about 455,000 reporters, clerks, salespeople, designers and the like in 1990, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. By January 2017, that workforce had more than halved to 173,900. Those losses were felt in almost every region of the country. As newspapers have dwindled, internet publishers have added employees at a bracing clip. According to BLS data, a startling boom in “internet publishing and broadcasting” jobs has taken place. Since January 2008, internet publishing has grown from 77,900 jobs to 206,700 in January 2017. In late 2015, during Barack Obama’s second term, these two trend lines—jobs in newspapers, and jobs in internet publishing—finally crossed. For the first time, the number of workers in internet publishing exceeded the number of their newspaper brethren. Internet publishers are now adding workers at nearly twice the rate newspaper publishers are losing them. This isn’t just a shift in medium. It’s also a shift in sociopolitics, and a radical one. Where newspaper jobs are spread nationwide, internet jobs are not: Today, 73 percent of all internet publishing jobs are concentrated in either the Boston-New York-Washington-Richmond corridor or the West Coast crescent that runs from Seattle to San Diego and on to Phoenix. The Chicagoland area, a traditional media center, captures 5 percent of the jobs, with a paltry 22 percent going to the rest of the country. And almost all the real growth of internet publishing is happening outside the heartland, in just a few urban counties, all places that voted for Clinton. So when your conservative friends use “media” as a synonym for “coastal” and “liberal,” they’re not far off the mark. What caused the majority of national media jobs to concentrate on the coasts? An alignment of the stars? A flocking of like-minded humans? The answer is far more structural, and far more difficult to alter: It was economics that done the deed. *** The magic of the internet was going to shake up the old certainties of the job market, prevent the coagulation of jobs in the big metro areas, or so the Web utopians promised us in the mid-1990s. The technology would free internet employees to work from wherever they could find a broadband connection. That remains true in theory, with thousands of Web developers, writers and producers working remotely from lesser metropolises. But economists know something the internet evangelists have ignored: All else being equal, specialized industries like to cluster. Car companies didn’t arise in remote regions that needed cars—they arose in Detroit, which already had heavy industry, was near natural resources, boasted a skilled workforce and was home to a network of suppliers that could help car companies thrive. As industries grow, they bud and create spinoffs, the best example being the way Silicon Valley blossomed from just a handful of pioneering electronics firms in the 1960s. Seattle’s rise as a tech powerhouse was seeded by Microsoft, which moved to the area in 1979 and helped create the ecosystem that gave rise to companies like Amazon. As Enrico Moretti, a University of California, Berkeley, economist who has studied the geography of job creation, points out, the tech entrepreneurs who drive internet publishing could locate their companies in low-rent, low-cost-of-living places like Cleveland, but they don’t. They need the most talented workers, who tend to move to the clusters, where demand drives wages higher. And it’s the clusters that host all the subsidiary industries a tech start-up craves—lawyers specializing in intellectual property and incorporation; hardware and software vendors; angel investors; and so on. The old newspaper business model almost prevented this kind of clustering. Except for the national broadsheets—the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, USA Today and increasingly the Washington Post—newspapers must locate, cheek by jowl, next to their customers, the people who consume local news, and whom local advertisers need to reach. The Sioux Falls Argus Leader is stuck in South Dakota just as the owners of hydroelectric plants in the Rockies are stuck where they are. As much as they might want to move their dams to coastal markets where they could charge more for electricity, fate has fixed them geographically. Economists call these “non-tradable goods”—goods that must be consumed in the same community in which they’re made. The business of a newspaper can’t really be separated from the place where it’s published. It is, or was, driven by ads for things that don’t travel, like real estate, jobs, home decor and cars. And as that advertising has gotten harder and harder to come by, local newsrooms have become thinner and thinner. The online media, liberated from printing presses and local ad bases, has been free to form clusters, piggyback-style, on the industries and government that it covers. New York is home to most business coverage because of the size of the business and banking community there. Likewise, national political reporting has concentrated in Washington and grown apace with the federal government. Entertainment and cultural reporting has bunched in New York and Los Angeles, where those businesses are strong. The result? If you look at the maps on the next page, you don’t need to be a Republican campaign strategist to grasp just how far the “media bubble” has drifted from the average American experience. Newspaper jobs are far more evenly scattered across the country, including the deep red parts. But as those vanish, it’s internet jobs that are driving whatever growth there is in media—and those fall almost entirely in places that are dense, blue and right in the bubble. *** As the votes streamed in on election night, evidence that the country had further cleaved into two Americas became palpable. With few exceptions, Clinton ran the table in urban America, while Trump ran it in the ruralities. And as you might suspect, Clinton dominated where internet publishing jobs abound. Nearly 90 percent of all internet publishing employees work in a county where Clinton won, and 75 percent of them work in a county that she won by more than 30 percentage points. When you add in the shrinking number of newspaper jobs, 72 percent of all internet publishing or newspaper employees work in a county that Clinton won. By this measure, of course, Clinton was the national media’s candidate. Resist—if you can—the conservative reflex to absorb this data and conclude that the media deliberately twists the news in favor of Democrats. Instead, take it the way a social scientist would take it: The people who report, edit, produce and publish news can’t help being affected—deeply affected—by the environment around them. Former New York Times public editor Daniel Okrent got at this when he analyzed the decidedly liberal bent of his newspaper’s staff in a 2004 column that rewards rereading today. The “heart, mind, and habits” of the Times, he wrote, cannot be divorced from the ethos of the cosmopolitan city where it is produced. On such subjects as abortion, gay rights, gun control and environmental regulation, the Times’ news reporting is a pretty good reflection of its region’s dominant predisposition. And yes, a Times-ian ethos flourishes in all of internet publishing’s major cities—Los Angeles, New York, Boston, Seattle, San Francisco and Washington. The Times thinks of itself as a centrist national newspaper, but it’s more accurate to say its politics are perfectly centered on the slices of America that look and think the most like Manhattan. Something akin to the Times ethos thrives in most major national newsrooms found on the Clinton coasts—CNN, CBS, the Washington Post, BuzzFeed, Politico and the rest. Their reporters, an admirable lot, can parachute into Appalachia or the rural Midwest on a monthly basis and still not shake their provincial sensibilities: Reporters tote their bubbles with them. In a sense, the media bubble reflects an established truth about America: The places with money get served better than the places without. People in big media cities aren’t just more liberal, they’re also richer: Half of all newspaper and internet publishing employees work in counties where the median household income is greater than $61,000—$7,000 more than the national median. Commercial media tend to cluster where most of the GDP is created, and that’s the coasts. Perhaps this is what Bannon is hollering about when he denounces the “corporatist, global media,” as he did in February at the Conservative Political Action Conference. If current trends continue—and it’s safe to predict they will—national media will continue to expand and concentrate on the coasts, while local and regional media contract. Can media myopia be cured? Unlike other industries, the national media has a directive beyond just staying in business: Many newsrooms really do feel a commitment to reflecting America fairly. Sometimes, correcting for liberal bias can be smart business as well. For instance, by rightly guessing that there was a big national broadcast audience that didn’t see their worldviews represented in the mainstream networks, the Fox News Channel came to dominate cable TV ratings. Adopting Fox’s anti-mainstream media message to his political needs, Trump ended up running on a Foxesque platform, making a vote for him into a vote against the elite media—his trash talk was always directed at the national press, not the local. Similarly, Breitbart has seen huge success sticking it to liberals, implicitly taking the side of the “real America” against the coastal bubbles. Breitbart now attracts more than 15 million visitors a month, according to comScore, which isn’t far behind more established outlets like the Hill’s 24 million and Politico’s 25 million. Everyone acknowledges that Trump’s election really was a bad miss, and if the media doesn’t figure it out, it will miss the next one, too. But is this really America, either? It’s worth mentioning that Fox and Breitbart—and indeed most of the big conservative media players—also happen to be located in the same bubble. Like the “MSM” they rail against, they’re a product of New York, Washington and Los Angeles. It’s an argument against the bubble, being waged almost entirely by people who work inside it. Is America trapped? Certainly, the media seems to be. It’s hard to imagine an industry willingly accommodating the places with less money, fewer people and less expertise, especially if they sense that niche has already been filled to capacity by Fox. Yet everyone acknowledges that Trump’s election really was a bad miss, and if the media doesn’t figure it out, it will miss the next one, too. Journalism tends toward the autobiographical unless reporters and editors make a determined effort to separate themselves from the frame of their own experiences. The best medicine for journalistic myopia isn’t reeducation camps or a splurge of diversity hiring, though tiny doses of those two remedies wouldn’t hurt. Journalists respond to their failings best when their vanity is punctured with proof that they blew a story that was right in front of them. If the burning humiliation of missing the biggest political story in a generation won’t change newsrooms, nothing will. More than anything, journalists hate getting beat.