#top law firms Ohio

[hellochildrenoftheatom]

Queer Jews Project Day 30 - Roberta Kaplan

Roberta Kaplan was born and raised in Ohio. In college, she spent a summer abroad in Moscow and discovered her passion for activism by helping Soviet Jews. After graduating from Harvard Law School, she rose through the ranks at top law firm Paul Weiss – making partner in seven years.

Roberta’s had a long and prestigious career, but I’m going to highlight two cases of hers. First of all, she represented Edie Windsor and took down the Defense of Marriage Act. And more recently, Roberta represented E. Jean Caroll in her defamation lawsuit against Donald Trump. She won, forcing Trump to pay E. Jean Carroll $88 million in damages.

Learn more about Roberta Kaplan here.

Queer Jews Project

[keep-both-eyes-on-trump]

Trump Watch #2

Trump has made more appointments. Here they are: 

He has picked Mike Waltz as national security advisor.

Waltz is a retired Army National Guard officer, Green Beret, three-term GOP congressman, and longtime ally of Trump.

He has praised Trump’s push for NATO allies to spend more on defense but has not suggested the US leave the alliance.

He is the leading critic of China in Congress and has supported legislation to reduce US reliance on China and safeguard against Chinese espionage.

He’s also in support of a “culture change” in how the US approaches the defense establishment and purchases things within the Pentagon. Specifically, he has mentioned new technologies from Silicon Valley that could help with defense and security but haven’t been able to break through the bureaucracy to be considered.  

He has appointed Mike Huckabee as US ambassador to Israel

Huckabee is a former Arkansas governor, ordained Baptist minister, and a Fox News show host from 2008 to 2015. He also ran for president in 2016. 

He is a strong supporter of Israel and once stated, “There’s no such thing as a Palestinian.” 

He has nominated Pete Hegseth for secretary of defense.

Hegseth served in the US Army with tours in Guantanamo Bay, Iraq, and Afghanistan and was also a Fox News host.

He is opposed to programs that promote equity and inclusion in the military, has said women shouldn’t serve in combat, and suggested pardoning service members charged with war crimes.  

He has picked John Ratcliffe for CIA director. 

Ratcliffe served as director of national Intelligence during Trump’s first presidency. 

As director of national intelligence he was accused of declassifying intelligence for use by Trump and Republican allies to attack political opponents.

Ratcliffe is the “China hawk,” calling China the top threat to US interests and the rest of the free world.  

He has picked Steve Witkoff to be his special envoy to the Middle East. 

Witkoff is a real estate investor, landlord, and founder of Witkoff Group. 

He has also been appointed as co-chair of Trump’s inauguration.

Special envoys are not standard diplomats and typically focus on specific issues in a time limited manner. It is unclear what Witkoff’s role will be. 

He announced Kristi Noem would head the homeland security department. 

Noem is the governor of South Dakota. 

She resisted most government regulations to slow the spread of infections during the COVID-19 pandemic.

She is the governor criticized for killing her dog after it killed some chickens.

She has been a key supporter of Trump’s immigration and deportation policies and has strained relations with both the Oglala Sioux tribe and Cheyenne River Sioux tribe.  

He has chosen Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy to head the new Department of Government Efficiency to “slash excess regulations, cut wasteful expenditures, and restructure Federal agencies.” 

Ramaswamy is an American entrepreneur and vocal supporter of Trump. This appointment means he is dropping his candidacy for the Ohio Senate seat left vacant by JD Vance. 

He has called for mass layoffs of federal workers and the elimination of multiple federal departments including the Department of education. 

Musk is the Tesla and SpaceX CEO who has taken in billions from federal contracts. 

He asked voters to brace for economic “hardship” and deep spending cuts. 

He has appointed William McGinley as White House Counsel. 

McGinley was a partner at two international law firms and served in the first administration for Trump as the White House Cabinet secretary. 

He has a long history of working with political figures regarding ethics and campaign compliance. 

He has appointed Lee Zeldin for the EPA

Zeldin is a former New York congressman

He said this of his appointment, “We will restore US energy dominance, revitalize our auto industry to bring back American jobs, and make the US the global leader of AI. We will do so while protecting access to clean air and water.”

He has opposed some climate-related legislation while serving in congress according to the League of Conservation Voters.  

He has appointed Stephen Miller as White House deputy chief of staff for policy and homeland security advisor. 

Dan Scavino, James Blair, and Taylor Budowich have also been announced as deputy chiefs of staff. 

Miller is one of Trump’s longest serving and most trusted advisors working with Trump on his 2016 presidential campaign and joining him as senior advisor at the White House.

He helped draft many of Trump’s speeches and plans on immigration.   

He is expected to pick Marco Rubio as Secretary of State

Rubio is a Republican Florida senator and the son of Cuban immigrants. If picked he will be the first Latino US secretary of state.

He voted against the $61 billion military aid package for Ukraine and favors negotiation and an end to the war rather than further support to Ukraine to remove Russian forces for its territory.

More to come regarding Trump's announcement of dismantling the Department of Education and establishment of the Department of Government Efficiency.

The Watcher

[mariacallous]

In June, as the sun set on Dublin, Ohio, a well-to-do suburb of Columbus, several dozen people dressed in golf shirts and floral shifts filed into a small auditorium to listen to a talk by a new neighbor. Vivek Ramaswamy, a thirty-seven-year-old entrepreneur, had settled in the area with his wife and toddler son after making a large fortune as the founder of a biotech company. Now, thanks to dozens of appearances on Fox News to criticize “cultural totalitarianism” enforced by liberal élites, he was closing in on fame as a conservative pundit. In the past year, he had cast aspersions on Black Lives Matter and “the death of merit”; mask mandates and U.S.-border protection; public-school curricula and the actor Jussie Smollett. All the flame-throwing had established him, in the words of one anchor, as the network’s “woke and cancel-culture guru.”

Ramaswamy has perfect-looking teeth, a high forehead, and a thick shock of hair that rises into a swirl at his crown. Out on the sidewalk, he’d hastily replaced his flip-flops with sneakers, in a nod to formality. At the front of the auditorium, perched on a stool, he spoke into his microphone with a showman’s brio, as if addressing a far larger crowd. He enjoyed forums like this, “where there’s no agenda, there’s no objective, other than to create spaces for open conversation, for people to be free to say, and feel free to say, the kinds of things that they might have wanted to say behind closed doors,” he said, smiling brightly. The true test of the strength of a democracy was not, he argued, how many people voted. It was “the percentage of people who feel free to say what they actually think, in public.”

One of the opinions he wished to air to those assembled was that “woke-ism”—a belief system that Ramaswamy sees as an insidious secular creed—has overtaken religious faith, patriotism, and the work ethic as a key American value. Corporate virtue-signalling and hypocrisy are everywhere, he told the audience. “Let’s muse about the racially disparate impact of climate change as you fly on a private jet to Davos,” he said, to laughter from the nearly all-white crowd. C.E.O.s were recruiting “token” people of color for their boards in the name of diversity while refusing to seek out diverse points of view. The Walt Disney Company was self-righteously protesting Florida’s “Don’t Say Gay” law after cutting deals with the repressive Chinese government to film footage for “Mulan” in Xinjiang.

To Ramaswamy, such corporate do-gooderism—and especially environmental, social, and governance investing, known as E.S.G.—is a smoke screen designed to distract from the less virtuous things that companies do to make money. Amazon donates to organizations that aid Black communities while firing workers trying to unionize. Nike produces advertisements with the civil-rights activist and former N.F.L. quarterback Colin Kaepernick while exploiting workers in Asia. Many such companies, he intimated to the audience, were building tacit alliances with the Democratic élite.

That corporations are given to hypocrisy is hardly a novel observation. But Ramaswamy’s twist on the familiar critique, which he laid out last year in a book entitled “Woke, Inc.: Inside Corporate America’s Social Justice Scam,” is to place E.S.G. investing at asset-management firms like BlackRock, Vanguard, and State Street at the center of what ails American life. He calls this kind of socially conscious investing—not political corruption or dark money, not election denialism, not disinformation—the gravest danger that American democracy faces today. E.S.G., he told his audience, lets the private sector “do through the back door what our government couldn’t directly get done through the front door.”

The three top asset-management firms collectively hold more than twenty trillion dollars in retirement funds and other capital, about the same as the national gross domestic product. And the stocks that the firms control give them extraordinary influence over almost every public company in the world. “It’s not a right-leaning issue, it’s not a left-leaning issue,” he said. Private-sector attempts to address climate change are not only laughably insincere, he argued; they’re encroaching on work that should be done by the government—and only if the citizens agree.

Ramaswamy’s crusade against E.S.G. is based on a pair of seemingly contradictory ideas: that attempts by companies to address societal problems are cynical and ineffective, and that those attempts also pose an existential threat to the democratic process. But such inconsistencies are often obscured by Ramaswamy’s frictionless oratorical style—a brisk patter, peppered with references to Hobbes and Hayek, that wends toward well-modulated moments of outrage. In Dublin, his words had gray and blond heads bobbing in agreement.

Ramaswamy’s mother worked as a geriatric psychiatrist; his father was an engineer and a patent lawyer at General Electric. They came to the U.S. from South India before Vivek was born, in 1985. Growing up in the Cincinnati area, Vivek established himself as an overachiever: an accomplished pianist, a nationally ranked tennis player, and the valedictorian of his Jesuit high school. He graduated from Harvard College and Yale Law School, worked at a hedge fund, then started a pharmaceutical company, Roivant Sciences, where he made hundreds of millions of dollars. That a chunk of this wealth derived from a failed effort to bring an Alzheimer’s drug to market is something he doesn’t dwell on in speeches.

After Ramaswamy emerged from that failure, his cutting one-liners, which he deployed in “Woke, Inc.” and on Twitter, attracted notice at Fox News, and last year he left his pharmaceutical venture behind. His mother, Geetha, had never heard of Tucker Carlson or watched Fox News before her son started showing up on the network. “I wish he could be on other channels as well,” she told me. But, to her chagrin (and to his, though he’s slower to admit it), other networks weren’t biting.

In recent years, Ramaswamy has contemplated a move into politics—something he discussed with a friend from law school, J. D. Vance, a venture capitalist who was just elected to the U.S. Senate in Ohio. But if the event in Dublin, organized by a marketing executive, felt vaguely like a campaign stop, Ramaswamy was there to promote more than policy ideas. Although he’d begun his talk by saying “there’s no agenda,” it eventually turned into a sales pitch for an investment company he’d just started. The company, Strive Asset Management, had the financial backing of the billionaire Peter Thiel, Vance’s V.C. firm, and other investors, and intended to compete with BlackRock and its peers. Although Ramaswamy was still hiring and searching for office space, he told the audience that Strive would soon offer investment funds, at fees competitive with BlackRock’s, that wouldn’t ask the companies it invested in to “push political agendas.” It would ask them only to deliver quality products and services and to make money for shareholders.

As the talk concluded, anti-woke investing didn’t appear to be foremost on attendees’ minds. Two women descended on Ramaswamy with smiles as broad as his own. They’d founded their own K-12 school after criticizing what was being taught at their children’s private school. They planned to center virtue and patriotism in their new curriculum. Would Ramaswamy like to meet with them to discuss it further? (He would.) Two more women approached: would he attend their “Freedom Rally”? (He was supportive but noncommittal.) A man with a thick and bristly mustache pulled in close, stared him in the eyes, and asked, “When’s the last time you read ‘The Art of War’?” (“Uh, high school?”) Ramaswamy turned away to relieve his wife, Apoorva, a doctor who was eight and a half months pregnant, of their restless two-year-old son. By the time he turned back, a woman in a bright-red top was confiding that she, too, was concerned about the local schools. As Ramaswamy’s son dipped his hand in a cup of water and appeared ready to burst into tears, the woman said, “We’ve worked so hard to get rid of the gender-identity stuff. Now we want to . . .”

A shadow flickered across Ramaswamy’s face. “Don’t talk about that so much,” he told her while also signalling to his wife and a body man who was travelling with him that it was time to move on. “Talk about what you want to replace it with instead—civic education, American history, patriotism.”

The term “woke,” which dates back nearly a century, was initially used in Black communities to describe a raising of consciousness and has since become a catchall denoting awareness of a range of social-justice issues. In recent years, “wokeness” has also become, in conservative circles, a subject of suspicion and ridicule: shorthand for performative righteousness, like “political correctness” before it. Opposition to woke principles has become a business opportunity, too. A former Green Beret has found success with a “patriotic” coffee brand, Black Rifle, based in Salt Lake City. The conservative commentator Sara Gonzales founded American Beauty, a cosmetics company “for women who love America.” (Lipstick shades include Freedom Fighter and Triggered.) Vanessa Santos, who runs a right-leaning public-relations firm called Red Renegade PR, told me that the market for anti-woke goods is niche but ardent. “People want to buy something that’s patriotic,” Santos told me, and “they want to know the kind of person who’s behind the product.”

Ramaswamy’s Strive isn’t even the only “anti-woke” asset-management firm to launch in the past few years. In 2020, the money managers William Flaig and Tom Carter started the American Conservative Values E.T.F., a fund that boycotts companies deemed to be supporting a liberal agenda. 2ndVote Funds, which offers two products and emphasizes conservative and faith-based values, appeared the same year. Last month, Strive surpassed both outfits in size, announcing that it had more than five hundred million dollars in investment assets after its first three months.

What Strive sells are E.T.F.s—exchange-traded funds, which consist of a basket of stocks or bonds, similar to a mutual fund. The first E.T.F. that the firm introduced invests in energy companies. It was soon followed by an E.T.F. that focusses on the semiconductor industry. Strive also began a publicity campaign targeting seven companies—Amazon, Apple, Chevron, Citigroup, Disney, ExxonMobil, and Home Depot—that Ramaswamy claims would be more profitable if they abandoned their E.S.G. goals.

The creation of firms like Ramaswamy’s represents a countermovement to a phenomenon that itself was a countermovement. E.S.G. investing arose in part as a response to the concept of shareholder primacy, which Milton Friedman famously articulated in a 1970 essay in the Times. Corporations should not be concerned with the public interest, such as reducing discrimination and pollution, he argued. Managers’ only duty was to maximize the profits of shareholders, the company’s true owners—an idea that, for obvious reasons, was instantly appealing to many investors.

The opposing argument, which came to be known as stakeholder capitalism, contended that when companies made decisions they had a responsibility—financial as well as ethical—to everyone affected by their dealings. As such, they might weigh factors other than profit, such as environmental impacts and the well-being of workers and communities. The term “E.S.G.” was first formally proposed in a 2004 U. N. Global Compact report. Specific ways of measuring a company’s E.S.G. performance have since been refined into a scoring system. Pension-fund managers, for example, might use the scores to evaluate long-term risks such as climate change and demographic shifts, to avoid squandering the money of workers who would depend on their retirement funds in the future. Some companies game their E.S.G. scores and exaggerate their “responsible” choices as a cynical marketing strategy. But even companies that take the goals seriously aren’t motivated primarily by virtue. Rebecca Henderson, a Harvard Business School professor who consults with companies on sustainability, said, “I promise you, these companies want to make money.” But, she added, executives are also eager to stay viable in a future in which carbon might be taxed and more employees and consumers will avoid companies that pollute heedlessly or mistreat their workers.

Larry Fink, BlackRock’s C.E.O. and a proponent of E.S.G. investing, is a favorite target of Ramaswamy. As a shepherd of around eight trillion dollars in investor money, Fink has urged companies to adopt plans to become carbon neutral and ultimately transition to a post-carbon economy. Ramaswamy contends, without citing specific evidence, that Fink is collaborating with political élites on such matters: promoting environmental policies that they have failed to push through Congress. He has attacked Fink’s supposed liberal agenda so assiduously that a newcomer to U.S. politics might, after imbibing conservative media, mistake the BlackRock C.E.O.—one of the most powerful men on Wall Street—for a darling of the American left.

BlackRock’s business is more complicated than Ramaswamy suggests. For instance, not all of its funds are E.S.G.-based. (A company spokesperson notes that less than six per cent of its assets under management are in “dedicated sustainable investing strategies.”) Last year, BlackRock announced that it would allow investors in some of its funds to participate in company shareholder votes on matters such as executive compensation and climate policies, rather than BlackRock voting on their behalf.

Some skeptics of Ramaswamy speculate that, for all his insinuations about Fink’s alliances, he’s part of a well-established campaign that is guided by right-wing mega-donors and is intent on sabotaging climate-change measures. Ramaswamy dismisses such notions; he’s down, he says, with the “grassroots” people—conservative patriots who are fuelling anti-E.S.G. backlash that has reached Republican-controlled legislatures from Texas to West Virginia. In October, Louisiana announced that it would withdraw nearly eight hundred million dollars from BlackRock. Similarly, Florida later declared that it would divest two billion dollars from the company.

Bill Ackman, the founder of Pershing Square Capital, a fifteen-billion-dollar hedge fund, was, behind Thiel and his affiliates, the second-biggest seed investor in Strive. Still, he told me, he disagrees with much of what Ramaswamy says: “My experience, at least with the companies we know, is that being thoughtful with everything from packaging to environmental considerations is generally something that’s good for business. If Exxon were smarter, they probably should have made some earlier-stage investments. They should have put up capital in the first round of Tesla.” Nonetheless, Ackman appreciates Ramaswamy’s emphasis on what he thinks is an unhealthy concentration of capital in the asset-management industry. “A world in which three fund managers are controlling corporate America is not a world that’s good for America,” Ackman said. Because BlackRock and its competitors make most of their money through fees, he said, and don’t own the stock they control on behalf of their investors, they have little at stake in the outcome of policies that they’re promoting.

Tariq Fancy, who until 2019 worked as BlackRock’s global chief investment officer for sustainable investing, has doubts about both Ramaswamy and E.S.G. He has concluded that sustainable investing, at least as BlackRock was practicing it, is counterproductive. E.S.G. creates an illusion of progress that allows people to avoid harder, more meaningful ways of addressing climate change and other problems. He said that most E.S.G. investing (which he differentiated from corporations trying to make themselves “greener”) takes the form of divestment—choosing not to put money in, say, fossil-fuel companies. Such discrete redirections of resources, he suggests, are unlikely to build into movements powerful enough to provoke broad policy change. “Look at the Middle East,” Fancy said. “They’d talk about not having investments in alcohol, but they never thought that it would stop people in France from drinking wine.” He also noted that Ramaswamy and other conservatives say that the government, not people like Larry Fink, should address climate change, but fail to acknowledge that the political and regulatory process has been distorted by corporate interests. “If they were serious, they would follow the argument to its natural conclusion,” he said. “You would want to get money out of politics. ” The more likely reality, Fancy believes, is that the Ramaswamys and Thiels of the world would prefer to see little to no government action on climate change, labor practices, diversity in boardrooms, or other issues.

When I asked Ramaswamy why he ignores how money in politics compromises the regulatory and legislative process, the issue seemed to bore him. People had been fretting about getting money out of politics for years, he said. His Larry-Fink-as-left-wing-bogeyman theory, by contrast, felt fresh.

But didn’t the enormous concentration of wealth in the hands of a few pose a serious threat to democracy? Not necessarily, he replied. “You can buy your yachts, you can buy your houses, you can buy your nice cars, but you shouldn’t be able to buy a greater share of voice as a citizen,” he said. The ultra-wealthy did buy more of a voice, I pointed out, by influencing the political process at every level, from choosing the President and hiring lobbyists who write legislation to pouring money into school-board elections. He picked up his phone, as if to seek out a more interesting conversation. “I just don’t think that’s the biggest problem.”

Shortly after Ramaswamy was born, his family commissioned his horoscope, which predicted that he was destined for greatness. He would later say that his family bestowed on him, their firstborn, a sense of “deep-seated superiority” and an expectation that he would outperform the “average mediocre Joes” with whom he went to school. Geetha told me that she and her husband, known as V. G., believed that Vivek and his younger brother, Shankar, as children of immigrants, would have to work harder to succeed than the children of American-born parents. “There are a lot of things we didn’t know, being from India,” she said.

In eighth grade, at a large and economically diverse public school, Vivek was “roughed up” and pushed down the stairs by a Black student. An injured hip required surgery, and his parents decided to enroll him in a private preparatory school. When I first asked Ramaswamy if that incident influenced his views on race, he seemed not to have thought much about it. But some days afterward he wondered aloud if the experience had precipitated his doubt that members of one underrepresented group had a unique claim on being discriminated against: “All human beings can be on both the giving and receiving end of that.”

A strain of animus toward Black Americans runs through much of Ramaswamy’s public commentary. After a foundation that has been linked to Black Lives Matter was discovered to have spent donations on high-end real estate, he started to quip that B.L.M. should stand for “Big Lavish Mansions.” In our conversations, he could be similarly antagonistic, as when he discussed how today’s civil-rights activists—a group he defined as comprising Al Sharpton, Jesse Jackson, and Ibram X. Kendi—had “sold out” to corporate America. He couldn’t say exactly how Kendi had sold out, but he believed that Jackson, the Baptist minister and former Presidential candidate, who is now in his eighties, had profiteered on his standing as a civil-rights leader. Ramaswamy likened this to extortion, but later clarified that the extortion attempts he meant to criticize were racial-equity audits conducted by the former Attorneys General Eric Holder and Loretta Lynch and their law firms. Corporations such as Starbucks and Verizon, he said, felt that to avoid accusations of racism they had to hire the firms, often at great expense, to assess their diversity policies.

“I definitely find the idea of systemic racism revolting,” Ramaswamy told me. He allowed that it had existed in the U.S. at moments in the past, offering the era of slavery as one example. But racism was atrophying, he said, so societal goods should not be unevenly distributed on racial grounds. He mentioned a white, heavyset conservative male classmate at Harvard who was considered uncool, and argued that the social pecking order was stacked against him “more than some athletic Black kid who came and got a place on the basketball team.” Ramaswamy blamed affirmative action and similar policies for forcing élite institutions to lower their standards, and said that the current narrative of systemic racism creates more racism than would otherwise exist. “Affirmative action is the single biggest form of institutionalized racism in America today,” he concluded.

Ramaswamy’s political awakening began not at home but in the company of a conservative-Christian piano teacher with whom he took private lessons from elementary through high school. As he worked his way from the easy Bach preludes to Mozart’s “Rondo Alla Turca,” the teacher, who became something of a godmother, railed against Hillary Clinton and extolled the virtues of free speech, patriotism, and Ronald Reagan.

A conservatism that puts its faith in unfettered markets would come to inform even Ramaswamy’s understanding of caste relations in the Indian state of Kerala, where he spent summers with his family. Ramaswamy’s family is Brahmin, the highest caste in the Hindu hierarchy. In “Woke, Inc.,” he maintains that “American-style capitalism” is repairing the damage of that pernicious system, writing approvingly that a “lower-caste guy” in India can now deliver Domino’s pizza and “my family tips him to show their appreciation.”

At Harvard, where he majored in biology, Ramaswamy joined the South Asian Association but was more interested in American politics. Identifying as a libertarian, he became president of the Harvard Political Union. He also performed Eminem covers and original free-market-themed rap songs as a kind of alter ego called Da Vek. Paul Davis, who lived in a dorm with Ramaswamy and later worked with him at his pharmaceutical company, said, “He knows his views and style rubbed some people the wrong way, but he didn’t care.”

At the time, Ramaswamy was irritated by what he saw as groupthink all around him. One of his classmates’ campaigns, a push to raise wages for janitors on campus, prompted him to lash out in the Harvard Crimson. The article was an early demonstration of his glee at puncturing what he sees as liberal pieties. Those supporting a wage increase, he wrote, had inadvertently linked the “fundamental human worth” of the workers they were championing to the paychecks they received. True, a bigger paycheck might give the janitors more financial stability. But the higher pay—more than “the laws of supply and demand would require,” he claimed—would signify that Harvard students felt sorry for the janitors. This would harm the janitors in other ways, as “a condescending strain of sympathy subtly yet naturally replaces the mutual human respect that otherwise would have existed.”

The summer after Ramaswamy’s sophomore year, he took an internship at a nine-billion-dollar hedge fund called Amaranth Advisors. He thought that working in the firm’s biotech division, where a team of doctors and scientists evaluated stocks for the firm to invest in, might be more exciting than working in a lab. “Woke, Inc.” records his disillusionment with the experience. He recalls Amaranth’s founder, Nicholas Maounis, explaining to the summer interns that the purpose of a hedge fund was “to turn a pile of money into an even bigger pile of money.” Ramaswamy joined a company-sponsored cruise, where he says he came to the attention of the firm’s big traders by winning a poker tournament. After that, they began taking him to extravagant restaurants and clubs with bottle service—indulgences subsidized by investor fees. “Even at the age of nineteen, it struck me as, like, this is not the way a company should be,” he said. The next year, after one of the firm’s traders reportedly lost several billion dollars in a week betting on natural-gas futures, Amaranth collapsed. (Maounis, through legal counsel at his new firm, Verition Fund Management, said that he recollected neither Ramaswamy nor the events he related.)

Ramaswamy’s next summer internship, another disappointment, was at Goldman Sachs. He describes the inner workings of the firm as a charade, with jaded bankers in hand-tailored dress shirts doing little while making a show of how busy they were. He was especially struck by what was often called Service Day, when employees engaged in volunteer projects around the city. One day, he recalled, he and some co-workers gathered at a park in Harlem for a tree-planting session. A Goldman boss showed up in Gucci boots, told the employees to take photographs to document their presence, and then split. The group reconvened shortly afterward at a bar. (A former Goldman executive who participated in the volunteer program for nearly two decades told me that, although the flavor of the episode seemed credible, it was hard to imagine an entire group abandoning a project before starting.)

When Ramaswamy remarked to a colleague that it should be called Social Day, not Service Day, the colleague asked him if he’d ever heard of the Golden Rule. To treat others as one wished to be treated, Ramaswamy offered. “No,” the colleague told him. “He who has the gold makes the rules.”

After graduating from Harvard, Ramaswamy took a job as a biotech-stock analyst at QVT, a hedge fund in New York City led by physicists he considered brilliant. He learned about financial engineering and how to evaluate investment opportunities, but after a couple of years he got restless. In 2010, he spent a day auditing classes at Yale Law School, where he’d previously deferred enrollment. Sitting in on a criminal-law course taught by Jed Rubenfeld, Ramaswamy was mesmerized.

“I am inherently interested in questions of justice,” he told me. “It was a disciplined way to explore and figure out what I believed about things. I thought, I have to do this.” While continuing to work at QVT, he enrolled at the law school. In the years he was there, he said, he made around ten million dollars. At Yale, he established important connections: with Vance, a fellow Cincinnati Bengals fan; Thiel, who hosted an intimate lunch seminar for select students, and who later staked him on a venture helping senior citizens access Medicare; and his future wife, Apoorva, who lived across the way from him while attending medical school.

Ramaswamy stayed at the hedge-fund job after getting his law degree, and also took a standup-comedy class. The course was “traumatizing,” he said—he wasn’t any good. But he did learn a trick that stuck: carrying around a notebook to capture passing thoughts or jokes as soon as they arose. While researching biotech companies for QVT, he began filling the notebook with ideas and with impressions of executives he met. In 2014, these scribblings became the basis for Roivant, his pharmaceutical venture. It was a fine time to start a company. Venture-capital investors were flush with cash and searching for ambitious young men with startups that they could invest in.

The pharmaceutical-development process, which involves moving drugs through rounds of testing and approvals, is slow, and drugs are often abandoned along the way. Sometimes a drug doesn’t work. Other times, the decision to drop a product is economic: executives determine that the drug, no matter how effective, won’t be profitable, or won’t align with their business strategy. Ramaswamy’s idea was that Roivant could license drugs that had been left languishing, take them through the rest of the development process, and share the proceeds with the original manufacturer.

Ramaswamy had no experience running a company. Nonetheless, he’d soon declare that Roivant would be the “Berkshire Hathaway of drug development.” He raised approximately ninety-three million dollars from investors, among them QVT. Roivant had around ten employees at the start, including Ramaswamy’s mother and brother, and was organized in the spirit of a hedge fund, with subsidiaries that each specialized in a single medical issue, such as women’s health or urology. Scientists and pharmaceutical experts hired for a subsidiary were offered equity in the company as an incentive to leave jobs at more established drugmakers. Ramaswamy’s advisory board included several well-known Democrats, including Tom Daschle, the former Senate Majority Leader; Kathleen Sebelius, the former Secretary of Health and Human Services under President Barack Obama; and Donald Berwick, the former administrator of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services.

Berwick was attracted to Roivant, he told me, because of its commitment to improving access to critical medicines. “I thought he had latched on to an important problem in that there are important drugs that don’t get developed because they don’t fit in the business model of the company, so these assets stay on the shelf,” Berwick said. “His idea was to get them off the shelf by making them attractive. ” In discussions with Ramaswamy, “politics never came up,” Berwick said. What the founder did talk about was pricing drugs reasonably so that they’d be accessible to patients who needed them.

At the end of 2014, Roivant acquired one of its first drugs, an experimental Alzheimer’s medication, from GlaxoSmithKline, for five million dollars up front. There is no effective treatment for Alzheimer’s, and drug companies have spent billions of dollars trying to develop one. Geetha Ramaswamy had worked for pharmaceutical companies that were developing treatments for Alzheimer’s and other cognitive disorders, and had clinical expertise that would be valuable to her son’s company. The drug that Roivant bought, known as SB-742457, had been shelved even though in early trial phases it had shown signs of reversing mental decline when paired with an older drug called Aricept. Ramaswamy’s company would owe G.S.K. a 12.5-per-cent royalty on net sales and other possible payments should it manage to bring SB-742457 to market.

In 2015, the biotech industry was in the midst of a boom—or, some might say, a bubble. Stock prices had been skyrocketing in an environment full of hype. Ramaswamy took advantage of the moment. He created a subsidiary in Bermuda to own the drug, and prepared to sell shares to the public before the medication, in combination with Aricept, began the pivotal Phase III clinical trial.

That June, the subsidiary, Axovant, raised more than three hundred million dollars through an initial public offering—a remarkable amount given that the subsidiary’s value was based solely on the potential of one untested drug. As the drug, since renamed intepirdine, proceeded through the clinical trial, with around thirteen hundred patients, Forbes put Ramaswamy on its cover and called him “The 30-Year-Old CEO Conjuring Drug Companies from Thin Air.” In the accompanying article, Ramaswamy declared, “This will be the highest return on investment endeavor ever taken up in the pharmaceutical industry.” The following year, Forbes named him one of the richest entrepreneurs in America under the age of forty. But in September, 2017, with Axovant reportedly valued at around $2.6 billion, Ramaswamy received an unpleasant phone call. Intepirdine was a bust. It had failed to meaningfully improve the health or cognition of the patients in the clinical trial.

“It felt humiliating,” Ramaswamy told me. Roivant had acquired another promising drug, to treat prostate cancer, that, when used in combination with a second drug, seemed to ease symptoms of uterine fibroids and endometriosis. But the prostate medication was years away from coming to market. “I’d let people down. I took it hard,” he said. Even now, he says, the wounds from the fiasco aren’t fully healed. However, he’s come up with a positive spin on it: “My latitude for being willing to fail big is a lot higher than it was then.”

In the summer of 2019, the Business Roundtable, an association of more than two hundred C.E.O.s of the largest companies in the country, issued a new statement of corporate responsibility, saying that businesses should aim to operate ethically in addition to delivering profits to their shareholders. The statement was not binding for members, but it reflected anxieties about wealth inequality and about the declining financial security of the middle class. Around that time, individual companies, from Airbnb to Citigroup, issued their own statements on moral obligations. In January, 2020, at the World Economic Forum in Davos, David Solomon, the C.E.O. of Goldman Sachs, announced that the firm, in its U.S. and Western European markets, would no longer underwrite initial public offerings for companies whose boards lacked at least one “diverse” member. (That number is now two.)

Ramaswamy’s notebook began filling up again. “Everyone was saying the exact same thing at the exact same time, and it got under my skin,” he said. He submitted an op-ed to the Wall Street Journal in which he denounced “stakeholder capitalism” for advising powerful companies “to implement the social goals that their CEOs want to push.” These were issues that should be decided by the citizenry, he wrote, through voting and policymaking. After the article ran, Ramaswamy relished the impact that he seemed to be having. “It wasn’t like being at a dinner party, where I’m just sharing my opinions,” he told me. “If I wasn’t the one making that argument, I wasn’t sure if anyone else would be taking that on. That was enjoyable, but it also came with some sense of responsibility. ”

A book seemed like a natural next step. Seeking advice, he turned to Rubenfeld and his wife, Amy Chua, who is also a professor at Yale Law School and whose book “Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother,” about spurring her two daughters to become overachievers, had been a best-seller. (Chua had also mentored Vance at Yale and advised him on the writing of his memoir, “Hillbilly Elegy.”) Around the time they met, Rubenfeld was under investigation by Yale for sexual harassment—a charge that he denies and which led to a two-year suspension from the faculty. He heard out Ramaswamy’s somewhat scattered ideas and suggested a tauter study of capitalism, democracy, and the changing culture of the American workplace. Rubenfeld said of Ramaswamy, “He is one of the most skilled people I know in terms of listening to criticism and learning from it.” Ramaswamy accepted the advice, began writing trenchantly about his experiences in the Ivy League and the corporate world, and eventually took his proposal to a publisher of conservative authors, Center Street.

In May, 2020, as he was working on the manuscript, George Floyd was murdered by a police officer in Minneapolis, and cities across the country erupted with protests. Corporate executives began issuing statements expressing sympathy and support for racial justice. (A photo circulated of Jamie Dimon, the C.E.O. of JPMorgan Chase, kneeling in apparent solidarity.) Ramaswamy, unsurprisingly, was annoyed. “The murder of George Floyd was tragic,” he wrote in “Woke, Inc.,” “but it was also tragic that thousands of people of all races died of diseases every day that could be better treated by a broken health-care system.” Employees at Roivant, too, wanted Ramaswamy to issue a statement of support for Black Lives Matter. Instead, he sent a company-wide e-mail that acknowledged the “painful” week and the protests, and advised his staff to “stay safe.” This did not go over well. A colleague accused him of being “tone-deaf,” and many of the young people Roivant had recruited demanded to know how the company was addressing systemic racism in its subsidiaries. He later wrote, “There was something curious to me about corporate America’s fixation on the BLM movement, even as other obvious injustices continued to abound. I was personally appalled by China’s persecution of its Uighur population.” But, he went on, “none of my employees or directors expressed concern to me about these human rights violations.”

In the aftermath of the January 6th attack on the Capitol by supporters of President Donald Trump, Ramaswamy co-authored a Wall Street Journal op-ed with Rubenfeld. They called the assault on the Capitol “disgraceful,” but sounded more exercised that Twitter, Facebook, and other tech companies had suspended Trump’s accounts on the ground that he had incited violence. The op-ed contended that the tech companies’ decisions about whom to ban were politically motivated.

Members of Roivant’s advisory board were following Ramaswamy’s new career as a cultural critic, and some were distressed. In Berwick’s view, Tucker Carlson and Fox News were toying with American democracy. Moreover, Berwick thought, Ramaswamy’s regular public statements about how corporations did not exist to deliver social benefits ran counter to Roivant’s original mission—to bring reasonably priced medicines to people who needed them.

The day after the Journal piece appeared online, Berwick resigned from Roivant’s advisory board. Daschle and Sebelius quit, too. Ramaswamy was startled by the departures, particularly Berwick’s, but he was unrepentant. A week and a half later, he went on Carlson’s show to call on President Joe Biden to pressure Twitter to reinstate Trump.

“To me, he’s assuming a status quo that does not exist,” Berwick said. “Democracy is so under the gun right now. And the very forces that he’s talking about, these moneyed forces, are part of the reason. His view is they should get out of the political scene entirely, and my view is they’re in it—the money’s there.”

Just a few weeks after January 6th, Ramaswamy announced that he would step down from the business he’d founded to focus full time on his writing and political interests. Roivant had recovered from its Alzheimer’s-drug failure, and he told me he realized that he “couldn’t be a free-speaking citizen without hurting the company.” He was also mulling a run for the Senate seat in Ohio held by Rob Portman, who said that he would not seek reëlection, in large part because of the polarization in Washington.

The Republican Party was perennially in need of candidates of color to diversify its ranks—especially those with stage presence and a good origin story. Ramaswamy was invited to a dinner attended by Kevin McCarthy, the House Minority Leader, and took the opportunity to raise the subject of his political future. He recalls McCarthy saying that he could do more good as a thought leader for the Party than as a junior member of Congress. Others he consulted suggested that a life in politics would be a source of misery and frustration.

Ramaswamy was also casting about for another business to start—maybe an anti-woke shoe company to compete with Nike, or an anti-woke beverage company to take on Coca-Cola. But conditions seemed more propitious for an “anti-BlackRock”—something much bigger than the anti-E.S.G. companies that had already formed.

At the time, a wave of anti-E.S.G sentiment was taking hold at the local level. States including Oklahoma, Kentucky, and Texas passed bills that allowed their officials to restrict the activities of financial institutions if they were determined to be limiting their dealings with the fossil-fuel or firearm industries. The lobbying arm of the Heritage Foundation, which has received funding from the billionaire Koch brothers and other allies of the fossil-fuel industry, is an enthusiastic supporter of such anti-E.S.G. endeavors. (Ramaswamy has appeared frequently at Heritage functions.) Heritage also has ties to the State Financial Officers Foundation, a group that includes conservative state treasurers and has promoted anti-E.S.G. efforts. Ramaswamy spoke to a gathering of the group this past February. A few months later, he was collaborating with one of its rising stars, Riley Moore, the West Virginia state treasurer, on a Wall Street Journal op-ed. The piece criticized the disproportionate power of the “big three” asset managers over public companies.

Moore told me that, after he took office in January, 2021, he heard that coal, gas, and oil companies with operations in his state were struggling because some banks had made it more difficult for them to borrow money. (He declined to name any of the companies.) “I immediately started to dig in and wonder about how we could push back,” Moore said. West Virginia was one of the country’s largest energy producers, with some seventy-two thousand workers in the sector, and the industry generated millions of dollars in revenue for the state. Moore wrote to Goldman Sachs, JPMorgan, Wells Fargo, Morgan Stanley, BlackRock, and U.S. Bank, warning that they might lose state contracts should they be found to be boycotting fossil fuels.

“Everybody talks about climate change, and I get what they’re saying—maybe the climate is changing,” Moore said. “But it misses what’s measurably changing drastically in this country, and that is the question of human flourishing. We see people’s life expectancy dropping, drug addiction, people generationally doing worse than their grandparents or parents were doing. That is a huge problem, one that has to be addressed more immediately than the question of the climate changing. Here in West Virginia, that is a rich man’s problem.”

Moore added that today some West Virginia coal miners make ninety thousand dollars a year. Meanwhile, small towns and local businesses have been “gutted” by Walmart. “If they take our coal-mining jobs away in certain parts of this state, the only jobs we have left are in Walmarts,” he said. “And that’s not living.”

Some states that pass anti-E.S.G. legislation could face a new set of economic difficulties, according to a recent study by Daniel Garrett, an assistant professor of finance at Wharton, and Ivan Ivanov, a senior economist with the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago. They found that in Texas five banks paused or halted their underwriting of municipal bonds after anti-E.S.G. laws were adopted in September, 2021. The experts’ estimate suggests that a loss of competition in the market cost Texas municipalities an additional three to five hundred million dollars in interest on bonds in the first eight months.

Earlier this month, the anti-E.S.G. movement gained ground in unexpected territory. Vanguard withdrew from a large climate-finance alliance, the Net Zero Asset Managers Initiative, which aims to encourage fund companies to reach net-zero carbon targets by 2050. The company, which had been under pressure from Republican politicians, stated that it would track its own climate progress instead. Critics immediately accused the company of giving in to the anti-woke movement. Ramaswamy filed the news away as another victory.

He was also gratified, this fall, by the response to a public letter he’d sent the C.E.O. of Chevron, urging him to reject calls by BlackRock and other institutional shareholders to reduce carbon emissions and to increase investments in renewable energy. When I met Ramaswamy for dinner one night in Manhattan at his favorite Mexican restaurant, he told me he’d be meeting later that evening with Chevron’s C.F.O. Ramaswamy seemed exhilarated by the thought that he, like Larry Fink, could start telling business leaders what to do.

He’d been on a round of speaking engagements and was in the city with his body man to promote, among other things, a new book with a self-explanatory title: “Nation of Victims: Identity Politics, the Death of Merit, and the Path Back to Excellence.” As he tore into a plate of quesadillas with huitlacoche, I asked Ramaswamy if his burgeoning reputation as a conservative firebrand had taken a personal toll. He chose his words carefully. A family member no longer spoke to him, and he’d been ghosted by a close friend. Although he’d forged new relationships with conservatives, none of the connections had turned into friendships. “I feel like the public advocacy, or whatever you call what I’ve been doing in the last couple of years, has eroded more friendships than new friendships made up for it,” he said.

Although Ramaswamy delights in the visibility that his Fox News appearances bring, he wonders about the opportunities foreclosed. “I feel like I recoil when I see someone describe me as a conservative,” Ramaswamy said. “Not that there’s anything wrong with being a conservative. It’s just not how I would describe myself.”

Fear of the label did not stop Ramaswamy from travelling to Washington, D.C., a few weeks later to receive the Gentleman of Distinction Award at the annual gala of a right-leaning organization called the Independent Women’s Forum. The unofficial theme of the event, which took place in the great hall of a museum, seemed to be outrage about transgender athletes in women’s sports. Still, the mood in the room was exuberant. The midterms were imminent, and Republicans were anticipating big gains.

Ramaswamy had flown in from an investment conference in Las Vegas, where he had been interviewed alongside Mike Pompeo, the former Secretary of State, at an event entitled “ESG for Thee, China for Me.” Somewhere along the way, he had upgraded his footwear to black brogues, and when he took the stage he delivered a speech less folksy than the one he’d tried out months earlier, in Dublin. He shared his child-of-immigrants story; quoted Abraham Lincoln and Martin Luther King, Jr.; slammed E.S.G. and tech censorship; and then got to the self-mythologizing portion of the narrative—that he had stepped down from his company, where he’d been working to develop a cancer drug, to fight a new kind of cancer afflicting our culture.

“That is this new secular religion in America that says that your identity is based on your race, your gender, and your sexual orientation, full stop,” he said. “That America is a systemically racist nation. That if you’re Black you’re inherently disadvantaged. That if you’re white you’re inherently privileged.”

The following month, the Republicans’ disappointing performance in the midterms led to furious intraparty debate over whether to remain loyal to Trump or to move on. But a point of consensus seemed to be that the quality of the Party’s candidates mattered. After people started suggesting that Ramaswamy run for President, he found it hard to shake off the idea. Maybe he was the right person to unify the country around shared values—values that, at the D.C. gala, he underlined in a pounding conclusion.

“The idea that no matter who you are, or where you came from, or what your skin color is, that you can achieve anything you ever want in this country, with your own hard work, your own commitment, and your own dedication—that,” he said, his voice soaring, “is the American Dream.”

Moments later, he was engulfed by admirers. Frank Coleman, of the Cigar Association of America, who claimed that the F.D.A. was “trying to kill the industry” by threatening to ban flavored cigars, had never heard of Ramaswamy before, but said, “It was a tremendous speech.” Tulsi Gabbard, the former congresswoman and 2020 Presidential candidate who’d recently announced that she was leaving the Democratic Party, called Ramaswamy courageous. Mark Meadows, Trump’s former chief of staff, used the same word. An hour later, Ramaswamy was still fielding well-wishers when he realized that he needed to get to the airport. It was wheels-up soon, and he had places to go. ♦

[heroesbynight]

Name: Mary Frances "Frannie" Fabray

Birth Date: September 15th, 1984

Occupation: Corporate Lawyer and Division Recruit

Ability: Ice Manipulation

Personality: [+] Resilient, Poised, Strategic [-] Guarded, Perfectionist, Manipulative

Resilient— Frannie has faced immense challenges in her life, from personal struggles to societal expectations, and has always found a way to rise above them. Her ability to adapt and recover, even in the face of tragedy, makes her a steady and dependable figure.

Poised— Raised in an environment where appearances mattered more than feelings, Frannie carries herself with grace and confidence. Her presence commands attention, and she remains composed under pressure, a skill critical in her role as a crisis negotiator.

Strategic— Frannie is a thinker. She calculates every move, anticipating the consequences and planning her actions meticulously. Her ability to read people and situations makes her an invaluable asset in high-stakes environments.

Guarded— Beneath her composed exterior, Frannie has built walls around her true feelings. Her upbringing taught her to bury vulnerability, and even as an adult, she struggles to let people in, making her relationships complex and often distant.

Perfectionist— Frannie’s drive to meet impossibly high standards, instilled by her upbringing, leads to constant self-criticism. She often feels the need to prove herself, pushing herself to extremes to achieve success.

Manipulative— While she is not malicious, Frannie knows how to influence others to achieve her goals. Her ability to project an air of calm authority often allows her to steer situations in her favor, sometimes at the expense of transparency.

History:

Mary Frances "Frannie" Fabray grew up in Lima, Ohio, the oldest daughter in a conservative household that valued appearances above all else. Her childhood was a cocktail of rigid expectations and concealed emotions. Though she exuded the image of the perfect girl next door—head cheerleader, straight-A student—she was silently battling the pressure to conform to her family’s ideal of success.

After a tumultuous high school experience marked by the discovery of her powers and social ostracism, Frannie graduated with a renewed sense of purpose. Determined to take control of her life, she pursued higher education at a prestigious university. Frannie earned her Bachelor's degree in Political Science from Columbia University, where she excelled academically and cultivated her passion for law and strategic thinking.

She then attended Harvard Law School, graduating in the top 10% of her class with a Juris Doctor (J.D.). During her time there, she interned at top corporate law firms and participated in mock trial competitions, solidifying her reputation as a sharp, ambitious legal mind.

Following her graduation and successful completion of the bar exam, Frannie quickly rose through the ranks at a high-powered New York City law firm. Specializing in corporate law, she became known for her ability to navigate complex negotiations and high-stakes deals, earning her a reputation as one of the best in her field.

Her work caught the attention of the Division, which recognized her unique combination of legal expertise and ice manipulation abilities. Frannie now serves as both a corporate lawyer and a Division recruit, using her powers and intellect to defuse crises and negotiate delicate situations.

While her professional life is one of discipline and focus, her personal life remains complicated. The icy exterior she projects mirrors her emotional state, often keeping people at a distance. Despite this, her dedication to the Division and its mission has earned her respect and admiration.

Frannie’s mastery over her abilities and her sharp mind make her a force to be reckoned with, but her greatest challenge remains allowing herself to truly connect with others and melt the walls she’s built around herself.

[lawyersdatascraping]

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[justiceheartwatcher]

Let’s do a REAL fact-check on Trump. Are Haitians killing, eating animals in Springfield, Ohio?

Last night, Vice President Kamala Harris and the ABC “moderators” put the “bait” into “debate,” ganging up on Trump to bait him into losing his cool. Unfortunately, too often, he went for it, allowing himself to get distracted, angry and defensive and missing many opportunities to turn the focus back where it belonged, on issues of most concern to voters like the economy. 

Meanwhile, Harris was thoroughly prepped and rehearsed for Tuesday’s debate, by a partner in one of the top Democrat law firms no less, and the long hours of preparation showed.  What we’re saying is, she had been carefully coached to lie.

In fact, just as President Biden had done in his debate with former President Donald Trump, she lied throughout the evening, building a straw man out of views Trump doesn’t even hold so she could set fire to it, and furthering the most outrageous and conclusively debunked hoaxes against him.  Project 2025, a national abortion ban, the “bloodbath” hoax, even the Charlottesville “fine people hoax” --- really??  Some of these lies are so long-debunked that they actually have names with the word “hoax” in them. How ignorant must one have to be to find this impressive? Well, at least we know the Democrats’ target audience.

Biden at least had senility as an excuse for repeating all that slander; Kamala must own the label of serial liar.  Last night, there was a whole lotta lyin’ goin’ on. Democrats do this because, as Harry Reid once gloated, it works. Feeling guilty for repeating known lies that get you votes from the gullible is apparently for “suckers and losers.”

Recall that when Kamala was called out once before for lying in a previous debate, she ended up tacitly admitting it, offering the justification that “it was just a debate.”  So, she went onstage last night already on record as believing it’s fine to lie in a debate if that’s how you can win.  She showed us she still believes that.

ABC NEWS, rather than pin her down on issues and call out her many lies, actively helped her get away with her deceptions, never once correcting her while frequently interjecting “fact”-checks on Trump (seven by one media count), many of which turned out to be wrong.  The debate really did turn out to be three-against-one, just as we’d anticipated it would.  (NOTE:  Still, that’s all the more reason for the scattershot Trump we saw last night to have been more focused and better prepared and rested, instead of winging it.  He had to know they’d all be aligned against him.)

Numerous instances of ABC’s shameful behavior are detailed elsewhere in today’s newsletter, but here we’d like to focus on Trump’s allegation that Haitian immigrants had overwhelmed the small town of Springfield, Ohio, to such an extent that they were stealing residents’ pets and tame ducks in the park to use as food.

“In Springfield,” Trump said, “they’re eating the dogs --- the people that came in, they’re eating the cats.  They’re eating the pets of the people that live there.”  (Kamala is laughing at this.)  “And this is what’s happening in our country, and it’s a shame.”

https://rumble.com/v5egx2r-donald-trump-in-springfield-theyre-eating-the-dogs-the-people-that-came-in.html

The debate threatened to go off the rails when Trump brought this up.  The moderators’ (and Kamala’s) over-the-top reaction suggested that only a crackpot would actually “go there.”  Why, the story is so wild, it couldn’t possibly be true!

But, sadly, life in 2024 is so increasingly bizarre that this is not at all hard to believe.  When moderator David Muir --- whose own “ABC World News Tonight” news stories on Trump run 93 percent negative --- jumped in quickly to “fact”-check President Trump on this, it didn’t go well.  “...You bring up Springfield, Ohio,” Muir said to Trump.  “And ABC NEWS did reach out to the city manager there.  He told us, ‘There have been no credible reports of specific claims of pets being harmed, injured or abused by individuals within the immigrant community.”  Trump said he’d seen people on television claiming their pets had been taken and used for food.  (And, yes, they have claimed this.)

“So, maybe [the city manager] said that, and maybe that’s a good thing to say for a city manager,” Trump responded.  This makes sense, as what city manager would WANT to admit such a horrifying thing about his town?

“I’m not taking this from television,” Muir said.  “I’m taking it from the city manager.”  But Trump remained insistent.  Kamala, in the split screen, was wearing an amused, faux-bewildered face intended to communicate that Trump must be nuts.

https://rumble.com/v5egwhd-moderator-tries-to-fact-check-trump-and-it-instantly-blows-up-in-his-face.html?e9s=src_v1_upp

Side note:  the one who really might be crazy is California Rep. Eric Swalwell, who had already tried to make fun of this story and ended up just looking stupid.

https://rumble.com/v5efb9h-eric-swalwell-has-a-full-blown-meltdown-about-cat-memes...what-in-the-hell-.html

And as long as we’re having a little fun, here’s an example of that great American entrepreneurial spirit…

https://shop.thelibertydaily.com/products/make-cats-safe-again-t-shirt

Springfield, Ohio, is a “bedroom community,” quite blue politically, of 60,000 inhabitants located on the outskirts of Dayton and Columbus.  For the past few years, it has done its best to absorb about 20,000 Haitian immigrants and somehow handle the resulting chaos.  Police and city leaders have denied the recent wild stories coming out of Springfield, notably the reports that immigrants are catching and killing pets and tame ducks for food.  But from THE FEDERALIST, here’s a two-week-old police report with audio from a witness saying, “They all had geese in their hands.”

https://thefederalist.com/2024/09/10/exclusive-police-audio-report-confirm-haitian-goose-hunting-in-ohio-they-all-had-geese-in-their-hands/

There were two men and two women, each carrying a single goose.  As Tristan Justice writes, “Testimonies from Springfield residents at a recent city commission meeting record neighbors reporting shocking details of migrant behavior, from outright harassment to allegedly gruesome executions of local wildlife in public spaces.”  A Springfield resident named Anthony Harris complained to city officials that “they’re in the park, grabbing up ducks by the neck, and cutting their head off and walking off with them.  They’re eating them.”

The local police have said it’s incorrect to claim Haitians are “catching, killing, and eating house pets.”  But it’s hard to believe them when they’re also denying emphatic reports from residents of immigrants engaging in other illegal activities on their property such as squatting and littering.  Springfield Deputy Director of Public Safety and Operations Jason Via told NPR, “I think it’s sad that some people are using this as an opportunity to spread hate or spread fear.”  Sounds like a reason to deny the scary truth.

Trump running mate Sen. J. D. Vance, who grew up about 50 miles away from Springfield, says he posted on X that Haitians in the town were eating pets after “a high volume of complaints” from residents came to his office.  Oh, and PJ MEDIA has a picture posted on X of an alleged Haitian immigrant walking down a Springfield residential street, holding a big dead goose.  That might not be enough evidence for ABC NEWS debate moderators, but it seems pretty persuasive to us.

https://pjmedia.com/rick-moran/2024/09/10/haitians-are-not-killing-pets-in-springfield-ohio-its-what-else-theyre-doing-thats-the-problem-n4932390

Of course, lost in this discussion during the debate was the real issue: the impact this influx of immigrants is having on the people who live in Springfield and the enormous strain on city services, a problem cities across America are suffering because of the Biden-Harris open border.  People are confronted with threatening behavior on their own property, they see and hear about what’s happening to the geese in the park, perhaps their dogs and cats go missing, and they feel just as unsafe as the animals are.  Some are quite frightened. 

“Look at me,” said one fragile, 95-pound woman who was complaining of daily threats and harassment by Haitian men squatting on her own property.  “I couldn’t defend myself if I had to.  I don’t understand what you expect of us as citizens.  Who’s protecting us if we’re protecting them?  Who’s protecting me?”

The phone call about the geese was placed on August 26, which was before Springfield suddenly became nationally known as a center of the immigration crisis.

As Becca Lower at REDSTATE put it, both Kamala and the ABC moderators “tried to wave it away as unserious and unconfirmed information.”  But “it’s happening and very real,” Lower said, “for people in Springfield and across the country placed in danger by this administration’s dangerous border policies.”

https://redstate.com/beccalower/2024/09/11/the-federalist-report-man-in-springfield-oh-calls-police-dispatcher-about-4-haitians-carrying-geese-n2179171

Kamala can laugh about people’s pets being killed if she thinks that will help her win, but her time as Border Czar has been cat-astrophic.  Not to sound dog-matic...

https://x.com/TrumpWarRoom/status/1833674943491395712

Here’s some must-read background if you’re wondering how Springfield got into this mess.  The Haitians were flown in by the federal government, but it’s what the city asked for...

https://instapundit.com/671649/

https://theothermccain.com/2024/09/10/springfield-gets-what-it-deserves/

Mike Huckabee

[ultraheydudemestuff]

North Presbyterian Church

4001 Superior Ave.

Cleveland, OH

The North Presbyterian Church at 4001 Superior Avenue, is a historic Presbyterian church on the east side of in Cleveland, Ohio, at E. 40th St. and Superior Ave. NE. The structure, constructed in the 1880s, was designed by Forrest A. Coburn and Frank Seymour Barnum, architects. It has been named a historic site and is listed on the National Register of Historic Places. Throughout its history, the congregation has been focused on Sunday school work. North Presbyterian Church developed out of a mission Sunday school of the First Presbyterian (Old Stone) Church, established in east-side Cleveland in 1859. The local presbytery organized a congregation out of the Sunday school in 1867, and within a short while, the new congregation formed the first of two mission Sunday schools in other locations. From that Sunday school, North Church Congregation was established on St. Clair Avenue in 1870. The congregation moved from location to location before ultimately finding a home at East 40th Street and Superior Avenue in 1887. When the present building was constructed, it was designed to facilitate Sunday schools, with small classrooms surrounding the sanctuary.

Members arranged for the present building to be erected in the mid-1880s: construction began in 1886 and continued into the following year in 1887. The church, which cost $20,000 to build, was funded by many of the congressional members. Philanthropist Flora Stone Mather, wife of industrialist Samuel Mather and sister-in-law of statesman John Hay, was the largest contributor to the building fund. When the North Presbyterian Church was dedicated on October 23, 1887, the congregation held its first two services with 800 people in the pews. It is an eclectic structure, mixing Gothic Revival and Romanesque Revival design elements in an unusual manner. A central tower protrudes slightly from the rest of the facade; it is topped by a steep pyramidal roof. At the base of the tower is the main entrance, and small vertical windows shelter a belfry immediately below the base of the roof; a large window fills nearly all of the space between the main entrance and the belfry. On each side of the tower, the facade is divided into four bays by buttresses running from foundation to the roof, topped by steep pinnacles. Each bay includes two small windows at ground level and a massive window, similar to the one in the tower, that fills most of the width and height in the bay. The building's main corner (on the left from the perspective of someone facing the main entrance), facing an intersection along Superior Avenue, is rounded, and the design of the facade continues onto the western side.

Fifty former members of the Old Stone church became charter members of the new North Presbyterian Church, with Anson Smyth as their first minister. Although not traditionally considered architects of sacred spaces, Coburn and Barnum were responsible for designing a few of the churches in Cleveland in the late 19th century. The firm designed North Presbyterian in the Gothic style and styled the interior according to what was known as the Akron Plan. The Akron Plan was a popular type of religious building construction so named for its origin in the First Methodist Episcopal Church built in Akron, Ohio, in the 1860s. The main feature of the Akron Plan is a large open “rotunda” surrounded by smaller classrooms on one, or even two levels. All of the rooms opened into the rotunda by means of folding, sliding or rolling doors/shutters. In the case of North Presbyterian, the Akron Plan served the purpose of the building well. The architectural plan of the church lends itself to an environment whose main concerns were church, education, and community. The Akron Plan reflects a Uniform Lesson System within the church. This system dictated that all children learn weekly lessons in addition to attending church service. This system caught on in the latter portion of the 19th century. An Akron Plan Sunday school is a direct result of the Uniform Lesson System, by combining the space needed for worship and prayer, but also providing the compartmentalized space for individualized teaching for children of all age groups.

During the time from 1879 to 1906, the church reached a peak membership of more than 1,200, making it one of the largest churches in Cleveland at the time. The congregation celebrated its 100th anniversary in 1970, and in the coming years it continued to serve the primarily industrial neighborhood. On October 29, 1974, North Presbyterian Church was listed on the National Register of Historic Places, qualifying both because of its architecture and because of its place in local history. Critical to this designation was the congregation's dedication to religious education, as seen both in its history and its architecture. The general design elements were unusual for period churches, and the floor plan that concentrated on the Sunday school space was highly distinctive; together, these themes caused the church to be a unique example of late nineteenth-century churches in the region.

The church was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1974. In recent years, the North Presbyterian congregation got too small to afford the continued upkeep of its building and moved down the street to a building on East 45th Street, where it shares a space with Lutheran Metropolitan Ministry. The old building itself stands as a living memory, not only of a widespread architectural movement, but also of a vibrant congregation with a diverse socioeconomic and spiritual background. Today the North Presbyterian Church building stands as one of the few remaining spaces with an Akron Plan interior, and provides an example of this religious practice in Cleveland history. Now empty, it appears to be the future of inner-city churches like North Presbyterian Church.

[wrightwealth]

Our Financial Advisor Chris Wright | Wright Wealth Management Group | Prescott AZ

Chris started his financial service career in 1995 and was associated mainly with the banking industry and corporate America. Chris started his own firm in May 2000, dedicating the practice to serving investors in a more comprehensive and customized manner. Chris specializes in active management, investments, and tax reduction strategies. Chris received his Bachelor’s Degree from Arizona State University and is a Registered Financial Consultant and an Investment Advisor Representative. Annually, Chris participates in continuing education programs at some of the nation’s top investment firms, ensuring his knowledge base stays current and up-to-date. Chris holds licenses and manages client accounts in several states, including Alabama, Arizona, Alaska, California, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Indiana, Michigan, Nevada, Ohio, Oregon, Texas, Utah, Washington, and Wisconsin. Our office is located in Prescott, AZ. Chris and his wife, Krista, have been married for over 30 years and have 7 children; 4 boys, 3 girls, 2 sons-in-law, and a German Shorthair dog named Annie.

We help our clients preserve and create wealth through active management strategies, we are passionate about helping our clients achieve financial peace of mind. Call us for more information on how we can help you. Visit our website: https://prescottfinancialadvisors.com/ for more information. Financial advisor in Prescott AZ.

Wright Wealth Management Group 3181 Clearwater Dr Ste A Prescott, AZ 86305

[ledenews]

Bordas & Bordas Attorneys Recognized Among The Best Lawyers in America®

Bordas & Bordas is proud to announce that four of its attorneys have been selected for inclusion in The Best Lawyers in America® 2025 edition. This prestigious honor, which highlights the top 5% of practicing lawyers in the United States,recognizes legal professionals based solely on peer review by their colleagues within the same practice areas and geographic regions. “We are incredibly honored to have four of our attorneys recognized by The Best Lawyers in America®,” said Jamie Bordas, Managing Partner at Bordas & Bordas. “This recognition is a testament to our firm’s dedication, expertise, and commitment to providing exceptional legal representation to our clients.” The Bordas & Bordas attorneys included in The Best Lawyers in America® 2025 edition are: Jamie Bordas: Personal Injury Litigation - Plaintiffs Scott Blass: Medical Malpractice Law - Plaintiffs, Personal Injury Litigation - Plaintiffs, Product Liability Litigation - Plaintiffs Geoff Brown: Personal Injury Litigation - Plaintiffs, Product Liability Litigation – Plaintiffs Tom Anderson: Employment Law - Individuals, Litigation - Labor and Employment Jamie Bordas, managing partner of Bordas & Bordas since 2005, has been recognized by The Best Lawyers in America® for the past 10 years. He spearheads Bordas & Bordas’ operations across multiple states and jurisdictions. An extremely accomplished litigator, Bordas has concentrated on the negotiation and resolution of the firm’s most complex and significant cases, including mass tort settlements of $36,500,000 and $18,500,000 and a single plaintiff settlement of over $18,000,000. In 2019, he served as lead counsel for a plaintiff at trial and presented the Oral Argument before the West Virginia Supreme Court in a case that resulted in a $16,922,000 verdict against Walmart. The verdict is believed to be one of the largest, if not the largest, verdicts in the history of Wood County, West Virginia, on behalf of a single plaintiff. He has also obtained a $10 million verdict in an insurance bad faith case in Belmont County, Ohio.  Jamie Bordas, managing general partner of Bordas & Bordas Bordas works on cases involving diverse areas of law, including insurance bad faith, toxic torts, personal injury, medical malpractice, oil and gas cases, business litigation and more. He has frequently been invited to speak to groups of attorneys on techniques applicable to trial skills, negotiation, mediation and resolution of cases because of his reputation for getting the best possible results for his clients. He has led the firm’s expansion into Pittsburgh and the rest of Western Pennsylvania and the opening of the firm’s Gateway Center offices in Pittsburgh.  Geoff Brown, a partner at Bordas & Bordas, also celebrates his tenth consecutive inclusion to The Best Lawyers in America® list. He concentrates his work on the firm's complex litigation and medical malpractice cases. He has obtained major jury verdicts not only in medical malpractice, but also in cases of stockbroker negligence, workplace injury, and wrongful death. Brown has earned a reputation for comprehensive preparation and attention to detail in theses demanding areas of law. He has obtained multi-million-dollar verdicts in West Virginia and Ohio. Brown has also been involved in Bordas & Bordas’ business litigation department and has handled multi-jurisdictional contract disputes involving Fortune 500 companies and representation of individuals before the Financial Industry Regulatory Authority (FINRA) arbitration panel. Scott Blass has been on The Best Lawyers in America® for 14 consecutive years. Blass has been litigating complex civil cases for over 30 years. He has obtained seven-figure verdicts on behalf of his clients in diverse areas of the law, including verdicts of over $4 million in a product liability case, $8 million in an auto accident case, $1.4 million in an insurance bad faith case, and $5.7 million in a medical malpractice case. Blass has also represented the families of oil and gas workers killed in fires/explosions and obtained settlements of $19 million and $19.5 million. He has been recognized as one of the foremost insurance bad faith and insurance coverage lawyers in West Virginia.  Tom Anderson has been recognized by Best Lawyers in America annually since 2019. Tom focuses his practice on helping individuals who have been injured or discriminated against in violation of state and federal laws, as well as matters of employment law, personal injury, medical malpractice, premises liability, and commercial law including seven-figure verdicts in cases of racial discrimination and retaliation, wrongful discharge and invasion of privacy, along with cases of product and premesis liability. This past April, Tom served as trial counsel in a trial that saw a jury in the United States District Court for the Middle District of Pennsylvania return a verdict of $20,500,000 against American Home Patient/Lincare in a racial discrimination case arising out of its State College, Pennsylvania location. The law firm of Bordas & Bordas has a long history of serving communities in West Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. The firm’s team of experienced attorneys offers a wide range of legal services, including those recognized by The Best Lawyers in America®. “We remain committed to providing our clients with the highest quality legal representation possible,” said Jamie Bordas “Being recognized by The Best Lawyers in America® is a reflection of our continued commitment to excellence.” Read the full article

[kieron141-blog]

Tweet These Advice & Tips for Newark Florida cross country movers

Vacating your old home can be a challenging job, however with the right tips and list in place, you can make the process smoother and more arranged. Whether you're moving for a job or starting a new chapter in your life, correct planning is crucial to ensuring a successful move. 1. Commence ASAP: Start your preparations as soon as possible to permit ample time for all the required jobs. 2. Print off a project checklist: A extensive list of all that needs to be done preceeding, throughout, and after the relocation. This will assist you to remain focused and ensure key pieces of the project are not neglected. 3. Research study your new state: Acquaint yourself with the guidelines, laws, and requirements of your brand-new state concerning housing, utilities, transport, etc 4. Hire expert movers: Consider working with skilled movers who concentrate on long-distance relocations. Get multiple quotes and check out reviews to discover reputable specialists who can handle your specific requirements. 5. Declutter before packing: Take this opportunity to declutter your personal belongings by eliminating products you no longer requirement or usage. This will lower the overall volume of products being moved and save you time and money. 6. Load tactically: Label boxes clearly according to their contents and location rooms in your brand-new home. Pack delicate items with additional care utilizing proper cushioning products. 7. Inform important parties: Notify appropriate parties about your change of address, including banks, energy companies, insurance coverage service providers, schools if appropriate, and federal government firms. 8. Arrange crucial files: Keep necessary files such as identification papers, medical records, financial declarations firmly arranged throughout the moving procedure for simple access when needed. 9. Schedule utilities transfer or cancellation: Contact utility companies at both ends to set up disconnection at your present home and connection at your new house on moving day or soon after. 10. Look after yourself throughout the move: Moving can be physically requiring and emotionally draining pipes; remember to take breaks when needed and prioritize self-care to remain stimulated and focused throughout the process. By following these top 10 tips, you'll be well-prepared for your out-of-state relocation, ensuring a smoother transition and a positive start to your new chapter.

https://amsaffordablemovingservices.com/cross-country-movers-in-newark-ohio/

[criminalsdefenselawyer]

Best Criminals Defense Lawyer!

Criminals Defense Lawyer

Holloway & Hulling attorneys are leaders in Montana's criminal defense framework, dedicated to diligently guarding citizens' rights who are faced with criminal charges. With 25 years of combined litigation expertise, these attorneys have carved a steadfast reputation for their proficiency in criminal, personal injury, family, and civil litigation. They stand as the backbone of Montana's criminal defense due to their relentless dedication to justice and intricately tailored defense strategies for each client. The duo's commitment to preserving their clients' rights and maintaining a fair judicial system truly sets them apart, making them a pillar in Montana's criminal defense landscape. 

What Makes Holloway & Hulling Different? 

Holloway & Hulling Lawyers: The Leading Choice for Criminal Defense in Montana 

Holloway & Hulling Lawyers, based in Missoula, Montana, are distinguished and dedicated legal practitioners specializing in criminal defense. With a laser-focused approach to their practice, they devote their expertise and resources entirely to handling criminal defense matters, regardless of the case complexity. 

Our Attorney Team 

Nathaniel Holloway and Nate Hulling - The Defending Duo 

Meet the Defending Duo of Holloway & Hulling Montana Lawyers - Nathaniel Holloway and Nate Hulling. With cumulated litigation experience stretching over 25 years, they have been intrinsic parts of numerous courtrooms around Missoula and encompassing communities. Their prowess converges on criminal defense, family law, real estate, and personal injury cases, with a key focus on criminal defense and personal injury. 

Nathaniel Holloway, holder of a B.A. in Political Science from the University of Montana, is renowned for his precision and tenacity when representing his clients in criminal cases. His adherence to ethical values and unwavering work ethic significantly contribute to his character and reputation. 

On the other hand, Nate Hulling carries an equal dedication to his role as a defense attorney. Before partnering with Holloway, he held esteemed titles including Judicial Extern in the United States District Court, SD Ohio, and Student Articles Editor at the ONU Law Review - Editorial Board. His practice is underscored by his commitment to building resolute defense strategies for his clients. 

Their unity in partnership is backed by shared experience, values, and an embedded desire to serve their clients relentlessly. They look ahead to continue serving the Missoula and wider Montana community with robust advocacy and empathy. They have successfully navigated numerous high-profile cases, proving their competency in the field. Their noteworthy accomplishments reflect their expert knowledge and skill in jurisprudence, thus establishing their credibility as top-notch attorneys in Missoula, MT. 

At Holloway & Hulling Montana Lawyers, the attorney-client relationship is considered sacred. Every case is handled with the highest degree of attention, and each defense strategy is tailored to the unique circumstances of the case. From the onset to the finalization of the case, Nathaniel Holloway and Nate Hulling work relentlessly to ensure a successful outcome, invariably standing by your side, and protecting your rights. 

When you pick Holloway & Hulling Montana Lawyers, you're choosing a committed, experienced, and dedicated team to fight for your justice. 

Montana Criminal Defense Lawyer Services 

Providing Unmatched Legal Assistance in Various Practice Areas 

At Holloway & Hulling, we offer comprehensive legal guidance spanning multiple areas of concern. Our formidable expertise and firm understanding of Montana's intricate legal framework equip us to address a wide variety of criminal defense scenarios. 

In addition to our broad legal proficiency, we specialize in several crucial practice areas: 

DUI/DWI cases: We analyze every facet of your case, challenge evidentiary shortcomings, and champion your rights throughout the entire process. 

Drug offenses: We develop resilient defense strategies to contend with drug-related accusations, leveraging our extensive knowledge of state and federal drug laws. 

Assault: We ensure you are not unjustly convicted by scrupulously examining the circumstances surrounding your case. 

White-collar crimes: From fraud to embezzlement, we understand the complexities of these charges and deploy sophisticated defense plans to tackle them. 

Our extensive experience spans not only these specific domains but also encompasses other violent and non-violent crime cases. Underpinning our services is the objective to offer top-tier legal representation in Missoula and the wider Montana region. 

Underlying our success is an intimate understanding of both broad strokes and minute details of Montana's judicial framework. This intricate knowledge is a testament to our robust capacity to guide clients through the legal process and adeptly navigate their defense strategies. This strategic advantage is a cornerstone of our unwavering commitment to preserve our clients' rights and ensure they receive fair proceedings. 

Not only are we well-versed with Montana's legal system, but our long-standing presence and active practice in the state courtrooms provide us with a deep understanding of courtroom dynamics, judge perspectives, and prosecutorial tactics. This comprehensive proficiency, combined with an uncompromising dedication to our client's welfare, empowers us to provide unparalleled representation and advisement. 

At Holloway & Hulling, we recognize that each case and client is unique. Therefore, we go beyond the mere provision of legal services; we tailor design solutions and strategies to suit your specific circumstances, thus offering optimized and personalized defense for your individual needs. This practice is what differentiates us from other law firms, making us an ideal partner in your quest for justice. 

Regardless of the nature of your criminal charges, jumpstart your defense today by engaging the experienced criminal defense lawyers at Holloway & Hulling - your trusted legal partners in Montana. 

Benefits Of Using Us as Your Criminal Defense Attorney 

When you choose Holloway & Hulling Lawyers as your criminal defense attorney, you are investing in stellar legal advice, backed by a wealth of experience and an enviable track record. Our seasoned team of lawyers is deeply conversant with the ins and outs of the local legal system in Missoula, Montana, using their expertise to navigate intricate cases with finesse. 

Our lawyers carry years of experience under their belts, shadowed by a track record that speaks volumes about their capability. From minor offenses to serious charges, our attorneys have handled diverse cases, ensuring high success rates for our clients.  

We offer personalized service, meaning every case that we take on is treated with unmatched attention to detail. We understand that each case is unique—hence, the approach needs to be tailored to match its nature and complexity. We dedicate ample time and resources to each case, ensuring that no stone is left unturned in building a robust defense strategy. 

Choosing Holloway & Hulling Lawyers also means having access to specialized criminal defense knowledge. We are laser-focused on delivering quality critical defense services, and this specialization allows us to delve deeper into these cases, drawing out nuances that may be overlooked by less specialized set-ups. With our firm, you stand to benefit from our unparalleled understanding of local laws, procedural nuances, and intricate case details. 

What truly sets us apart is our dedication. We understand the turmoil you may be undergoing, and we're not just here as your legal representatives - we're on your side. We fight for you and your rights, operating to provide the best possible outcome under the circumstances of your case. 

So, when you are faced with criminal charges, Holloway & Hulling Lawyers are your go-to resource for a comprehensive, experienced, and dedicated legal support system. By selecting us as your criminal defense attorney, you're choosing a partner that ensures your best interests are protected while offering you the best chances of a favorable resolution. 

Address: 1750 Brooks Street, Suite B Missoula, MT 59801 Phone: (406) 880-7424

Website: https://montanalawyers.net

[lawyersdatascraping]

Texas Bar Association Attorneys Email List

Discover how the Texas Bar Association Attorneys Email List by LawyersDataLab.com can revolutionize your law firm marketing strategy. Learn how top legal marketing companies leverage this valuable resource for successful campaigns. The Texas Bar Association Attorneys Email List provided by LawyersDataLab.com is a powerful tool that can greatly enhance your law firm marketing strategy. This comprehensive list contains the contact details of attorneys who are members of the Texas Bar Association, making it an invaluable resource for legal professionals. By utilizing this email list, law firms can reach a wide audience of potential clients and establish valuable connections within the legal community. Whether you are a solo practitioner or a large law firm, this email list can help you expand your reach and attract new clients.

In addition to providing contact information, the Texas Bar Association Attorneys Email List also includes other valuable data fields such as practice areas, years of experience, and law school attended. This allows you to target your marketing efforts and tailor your messages to specific groups of attorneys. With the Texas Bar Association Attorneys Email List, you can take your law firm marketing to the next level and stay ahead of the competition in today's digital age.

List of Data Fields

The Texas Bar Association Attorneys Email List includes a wide range of data fields that can help you refine your marketing efforts and connect with the right audience. Included in this list are some of the essential data fields:

- Attorney Name: Attorney's Name.

- Email Address: The email address of the attorney.

- Practice Areas: The areas of law in which the attorney specializes.

- Years of Experience: The number of years the attorney has been practicing law.

- Law School Attended: The law school attended by the attorney.

By having access to this information, you can segment your marketing campaigns and target attorneys who are most likely to be interested in your services. This can greatly improve the effectiveness of your marketing efforts and increase your chances of success.

Benefits of Texas Bar Association Attorneys Email List

The Texas Bar Association Attorneys Email List offers numerous benefits for law firm marketing, lawyers marketing, and legal marketing companies. Some of the key benefits include:

1. Wide Reach: With thousands of attorneys on the list, you can reach a large audience and increase your chances of finding potential clients.

2. Targeted Marketing: The data fields included in the email list allow you to target your marketing efforts and tailor your messages to specific groups of attorneys.

3. Cost-Effective: Compared to traditional marketing methods, email marketing is a cost-effective way to promote your services and generate leads.

4. Increased Visibility: By reaching out to attorneys through email, you can increase your visibility within the legal community and establish valuable connections.

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By leveraging the benefits of this email list, you can enhance your marketing strategy and drive the growth of your law firm.

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Conclusion

In conclusion, the Texas Bar Association Attorneys Email List by LawyersDataLab.com is a valuable resource for law firm marketing, lawyers marketing, and legal marketing companies. This comprehensive list provides access to a wide range of attorneys who are members of the Texas Bar Association, allowing you to reach a large audience and establish valuable connections within the legal community. By utilizing the data fields included in the email list, you can target your marketing efforts and tailor your messages to specific groups of attorneys. This increases the effectiveness of your marketing campaigns and improves your chances of success.

Don't miss out on the opportunity to revolutionize your law firm marketing strategy. Take advantage of the Texas Bar Association Attorneys Email List by LawyersDataLab.com and stay ahead of the competition in today's digital age.

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[daylight-insurance]

Benefits of Small Business Insurance Company Ohio

Introduction:

If you own a small business, having the security of knowing that any unforeseen events will not disrupt your day-to-day operations is crucial to your success. For that small business insurance company Ohio will help you.

Benefits Businesses by Drawing in New Customers:

Ensuring a company's products and services increases consumers' faith in them, which is invaluable in today's business climate. Those looking to do business will often only do so with reputable firms. Both the company's owners and clients benefit from having insurance in place in the event of an accident.

Customers and clients are more likely to do business with a company if they can trust and rely on it. More customers and money for the company can result from this. Customers of a freight and logistics company, for instance, could feel more comfortable doing business with the company if they knew it was covered in the event of theft or an accident.

2. It aids companies in attracting and retaining top talent:

One of a company's most valuable resources is its employees. Employees and the company both benefit from well-rounded insurance coverage. Disability, general liability, and health insurance are all part of a competitive employment package that can help a company attract and retain top people. A construction company that includes general liability and workers' compensation insurance in its employment package may find attracting and retaining personnel easier than one that does not.

3. It shields companies from the potentially ruinous effects of lawsuits and claims:

If an employee or customer brings a claim or lawsuit against a small business insurance company Ohio policy may pay for the associated legal fees and damages. Business owners would have to pay for these unexpected expenses without insurance. Lack of insurance can be financially ruinous for a company if a claim or lawsuit costs several hundreds of thousands of dollars.

If a company, for some reason (such as an act of God), cannot fulfil the terms of a contract with a customer, the customer may sue the company for breach of contract. The costs of defending against allegations and lawsuits like these might cripple a company without professional liability insurance.

4. Helps Businesses Continue to Thrive Year after Year:

Losses and accidents can be mitigated with the help of insurance for small enterprises.

Losses incurred as a result of natural calamities.

Lawsuits can be very costly.

Loss of a vital team member due to illness or tragedy.

With protection against these possibilities, business owners may concentrate on revenue-generating activities while still being prepared to deal with unforeseen costs as they arise. In addition, insurance products like business interruption insurance can compensate for the financial losses resulting from a company's closure due to damage, litigation, or claims.

5. Aids in Meeting Legal Obligations for Businesses:

Certain types of insurance coverage are required by law in various US states for companies to conduct business there legally. Failure to purchase such insurance may result in legal action, imprisonment, and denial of public contracts. For instance, except for Texas, most states mandate that firms acquire workers' compensation insurance.

Conclusion:

Read The Future of Insurance Distribution and this helpful resource to learn more about the need for Home Insurance agency Cleveland Ohio and how to select the best coverage for your needs. In case you need to know, finding the right supplier is the first step in ensuring excellent service and protection.

[potterlawoffice]

Best Place For Dui Attorney Bowling Green | Potterlawoffice.com

Finding the law firm to hire best dui attorney bowling green? Potterlawoffice.com is the ideal firm to use when searching for the top DUI attorney Bowling Green, Ohio. If you want to protect your rights and reputation, you must select a criminal attorney who has experience handling drug-related accusations. Visit our site for more info.

dui attorney bowling green

[larrimercolumbus]

Standard post published to Larrimer & Larrimer, LLC at February 27, 2023 17:00

Workers Comp Columbus Ohio

Regarding workers’ compensation cases, having an experienced attorney is essential. Larrimer & Larrimer, LLC in Columbus, Ohio, is a full-service law firm that has provided various workers’ compensation legal services to injured workers throughout Ohio. For the past year of experience and success, we earned the distinguished honor of being one of the top workers’ comp attorneys in Columbus and the state of Ohio. All cases are prepared with attention to detail and final preparation, which enables the firm to secure the best possible settlements for injured clients every time. Our firm is dedicated to staying up-to-date on Ohio state and federal laws and providing professional yet compassionate service to all its clients. If you need an experienced workers’ comp attorney in Columbus or Ohio, Larrimer & Larrimer, LLC can provide the legal assistance you need.

Learn more

source https://local.google.com/place?id=12058418409174630025&use=posts&lpsid=CIHM0ogKEICAgIDhsKXQogE