#roman dmowski

[wojakgallery]

Title/Name: Roman Stanisław Dmowski, commonly known as ‘Roman Dmowski’, (1864–1939). Bio: Polish politician, statesman, and co-founder and chief ideologue of the National Democracy political movement. Country: Poland Wojak Series: Feels Guy (Variant) Image by: Unknown Main Tag: Roman Dmowski Wojak

[mariacallous]

Lawfair, founded by the well-known litigator Adam Mortara, is a boutique right-wing firm currently engaged by the state of Tennessee to provide counsel on a contentious Supreme Court case that could affect the availability of gender-affirming care for transgender minors across the country. Aside from Mortara, the only other lawyer known to have worked or done work for the firm is a project-based contract attorney named Christopher Roach. He no longer does so, after WIRED asked questions about his apparent ties—revealed exclusively in this story for the first time—to online accounts with a long history of posting white supremacist and antisemitic content.

“America, frankly, would be a much more civilized, safe, wealthy, and orderly place, but for its minorities,” wrote one of the accounts.

Mortara, a former Clarence Thomas clerk and current lecturer at the University of Chicago Law School, founded Lawfair in 2020. While working with a different firm, he was the lead trial lawyer representing Students for Fair Admissions in its case against Harvard, which later advanced to the Supreme Court—a ruling that gutted affirmative action. He is also, according to an appointment letter provided to WIRED by Tennessee’s attorney general’s office that was addressed to him through Lawfair LLC, currently being retained for $10,000 a month by Governor Bill Lee to “assist the State and the Office of the Attorney General with complex and sophisticated litigation, regulatory matters, and client advice.” Specifically, the firm is working on a case about whether the state's ban on gender-affirming hormone care for transgender minors is in violation of the 14th Amendment's equal protection clause. If the court sides with Tennessee, it would significantly impact access to treatments like puberty blockers and hormone treatment. The case was picked up by the Supreme Court in June, and arguments are set to be heard this fall.

Aside from Mortara, the only other lawyer known to have done work for or with Lawfair—and the person tied to the online accounts with a history of racist posting—is Roach, a University of Chicago–educated attorney and an adjunct fellow at the Center for American Greatness, a prominent conservative group. (Its publisher has been a fellow at the hugely influential Claremont Institute, which is listed as a member of the Project 2025 advisory board.) According to Florida’s bar registration website, Roach is based in Tampa, Florida.

In response to a request for comment from WIRED for this story, Mortara told WIRED that he was “not aware of these abhorrent statements, which do not reflect our values,” adding that following WIRED’s revelations, Roach is “no longer affiliated with the firm.” He also said that Roach did not work on the gender-affirming-care case for the state of Tennessee and was not involved with the Students for Fair Admission case. Roach’s online résumé, which up until then listed Lawfair as his employer, was quickly changed to omit mention of it. Roach himself did not respond to WIRED’s phone calls, text messages, and emails.

The questions WIRED asked Mortara about Roach concerned a decades-old online trail of deeply racist and antisemitic writings and social media posts by accounts linked to Roach. Those links were shown in research provided exclusively to WIRED by software engineer Travis Brown, who previously helped reveal that former Brooklyn real estate broker Chaya Raichik was the person behind the hate-filled, anti-trans LibsofTikTok account.

Brown’s research, which WIRED independently confirmed, ties Roach to a Twitter account that used different names over the years, such as “Roman Dmowski,” a reference to an antisemitic Polish nationalist, and “Blessed Groyper,” a reference to the name used by followers of notorious white nationalist Nick Fuentes.

The account, which appears to have been suspended in 2022, is littered with openly racist, white supremacist, and antisemitic comments.

“You’re a zero empathy monster,” the account wrote in a 2020 post in response to a Black mother asking who would protect her children from gun violence.“You are a disgrace to the human race. Actually white lives matter the Most and are the most important bc we are the most productive and innocent ppl on this planet.”

In another response to the same post, the account added: “I’m making sure my kids are white and that they don’t encounter any more minorities than absolutely necessary bc 13do50.” This last term is coded language used by white supremacists. The number 13 falsely references the percentage of the American population that’s Black; the 50 refers to the supposed percentage of all murders committed by Black people in the US. The Anti Defamation League has described the term as “racist propaganda.”

In another post from 2019, the account dismissed the death of a counter protester at the Unite the Right rally in 2017, writing: “​​One chick died in a car accident in Charlottesville and they act like it's Anuddah Shoah”—a phrase popularized by white supremacists to mock Jews and the Holocaust. In another post, the account complained that “any exploration of Jewish wrongdoing as a source of German hostility is verbotten [sic].”

Brown was able to link the anonymous Twitter account to Roach through an email address. Using data from a massive leak in 2022 in which over 200 million email addresses of Twitter users were posted online, Brown found that the Twitter account was registered with a Yahoo email address that features Roach’s surname and a location where, according to his LinkedIn account, he worked for four years at the beginning of the 2000s.

WIRED was able to independently link this same email address to Roach via records found in public databases and further confirm its connection to Roach. A “Chris R.” using the Yahoo address to post reviews on Google, for example, included a photo of his house alongside a favorable review of a Tampa-area housepainter. That house, according to Hillsborough County property tax records, belongs to Roach.

The Yahoo email address ties Roach to repeated postings of racist material. It was used, for instance, in a 2007 email sent to and published on VDare, a notorious site that according to the Southern Poverty Law Center acts as a bridge between the mainstream Republican Party and the fringe white nationalist right, by a user named “Chris Roach.”

Roach was writing to VDare to complain about being “unceremoniously dumped” from writing for the online magazine of the America’s Future Foundation (AFF), a young conservative group in Washington. (While Roach’s posts on AFF are now deleted, WIRED has reviewed archived material on that website with the byline “Chris Roach.” In a biography on the site, he writes that he “studied the Great Books at the University of Chicago under some really great professors … I stayed for Law School and am now an attorney in private practice.” This biography lines up exactly with Roach’s, according to his LinkedIn profile.)

In his VDare email, Roach alleges that AFF’s executive director, David Kirby, fired him for comments Roach made on a post at the paleoconservative blog Eunomia, claiming Kirby told him, “There's no place in AFF's mission to provide space for someone who posts comments and content like this.” (AFF and Kirby did not respond to a request for comment.)

Roach didn’t say what the comments were, but an archived copy of the comment section to which his email linked reviewed by WIRED shows deeply racist remarks from a user named “Roach.” “America, frankly, would be a much more civilized, safe, wealthy, and orderly place, but for its minorities,” the author of the comment wrote, asserting there is “something deeply evil in the culture of black America and the souls of black Americans.” The poster denied being racist, but advocated for “special black schools, higher rates of discipline for black students, different standards of discipline for black young people, black colleges, segregation in prisons, much higher rates of black imprisonment, racial profiling, and, most important of all, simply a willingness to say, ‘We will control blacks when they get out of control.’”

The VDare email also asked readers to click on a link to Mansizedtarget.com, a site described as “paleoconservative observations” written by an author whose name was displayed, according to archived copies, first as “Mr. Roach” and then as “Roman Dmowski.” (At one point, the Google reviews account tied to Roach and to the Yahoo email address evidently used “mansizedtar” as a screen name, given a response to a review in which a business owner addresses the user of the account by that name. After WIRED contacted Roach about the online posts, archived copies of the Mansizedtarget website on the Wayback machine were removed.)

Over the years Roach’s name, or a variation of his name, has appeared on a range of different right-wing and extremist sites.

The “Blessed Groyper” Twitter account shared links on several occasions to articles written by Christopher Roach for the website American Greatness. Roach, whose image appears next to his byline, has been a prolific contributor, writing 337 articles over the last seven years. In the past 12 months, Roach has covered major right-wing culture-war topics from opposing gun control measures to pushing election conspiracies, defending the January 6 insurrectionists, and labeling those concerned about the spread of Covid-19 as “fanatics.”

Roach describes himself as an “adjunct fellow” at the organization that publishes American Greatness, the Center for American Greatness—a right-wing think tank that has been funded by dark money. Neither the Center for American Greatness nor its publisher, Buskirk, responded to a request for comment.

Roach, as noted in his author bio at American Greatness, has also written for Taki’s Magazine, another paleoconservative blog that has hosted content from far-right figures like Proud Boys founder Gavin McInnes as well as white nationalists Jared Taylor and Richard Spencer.

An account called “Roach” was also extremely active in the comment section of extremist website Occidental Dissent, which is run by Brad Griffin, a prominent member of the neo-Confederate, secessionist group League of the South, which the Southern Poverty Law Center has designated a hate group.

Accounts using Roach’s name or his known aliases, such as Mansizedtarget and Roman Dmowski, have also posted on the gun-focused forum Sniper’s Hide and a Jeep Wrangler fan site known as Wrangler Forum.

Roach was, until recently, one of just two people who stated they worked for Lawfair LLC, according to LinkedIn. The other person is founder Mortara, who is based in Tennessee, where the company is also registered.

Mortara, who graduated from the University of Chicago Law School after earning an undergraduate degree there and a masters in astrophysics from Cambridge, is formerly a clerk for Clarence Thomas. The justice’s clerks have over the years created a powerful network of conservative leaders in the legal system, media, and at the highest levels of government.

In one comment section on a 2008 blog about Michelle Obama’s college thesis, a user identified as mansizedtarget.com said they had worked on the “Gratz/Grutter Michigan affirmative action cases.” Both cases were argued in front of the Supreme Court during the period Mortara clerked for Thomas.

Following almost two decades at the high-profile Bartlit Beck firm in Chicago, where he specialized in intellectual property cases, Mortara formed Lawfair LLC, which he describes as a “civil and voting rights” firm. Mortara has also been a lecturer in law at the University of Chicago, which did not respond to a request for comment, since 2007. In the past decade-plus, he has been involved in litigation concerning redistricting efforts amongst the state legislatures of Texas and Wisconsin. In the latter, he teamed up with the firm that had represented former president Donald Trump and the RNC, and pocketed what was projected to be nearly $200,000 in fees.

Lawfair LLC has virtually no online presence, including no website and no social media presence, which Alejandra Caraballo, an instructor at Harvard Law School's Cyberlaw Clinic, tells WIRED is not unusual.

“It's a boutique firm from a connected attorney,” says Caraballo. “They basically only litigate culture war cases (hence the name lawfair). It works through political connections.”

Earlier this month, The Tennessean reported on an August 2023 letter signed by Tennessee governor Bill Lee approving payment of $10,000 a month for up to two years to Lawfair LLC for its work on the gender-affirming-care case.

“The Tennessee Attorney General’s Office retained Adam Mortara, one of the finest litigators in America, as outside counsel and has not ever had a relationship with any other attorneys from Lawfair, LLC,” Amy Lannom Wilhite, the director of communications for the Tennessee Attorney General’s Office, tells WIRED.

Roach is not named counsel on any of the Supreme Court cases. Mortara did not respond to questions about how many lawyers have worked for or done work for Lawfair and what Roach was working on at the firm after he joined, according to his online résumé, in 2020—the same year the firm was founded.

[hazardous-waste-containment]

The extreme Right was represented by the nationalists, who were contained in several parties. By far the most important was the National party (Stronnictwo Narodowe, or SN), the latest version of Roman Dmowski’s National Democratic (Endecja) movement. [..] Its program was based almost exclusively on fostering anti-Semitism while simultaneously combatting any activity from the Socialist and Communist Left. [..]

Even more extreme in their anti-Semitic views were the so-called “young” nationalists, who split off from the National Party to form the National Radical Camp (Obóz Narodowo-Radykalny, or ONR), which in turn divided into the ABC and Falanga factions. Outspokenly militant, the National Radicals fashioned their party along the lines of the European authoritarian movements then in vogue, and continually attacked the National party as being opportunistic and ready to compromise its nationalist principles. The Falanga group, youthful and dynamic, exerted a particularly powerful hold over the university students. In Bolesław Piasecki, they possessed a leader characterized by a leading Piłsudski-ite as an intelligent person but also “a cold-blooded gangster” without scruples who would use any means to seize absolute power and establish a genuine Fascist system in Poland.

“The Political Situation,” Polish Politics in Transition by Edward D. Wynot, Jr.

Understandably, the two nationalist camps displayed [..] profound differences with the Sanacja [OZN] over certain political questions. [..] The Endeks [i.e. National Democrats] adopted as their cardinal principle the dictum that the nation itself, rather than the state or a political group, was solely responsible for its defense against internal as well as external enemies. When it became clear that [First Marshal] Rydz was actively involving the army in political life, the party was quick to voice its disapproval of this trend. [..] As a movement of action rather than rhetoric, the Falanga possessed a less developed body of doctrine than the National party. Yet certain points of divergence with the OZN’s ideology were discernible from this quarter as well. While not denying them outright, the Falanga dismissed completely the past accomplishments of Piłsudski and the Legionnaires as irrelevant for Poland’s future, totally ignored the broader political role of the armed forces, and advocated the overthrow of the April Constitution and other vestiges of the Sanacja system. Furthermore the state, the object of special reverence for the regime, was tolerated by the Falanga only insofar as it could serve as an instrument to realize “the historic destinies of the Polish Nation,” and Catholicism, mentioned favorably but vaguely in the Koc declaration, was made the basic premise of the entire Falanga program, which justified everything by the slogan “God is the highest end of Man.”

These differences notwithstanding, there were certain key similarities between the Sanacja and Nationalist ideologies. Although the Endek theory advanced no specific state structure as an objective, [..] the party still believed strongly in the existence of a powerful, centralized executive branch of government. Anti-Communist and pro-Catholic tones were as dear to the Endeks as to the Piłsudski-ites, and both groups placed strong emphasis on the Polish nation as the prime force in the country. The Falanga was [even] closer to the OZN in political outlook. Both movements believed in the compulsory enrollment of the community in a homogenous, universal, and hierarchical organization, in the Falanga’s case the so-called Political Organization of the Nation. This formation would be based on Führerism, Catholicism, anti-Communism, and Polish nationalism, and all political parties were to be eliminated. In short, the basic, underlying premises of both programs were very similar, while Piasecki had merely advanced them to a degree of sophistication far above the elementary level attained by [OZN leader Adam] Koc. Since the chief differences between these two groups were questions of extreme rather than of fundamental concepts, the Falanga and OZN appeared far more likely to find a common basis for cooperation than did the Camp of National Unity and the National party [..].

“The Political Ideology of National Unity,” ibid.

[The] emphasis on the preponderant role of the state in the national economy did not mean that the Sanacja was prepared to endorse the Falanga’s call for the complete abolition of the private sector. Koc was careful to qualify his praise for etatism by assuring the public that his camp would preserve the principles of private property as well as individual private enterprise. [..]

Not surprisingly, Koc refused to sanction any radical treatment of social questions, promising instead to solve economic and social problems “by looking to our national idea, which is the defensive strength and power of the State.” He proposed to seek solutions not by destroying current values through the use of revolutionary methods, “but by perfecting the existing institutions and creating new ones.” It was especially important that Poland develop and modernize “without shocks and violence, which always threaten the State.”

“The Economic and Social Program of National Unity,” ibid.

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Roman Dmowski

[omg-lucio]

Miembros de la comisión de la Sociedad de Naciones creada por la Sesión Plenaria de la Conferencia Preliminar de Paz, París, Francia, 1919

De pie (de izquierda a derecha):

Constantine Diamandy (Rumania); No identificado; Coronel Edward M. House (Estados Unidos); No identificado; Roman Dmowski (Polonia); Milenko R. Vesnitch (Serbia); No identificado; Jan Smuts (Imperio Británico); Woodrow Wilson (Estados Unidos); Karal Kramar (Checoslovaquia); Paul Hymans (Bélgica); No identificado; VK Wellington Koo (China); Jaime Batalha-Reis (Portugal); Vittorio Scialoja (Italia); No identificado

Sentado (de izquierda a derecha):

Sutemi Chinda (Japón); Nobuaki Makino (Japón); León Bourgeois (Francia); Robert Cecil (Imperio Británico); Vittorio Emanuele Orlando (Italia); Epitacio Pessoa (Brasil); Eleftherios Venizelos (Grecia)

[organisationskoval]

578) Stronnictwo Narodowe, SN, National Party – polska partia polityczna, utworzona w październiku 1928 w wyniku przekształcenia Związku Ludowo-Narodowego, której zadaniem było prowadzenie bieżącej działalności politycznej obozu narodowego (Narodowa Demokracja). Roman Dmowski od początku lat 20. krytycznie spoglądał na działalność Związku Ludowo-Narodowego. Przewrót majowy przeprowadzony przez Józefa Piłsudskiego w 1926 osłabił endecję. Jednym z etapów przekształceń na prawicy było powołanie w Poznaniu (z inicjatywy Dmowskiego) 4 grudnia 1926 Obozu Wielkiej Polski. Klęska w wyborach w 1928 przyspieszyła zmiany. Rada Naczelna ZLN 10 czerwca 1928 podjęła decyzję o reorganizacji ugrupowania w Stronnictwo Narodowe. W drugiej połowie roku rozpoczęto przekształcanie struktur ZLN w SN. W ramach nowego ugrupowania miały się mieścić różne nurty ruchu narodowego począwszy od OWP do organizacji o charakterze społecznym i zawodowym. Obok przekształceń formalnych doszło również do zmian personalnych. We władzach nowej partii zabrakło czołowych działaczy ZLN: Jana Załuski i Stanisława Grabskiego. W kierowniczych gremiach pozostali jednak tacy działacze starszego pokolenia, jak Roman Rybarski, Bohdan Wasiutyński, Karol Wierczak, Marian Seyda. Stefan Dąbrowski, Stanisław Stroński i Adam Żółtowski opowiadali się za tym, by w nazwie nowego ugrupowania pojawiło się słowo „katolickie” (partia nazywałaby się wtedy Stronnictwo Katolicko-Narodowe), ale pod wpływem Dmowskiego do tego nie doszło. Głównym celem programowym stronnictwa była budowa katolickiego państwa narodu polskiego. Ponadto partia opowiadała się za hierarchiczną organizacją społeczeństwa oraz przekształceniem ustroju politycznego, zwiększając rolę elity narodowej w państwie. SN organizował liczne wiece i manifestacje protestacyjne przeciwko dyktatorskiej polityce obozu piłsudczyków (sanacji). Na początku lat 30. doszło wewnątrz SN do sporów, między grupą „starych” (Stanisław Stroński, Marian Seyda, Roman Rybarski), postulującą zachowanie ustroju parlamentarnego z ograniczeniem zakresu demokracji, a grupą „młodych” (Tadeusz Bielecki, Jędrzej Giertych, Stefan Sacha), którzy związani z Obozem Wielkiej Polski, głosili poglądy o kryzysie liberalnej demokracji oraz dążyli do zespolenia zasad katolicyzmu z nacjonalizmem. Były członek zarządu okręgowego SN Wacław Kozielski w 1933 roku założył Narodowo-Socjalistyczną Partię Robotniczą. Konflikty doprowadziły do rozłamów; w 1933 wyodrębnił się Związek Młodych Narodowców, w 1934 Obóz Narodowo-Radykalny, a w 1935 Związek Ruchu Narodowego. W 1935 władzę w SN przejęli „młodzi” z nową linią polityczną będącą kontynuacją OWP. Wkrótce doszło do podziału „młodych” na ekstremistyczną frakcję Jędrzeja Giertycha i grupę Tadeusza Bieleckiego, bardziej skłonną do kompromisu z sanacją. W tym okresie SN reprezentowało zdecydowaną postawę antysemicką. Największe wpływy stronnictwo posiadało w Zachodniej i Centralnej Polsce oraz w Wilnie i Lwowie. Było największą partią polityczną w Polsce. W 1938 liczyło ponad 200 tys. członków. Organami prasowymi stronnictwa były: „Gazeta Warszawska” (od 1935 „Warszawski Dziennik Narodowy”), „Myśl Narodowa”, „Kurier Poznański”, „Dziennik Wileński” i wiele innych. Prezesami SN byli kolejno: Joachim Bartoszewicz, Kazimierz Kowalski oraz Tadeusz Bielecki. Pod wpływem SN pozostawały liczne organizacje zawodowe (Zjednoczenie Zawodowe „Praca Polska”), młodzieżowe (Związek Akademicki Młodzież Wszechpolska), sportowe (Towarzystwo Gimnastyczne „Sokół”), oświatowe i inne. 3 grudnia 1937 Sąd Okręgowy w Zamościu skazał działaczy SN, w tym Kazimierza Rzewuskiego, na kary pozbawienia wolności w zawieszeniu za nielegalne posiadanie broni i materiałów (pierwotnie akt oskarżenia wymieniał stworzenie organizacji zbrojnej wymierzonej przeciw komunistom). W okresie II wojny światowej, SN było jednym z 4 głównych konspiracyjnych stronnictw politycznych które działało pod kryptonimem „Kwadrat”. Było reprezentowane, do czerwca 1941 w rządzie RP na uchodźstwie przez – Władysława Folkierskiego i Zygmunta Berezowskiego oraz w Delegaturze Rządu RP na Kraj i w Politycznym Komitecie Porozumiewawczym. Kwadrat postulował model Polski narodowej i bezklasowej. Opowiadał się za walką z Niemcami, wyparciem z Polski obcego kapitału, uspołecznieniem własności przez udział robotników w przedsiębiorstwach, przebudową ustroju rolnego oraz za znacznym przesunięciem zachodniej granicy. Zwalczał wpływy komunistyczne w Polsce. W październiku 1939 na konspiracyjnym posiedzeniu, zarząd główny SN powołał Narodową Organizację Wojskową. W 1942 część kierownictwa politycznego Kwadratu wystąpiła z inicjatywą podporządkowania NOW dowództwu AK, co spowodowało rozłam w SN i NOW. Działacze opozycyjni wraz z Organizacją Wojskową Związek Jaszczurczy utworzyli we wrześniu 1942 Narodowe Siły Zbrojne. W listopadzie 1942 doszło do scalenia NOW z AK. Od lipca 1944 władze Stronnictwa prowadziły rozmowy polityczne z Niemcami, w celu zapobieżenia przewidywanej masakrze młodzieży polskiej w Warszawie w związku planowanym powstaniem. Adam Ronikier przedstawił w toczących się rozmowach ideę, by Armia Krajowa przejęła Warszawę bez morderczego boju z Niemcami, na co skłonni byli przystać niektórzy politycy i wojskowi niemieccy (vide casus Paryża w sierpniu 1944). Ideę tę popierał m.in. Józef Mackiewicz. Wojna nie przerwała ciągłości życia politycznego i istnienia organizacji politycznych, ale po jej zakończeniu Stronnictwo Narodowe przetrwało w szczątkowej postaci. Największe straty Stronnictwo Narodowe poniosło w Wielkopolsce, w Okręgu Lwowskim SN oraz w Warszawie. W listopadzie 1944 kierownictwo SN utworzyło Narodowe Zjednoczenie Wojskowe, wojskową organizację mającą przeciwstawić się powstającym w Polsce władzom komunistycznym. W 1945 po nieudanej próbie przejścia do działalności legalnej, Stronnictwo Narodowe jako całość pozostawało w podziemiu. Władze komunistyczne wzmagały nieustanne akcje przeciw narodowemu podziemiu. W jego zwalczaniu brały udział formacje MO, KBW, UB, jednostki wojskowe, w tym również NKWD i Armia Czerwona. W głośnym Procesie 16 w Moskwie, który rozpoczął się 18 czerwca 1945 sądzeni byli, obok innych, również działacze Stronnictwa Narodowego: Stanisław Jasiukowicz, Aleksander Zwierzyński, Kazimierz Kobylański i Zbigniew Stypułkowski. Przybyły z emigracji w grudniu 1945 przedstawiciel prezesa Zarządu Głównego SN – Tadeusza Bieleckiego, Edward Sojka powołał nowe Prezydium SN. Przewodniczącym został Leon Dziubecki, a członkami: ks. Władysław Matus, Lech Hajdukiewicz, Marian Podymiak. Wydział Terenowy objął Tadeusz Maciński a Propagandy – Bronisław Ekiert. W grudniu 1946 MBP aresztowało całe Prezydium. Pozostałe struktury próbował aktywizować następny przybyły z Londynu w grudniu 1946 emisariusz Adam Doboszyński, jednak w lipcu 1947 on także został aresztowany. UB rozbiło wtedy także szereg pozostałych oddziałów NSZ w całej Polsce. W dniach 7–22 maja 1948 r. Wojskowy Sąd Rejonowy w Warszawie w składzie ppłk dr Romuald Klimowiecki, por. Henryk Szczepański, mjr Mieczysław Iwanicki skazał na dożywotnie więzienia szereg przywódców SN. 24 czerwca 1948 r. zmarł w więzieniu mokotowskim w niewyjaśnionych okolicznościach skazany wcześniej na dożywocie Leon Dziubecki. Rok 1950 to apogeum stalinizmu. Wówczas w więzieniach siedzieli czołowi narodowcy tacy jak: Leon Mirecki, Kazimierz Kobylański, ks. Piotr Stępień i wielu innych. Stronnictwo Narodowe doszczętnie rozbite kontynuowało działalność na emigracji. Do najbardziej znanych działaczy z tego okresu należeli: dr Tadeusz Bielecki, Jędrzej Giertych oraz Władysław Folkierski. Organem prasowym emigracyjnego SN była wydawana od 1941 „Myśl Polska”, która ukazywała się w Londynie. Po 1989 w Polsce powstało kilka ugrupowań i partii politycznych nawiązujących do SN.

[lipstickontheglass1985]

why are so many polishposting blogs on here nationalist weirdos 💀💀💀 like i want to rb perhaps a nice city landscape or such but then i go check ops blog and its like *overtly long roman dmowski quote in bio*

[slavicafire]

and what a jury it was:

The jury panel consisted of: Zofia Nałkowska writer (chairman of the jury), Wacław Grubiński playwright, Henryk Kuna sculptor, Juliusz Osterwa actor, Tadeusz Pruszkowski painter, Stanisław Szreniawa-Rzecki and Edward Wittig sculptors, Władysław Skoczylas graphic artist, Arnold Szyfman theater specialist. (source)

and another interesting thing, we can see contestant 43:

Aniela - here incorrectly called ‘Alina’ due to her friends usually referring to her as Ala - won second place in the first Miss Polonia contest in 1929, and surprised people by taking part in the second one as well. 

The hr. there stands for countess - many contestants came from incredibly famous and wealthy families, often with titles such as Aniela. Her family Rzyszczewscy belonged to the Pobóg coat of arms:

other notable people from families belonging under this coat of arms would be Roman Dmowski and Jan Lechoń. 

Contestants in the Miss Polonia pageant of 1930, as presented on the first page of Express Poranny. It was the second Miss Polonia pageant ever - the first being held a year prior - with the head of the comittee being writer Zofia Nałkowska. The name of the competition itself was coined by Tadeusz Boy-Żeleński.

[lichozestudni]

"Okazało się, iż nie można dziś już ukrywać zaborczych dążeń rosyjskich i apetytu na połknięcie wszystkich Słowian pod maską słowianofilstwa, że trudno udawać przyjaciela Słowian będąc jednocześnie nieprzejednanym wrogiem Polaków i niszczycielem kultury polskiej, najstarszej i najbogatszej z kultur słowiańskich. Usłyszeli to oni od wielu Słowian, a także z ust szczerych i poważnych przyjaciół Rosji za granicą (Anatol Leroy-Beaulieu). Urzędowe słowianofilstwo rosyjskie właściwie już zbankrutowało."

— Roman Dmowski, "Niemcy, Rosja i kwestia polska"

[sienkiewiczowna]

Czyż nigdy z siebie ty nic, własną siłą 

Nie poczniesz nigdy: boś wszystko zabierał; 

Cofnij się! - wołam - głucha lodu-bryło: 

Dopókiż będę pod tobą umierał?...

Tego (osobliwego) shipu nie mogło zabraknąć dzisiejszego dnia. W rocznice odzyskania przez Polskę niepodległości nie możemy zapomnieć o tych dwóch panach, których łączyła miłość do ojczyzny i drugiego mężczyzny. 

 Wierzę, że filmik nie zostanie znaleziony przez żadnych historyków. 

Michael Fassbender - Józef Piłsudski 

Daniel Brühl - Roman Dmowski

[arcticdementor]

(link)

[mynawyspie]

Kazimierz Pochwalski - ''Portret Henryka Sienkiewicza''

''Zaprzyjaźnił się Pan Roman [Dmowski] z Sienkiewiczem głównie u Juliana Adolfa Święcickiego. Ten przezacny człowiek był swego rodzaju instytucją. Uczynny, zapalczywy, roztargniony i pamiętający każdego, siwy, a biegający po ulicy jak młodzik. Oto szczycił się pan Julian Adolf tym, że Sienkiewicz był jego przyjacielem i prawie codziennie gościem. U Święcickich bywały przyjęcia ogólne, na które sławny pisarz, nie lubiący nowych ludzi, wzdrygał się i nie przychodził. Ale często bywała doborowa męska kompania na kolacji, rozmowy do północy, w których Sienkiewicz i Dmowski rej wiedli. Echa ich żartów, porównań, ocen, często złośliwych ale dowcipnych rozchodziły się po całym mieście. Sam Pan Julian Adolf zresztą każdemu spotkanemu z rozkoszą opowiadał kto co mówił i z czego się zaśmiewali''. - Izabela Wolikowska

[nihil-novi]

“Wszystko co polskie jest moje: niczego się wyrzec nie mogę. Wolno mi być dumnym z tego, co w Polsce jest wielkie, ale muszę przyjąć i upokorzenie, które spada na naród za to co jest w nim marne."

- Roman Dmowski

[pol-ski]

Roman Dmowski, “Thoughts of a Modern Pole", 1903

“I am Polish … not only because I speak Polish, and because others who speak the same language are spiritually closer to me and more understandable to me, because some of my personal matters connect me more closely with them than with strangers, but also because that apart from the sphere of personal and individual life, I know the collective life of the nation, of which I am a part, and because apart from my personal interests and interests I know national issues, the interests of Poland as a whole, the highest interests for which we must sacrifice what we cannot sacrifice for personal matters. I am Polish – this means that I belong to the Polish nation throughout its entire territory and throughout its entire existence. […] Everything that is Polish is mine.”

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ROMAN DMOWSKI (testament) - Lech Makowiecki

[polish-spirit]

28 czerwca 1919 roku Roman Dmowski i Ignacy Jan Paderewski, jako przewodniczący delegacji polskiej na konferencji pokojowej w Paryżu, złożyli podpisy pod Traktatem Wersalskim.