#real property rights committee

[storiesfromgaza]

It is very important to read this and share it

Today the Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor Observatory stated that Israel dropped over 25,000 tons of explosives on the Gaza Strip as part of its ongoing extensive war since October 7th, equivalent to two nuclear bombs.

The Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Observatory, based in Geneva, highlighted the Israeli army's acknowledgment of targeting more than 12,000 objectives in the Gaza Strip, setting a record in the number of bombs dropped, surpassing 10 kilograms of explosives per person.

With the advancements in bomb quantity and effectiveness, while maintaining a consistent amount of explosives, the quantity dropped on Gaza could be equivalent to twice the power of a nuclear bomb.

Additionally, Israel deliberately employs a mixture known as "RDX" (Research Department Explosive) commonly referred to as "the science of complete explosives," with a power equal to 1.34 times that of TNT.

This means that the destructive power of the explosives dropped on Gaza exceeds what was dropped on Hiroshima, taking into account that the city of Hiroshima covers an area of 900 square kilometers, while Gaza's area is no more than 360 square kilometers.

Furthermore, Israel has been documented using internationally banned weapons in its attacks on the Gaza Strip, particularly cluster and white phosphorus bombs. White phosphorus is a highly toxic incendiary substance that rapidly reacts with oxygen, causing severe second and third-degree burns. The Euro-Mediterranean team has documented cases of injuries among the victims of Israeli attacks that resemble the effects of dangerous cluster bombs, as they contain small high-explosive submunitions designed to penetrate the body and cause internal explosions, resulting in severe burns that melt the victims' skin and sometimes lead to death. These submunitions also cause peculiar swelling and toxin exposure in the body, including transparent shrapnel that does not appear in X-ray images.

The Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Observatory has emphasized that Israel's destructive, indiscriminate, and disproportionate attacks constitute a clear violation of the laws of war and the rules of international humanitarian law, which stipulate the obligation to protect civilians in all circumstances and under any conditions. Killing civilians is considered a war crime in both international and non-international armed conflicts and can rise to the level of a crime against humanity.

The 1899 and 1907 Hague Conventions, along with the 1949 Geneva Convention in its latest formulation, established fundamental human rights during wartime to limit the deadly health consequences of internationally banned weapons, some of which could lead to the "genocide" of civilians.

Article 25 of the Hague Regulations concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land prohibits "attacking or bombarding towns, villages, dwellings, or buildings which are not defended."

Article 53 of the Fourth Geneva Convention states that "any destruction by the occupying power of real or personal property belonging individually or collectively to private persons, or to the State, or to other public authorities, or to social or cooperative organizations, is prohibited, except where such destruction is rendered absolutely necessary by military operations."

According to Article 147 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, the destruction of property that is not justified by military necessity and on a large scale is considered a serious violation that requires prosecution. Such practices are also classified as war crimes under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.

The Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Observatory has called for the formation of an independent international investigative committee to assess the magnitude of explosives and internationally banned weapons used and continue to be used by Israel against civilians in the Gaza Strip.

This committee would hold accountable those responsible, including those who issued orders, made plans, executed actions, and took measures aimed at achieving justice for Palestinian victims.

[callipraxia]

Lying here at 7am, sneezing my head off because of ragweed, and I had a thought about the novelization of Revenge of the Sith.

Early in said novelization, there’s a retrospective on a couple of important moments in Anakin and Padme’s early marriage, specifically around how, since Anakin, as a Jedi trainee, doesn’t own things or have much ability to acquire them, which is an Issue when it comes to giving his new wife a wedding present…so he ‘gives’ her C-3PO, to be ‘a friend’ while he is, as he frequently is, absent, and there’s a sweet moment where Padme politely invites Threepio to join her staff, because on Naboo, droids as high-functioning as Threepio are considered beings, not property. Anakin also notes that technically, since his builder (Anakin himself) owns nothing, Threepio kind of owned himself even before this. Then later, she gives him R2-D2 as ‘a friend’ in return, at which point Anakin starts modifying him this way and that until Artoo eventually obtains at least as much cognitive function as Threepio, setting the stage for the bond the droids have throughout the series. All very nice…but then jump to the very end of the book, immediately after Padme dies and Bail Organa adopts Leia. Y’know. The moment when he casually orders that Threepio undergo a mind wipe to forget…pretty much everything. Who “the Maker” was, all about his years of service to Senator Amidala, where the Princess came from and the fact she has a brother, etc. Then cut forward about twenty years to the beginning of A New Hope, where Threepio fussily keeps scolding Artoo about how “Master Luke” is his owner now and he should therefore forget the mission from their previous owner. It never seems to occur to Threepio, after his years on Alderaan, that they could think for and own themselves, even though again, in the novelizations, Threepio has technically done so for longer than Artoo has; the only difference is that Artoo still remembers everything, whereas Threepio only remembers, at most, the past twenty years.

Clearly, droids did not enjoy the same legal privileges on Alderaan that they did on Novelization!Naboo…but why is that relevant? Threepio, recall, was said to have legal rights on Naboo as a member of Padme’s staff. At a stretch, since Anakin couldn’t technically own Artoo either, one could make an argument that Artoo was still legally Padme’s property and therefore automatically passed into the ownership of her daughter when Padme died*, since Anakin and Padme and Threepio seem to have been the only ones who realized at that time how sentient the astromech had become, but there was really no doubt about Threepio: if Stover’s writing in the official novelization is taken as on any level canonical, then Threepio, as a high-functioning droid, was an employee; certainly this is the case within the pages of the book in question, where he meets the same ends. Padme no more owned him than she owned Jar-Jar or the Handmaidens who acted as her body doubles or her other Senate aides...at least on Naboo and areas where its laws applied, like the embassy on Coruscant, I suppose. They were not in Naboo space at the time of Padme’s death, and apparently the idea that droids could be autonomous was culturally alien to Alderaanians…but we see in TCW that Bail had worked pretty closely with Padme for years. They were political allies, but also friends. They’d risked their lives together before - in the Committee of 2,000 conspiracy, in that episode of The Clone Wars where they investigated a murder together, and arguably, Padme had put her life in his hands without a second thought again on Empire Day when she made that “how liberty dies” remark in the midst of the rest of the Senate’s enthusiastic endorsement of Palpatine’s announcement. Padme also was shown to have a real Problem with the discovery that slavery still existed in the galaxy when she met Shmi and Anakin as a girl, and considering she later married an ex-slave who had…rather strong feelings about the subject, it’s hard to imagine that she didn’t get personally emotionally invested in the issue as well. Anti-slavery measures would have probably been part of her political platform, especially in that gap between Phantom Menace and Attack of the Clones where there wasn’t a war that depended on slave soldiers to consider. It never, in all that time, came up with Bail? He never said, “It’s strange how you treat that protocol droid of yours - you act as though he were a person,” to which Padme could only reply that “by my planet’s laws, he is”? Padme never voiced any discomfort with the Alderaanian stance on high-functioning droids in all their years of working together? Why would her good friend not think twice about treating one of her staffers as his property before the poor woman’s corpse was even cold? Even if he disagreed, he ought to have at least had the thought “oh wow, I am disrespecting my friend’s memory here,” or even a hesitation about his legal right to give orders about Threepio’s memory, given that there would of necessity have to have been some interstellar agreement on whether Planet A’s laws about droids applied to droids from Planet A when they were on Planet B, especially if Planet B was neutral space like Coruscant, the place where Bail would have been most familiar with Threepio. I’m American and reasonably historically literate; American history was never my favorite branch of history, but I know all about the sort of trouble it causes when people don’t agree about whether laws from one state in a republic apply in another. See also: the American Civil War? And more recently, the issue of gay marriage, back when states determined that individually. Didn’t cause a war that time, but anyone who had the political awareness of a tree branch probably knew of the issue and, however dimly, probably something of why it was such an issue.

It’s now 9am, and yeah, yeah, I know, all this was necessary to protect the Chosen Twins because Threepio is a bit of an idiot, or it would have taken too much time/been too much at the tail end of a plot as dark as that of RotS to have a quick scene where Threepio agreed to become Bail’s property in order to stay with Leia, etc etc. But considering that Bail’s one of the good guys, it’s pretty messed up to realize how casually someone’s rights could just get hand waved away the moment they no longer had anyone politically powerful immediately on hand to defend them. It’s hard not to think…with his memory gone, Threepio doesn’t even know that he was supposed to have rights, and most humans cannot communicate fluently with Artoo. Bit disturbing to put oneself in that position, to wonder, as messy as the world’s getting…who’s the one person standing between us and having our rights almost as casually overwritten? Not quite as casually, I suppose, since mind wipes don’t exist for us (…yet…probably), but almost. Not something Lucas probably meant to put there, given that he didn’t write the official novelization and his apparent failure to think out the droid issue especially well**, but there’s where my brain’s going on this sneezy, sneezy morning.

* Note: this is totally ignoring the issue of whether this is moral and ethical or not. Also ignoring the issue of how that even stacks with the assiduous efforts to conceal that Padme’s child/children hadn’t died with her, in which case, being legally dead/never personified, it’s hard to consider them her legal heirs anyway.

** See also this video essay: https://youtu.be/WD2UrB7zepo?si=HcttHLpZFGnU5bNb

[prettyboysdontlookatexplosions]

Fire-eaters' political work was crudely done. At one level, it was racial fear mongering. In all of the speeches and appeals, the truly inflammatory pair presented was white women and black men. The threat of violence Black Republicans posed was always directed not at the white race in general but at white women in particular, and the threat itself was posed not by "black" Republicans (who were mostly white men) but by black and usually slave men incited to rape and pillage. The racial and gender threats were invariably a linked pair. And they were linked in pursuit of the nonslaveholders' vote.

On the eve of the presidential elections in 1860, a propaganda association was formed in Charleston, South Carolina. Called, appropriately enough, the 1860 Association, one of its avowed aims was to prepare, print, and distribute tracts and pamphlets. The publications committee made good on its promise, ultimately distributing more than 166,000 pamphlets. None had a bigger circulation than John Townsend's two incendiary contributions, "The South Alone Shall Govern the South" and "The Doom of Slavery in the Union." Both directly considered the effects of Black Republican government, which Townsend construed to include slave emancipation, on "the nonslaveholding portion of our citizens." Both insisted that the poor white man's racial superiority was bolstered only by slavery and would disappear with it, and both insisted that submission to Black Republican rule would touch off a race war between poor white and black men. "The midnight glare of the incendiaries' torch will illuminate the country from one end to another," Townsend railed in one of the pamphlets, "while pillage, violence, murder, poison, and rape will fill the air with the demonic revelry of all the bad passions of an ignorant, semi-barbarous race, urged to madness by the licentious teachings of our northern brethren." If they did not secede, Southern freemen would live to see their women seized as booty of war or, worse, raped by bestial and now emancipated black men. In Townsend's apocalyptic scenario the gender and racial threat to white men's rights are inextricably linked, their common property identified as white women, beloved objects men were pledged to protect.

All over the South, but particularly in the Deep South, politicians eager to unite voting men-the people-behind their plans envisioned the defense of the state as the defense of white men's wives from rape and murder. The fusion of the national and the feminine in Southern pleas has been repeated ever since along with the images and rhetoric of 1860 and 1861 in the argument that Southern men went to war to protect their womenfolk. In treating those images as truisms, as unproblematic and transparent articulations of men's beliefs, historians and others continue to deploy women as objects and symbols in a history made exclusively by men, just as Jefferson Davis had said. Where the nation became a woman, the woman took on a national posture. But the women offered to us in fire-eaters' and Unionists' narratives in 1860 and 1861 were not real. Like the virgin emblazoned on one side of the Virginia flag (who matched the shield on the other), or the female form adorning the hilt of a sword, they were figurative versions edited and simplified to serve as signs. They never spoke for themselves, never offered up their complicated and divisive perspective on events, their perceived truths about the dangers and the necessities in the historical moment. They were timeless forms, outside history. The challenge is to make women subjects of, as well as images in, the history we write.

stephanie mccurry, confederate reckoning: power and politics in the civil war south

[handeaux]

Bye-Bye, Boss! And The Unsung Socialist Hero Of Cincinnati’s Charter Movement

Where are the parades? Where are the celebrations? Election Day this year marks exactly a century since Cincinnati voters rose up to finally end boss rule in the Queen City.

From the 1880s right up to 1924, Cincinnati had been run by what amounted to a criminal syndicate, with George Barnsdale Cox, known as “Boss Cox,” and his minions controlling every aspect of city politics and – most importantly – city finances through their stranglehold on the Hamilton County Republican Party. The Cox Gang siphoned millions of public dollars into their own pockets, let city schools and public services languish, allowed gambling and prostitution to flourish under police protection, and nationally besmirched the reputation of our city. Just how powerful was Boss Cox? Here is a major national magazine, Collier’s, from 24 September 1910:

“No public officeholder in Cincinnati is allowed to name his own deputies. Cox himself appoints these underlings. He has in each public office his representative, who is in real charge. In one case it was disclosed in a legislative investigation that the regularly elected official was not even allowed the combination of his office safe. That was the property of Cox’s agent.”

And here is The New Republic from 7 May 1924 describing a major source of the Boss’s ill-gotten gains:

“Cox was a grafter. It was definitely proved that he had pocketed many thousands of dollars, bribes paid to him by banks for illegally depositing with them Hamilton County funds.”

By 1924, Cox himself had been dead for eight years, but the ironclad Republican machine he had constructed still sputtered along, led by burlesque impresario Rudolph K. “Rud” Hynicka. It infuriated local progressives that Hynicka didn’t even live in Cincinnati but pulled all the strings – political and purse – in Cincinnati from his office in New York City.

The entire boss system came crashing down on 4 November 1924, when Cincinnati voters marked their ballots by a 2.5 to 1 margin to adopt a city manager form of government eliminating the ward-based city council.

In the years since, mythology has enshrined a conventional explanation of how this peaceful revolution prevailed. In this telling, independent Republicans like Murray Seasongood assumed the founding father roles. Here is a typical summary of the traditional narrative, from an article by William A. Baughin from the Winter 1988 issue of Queen City Heritage:

“Under the direction of Seasongood . . . the Charter Committee conducted a successful campaign to bring about these changes in the fall elections of 1924. After this victory, the Charter Committee remained in existence, completing its transition to a de facto political party when it endorsed and campaigned for a slate of councilmanic candidates in 1925.”

Though not exactly inaccurate, the standard version ignores decades of organized opposition to Boss Cox from Democrats and, notably, Socialists. It is not too strong a statement to assert that Cincinnati’s successful charter vote in 1924 would have been impossible without concerted action by the local Socialists and their allies.

Rarely mentioned these days is a radical reformer who devoted half a century to a campaign for social and economic reform. Herbert S. Bigelow was a provocative and controversial figure throughout a long and eventful life. He opposed United States involvement in the First World War and was kidnapped and horsewhipped because of that. He lobbied for old age pensions, for fair taxation, and for municipal control of utilities and transportation.

Bigelow set the stage for the political coup of 1924 as far back as 1912, when he helped organize a progressive, statewide constitutional convention. Bigelow headed a delegation to that convention from Hamilton County, was elected president of the convention; and guided the convention toward submitting to the voters an Initiative and Referendum amendment, and a Municipal Home Rule amendment as well.

As a young man, studying for the ministry at Cincinnati’s Lane Seminary, Bigelow’s social consciousness was awakened, and he dedicated his life “less for the gospel of heaven above and more for justice here on earth.” As pastor of the old Congregational Church on Vine Street, Bigelow’s social agenda so alienated the old-time congregants that he created a totally new “People’s Church” with no theological dogma, only a commitment to progressive causes. He preached, he said, the Social Gospel.

Bigelow’s church spawned what would today be called a political action committee, known as the People’s Power League, organizing liberals and radicals of every stripe from labor unions to Socialists to disenchanted refugees from the major parties. When the United States entered World War I, Bigelow loudly protested the forced enlistment of men through the draft, a position that almost got him killed. As Daniel R. Beaver relates in his 1957 biography of Bigelow, “A Buckeye Crusader”:

“The minister's outspoken attitude aroused the opposition of many patriotic organizations around Cincinnati and finally brought about a physical attack on him October 28, 1917. Bigelow was kidnapped as he was about to address a meeting of the Socialist Party in Newport, Kentucky, taken to a deserted field and horsewhipped, ‘In the name of the women and children of Belgium.’”

Bigelow that year backed the Socialist Party in Cincinnati’s municipal elections. He was convinced his attackers were egged on by the business and industrial interests of Cincinnati. Bigelow expressed a lifelong antipathy to any cause, no matter how popular, that had the support of Cincinnati’s established capitalists. This prejudice, according to biographer Beaver, affected his involvement in the Charter movement:

“His attitude was clearly shown in 1924 when a battle was begun by moderate Cincinnatians led by Murray Seasongood to introduce the city charter form of government into the political life of Cincinnati. [Bigelow] distrusted the motives of the reformers because of their business connections and remained aloof until it became obvious that he and his followers were needed to circulate petitions for a charter election. Though subsequent events are disputed, it seems that he and his associates exacted from the Charterites a promise to include a plan for proportional representation in their bill in return for the support of Bigelow's organization.”

Despite the essential contributions from the People’s Church, Charterites downplayed the pastor’s involvement because Bigelow, in addition to building grassroot support for municipal reform was also campaigning quite vocally in 1924 for Progressive presidential candidate Robert M. LaFollette, who had the backing of the Socialists. Still, Bigelow was able to influence the Charterites to adopt several reforms that originated in his progressive campaigns.

A much more nuanced version of the victory of 1924 would acknowledge the contributions of organized labor, women and Socialists in addition to the traditional political parties, and especially the role of Cincinnati’s lifelong firebrand, Herbert S. Bigelow.

[theroyalsims]

BREAKING: HE'S MET THE PARENTS! GUS AND ANYA SEEN LEAVING PALACE TOGETHER!

This is not a drill. We repeat, this is not a drill!

Gus and Anya were seen leaving the Palace together after having dinner with The Queen and Prince Jacques!

Our well-placed source confirms that Gus was invited by both The Queen and Prince Jacques to a quiet dinner at the Palace:

"Anya often hosts her parents and her siblings at her home in Agneaux House, but with Prince Jacques still recuperating, they had to reschedule. It was then that The Queen and the Prince instead offered to host the dinner at home - the Palace - with strict instructions to bring Gus along."

This perhaps explains the new hairdo and look for Gus - after all, when one is personally invited by The Queen, one doesn't show up in muddy boots and a man bun! Maybe the flowers weren't for Anya! Maybe they were for Her Majesty - after all, lilies are her favourite! "Lily" even happens to be her nickname! If so, that's just very cute and sweet of Gus! Looks like someone was trying to win some points!

Our source further shares:

"It was a no frills dinner, a family thing. The Queen even cooked her signature dish: roast rack of lamb with garlic and herbs. It was very casual, very intimate. Of course, poor Gus was probably sweating bullets.

But I have it on good authority that things went along swimmingly. It wasn't an interrogation or anything sinister - they just wanted to meet Gus and get to know the man who has won Anya's heart. He's not a total stranger to the Family - there's history there - but years have passed, and I'm sure everyone wanted to catch up."

If Anya and Gus' smiles are any indication, things really seem to have gone well over dinner!

Gus is the first boyfriend Anya has "brought home" in a very public manner. Although it was reported back then that she has introduced some of her exes to her parents, we never really had any photographic evidence of such introductions - until now.

Now that Gus has officially met Anya's parents, what exactly does this mean for the couple? A royal expert reveals:

"It's a very serious thing, this outing. It's saying that Gus and Anya's relationship is solid enough that introductions have been made, and that Gus has been welcomed in to the inner circle of the royals. I think the fact that we have photos of it is very special. We've read reports about how Ingrid's boyfriend has gone through the same 'welcoming committee,' but they were often second hand accounts. But this - we have proof that he has, indeed, met the parents."

The lovebirds drove back to Anya's house, with Gus behind the wheel of his luxury sports car. Anya's security detail was right behind them in a heavily-tinted SUV. A few hours later, Gus was seen leaving Agneaux House - solo, this time - before heading off towards the Business District, where he is reportedly staying. Rumours circulated earlier this week that he closed a deal on a penthouse unit in the city, to help make his visits in Brindleton much easier.

He's cut his hair, met her parents, and even purchased real property for Anya. At this point, we guess it's safe to say that there's nothing he won't do make his Princess happy!

[dolphin1812]

We now turn to revolutionary groups like Les Amis de l’ABC!

The Faubourg Saint-Antoine was a primarily working class area known for its revolutionary sentiments. That combination of ideological motives (its revolutionary history) and economic ones (its working class inhabitants would be more affected by the financial turbulence of the early 1830s) helps explain why it would be the focus within Paris (and Paris, of course, would be the focus in France because of its history and its status as the capital). Hugo addresses this later on in the chapter as well.

Another quick historical note: some of the lines in this chapter come from actual documents! According to the notes in the Donougher translation, the section on “The passages which touched the crowd most deeply” draws heavily on a judicial inquiry into the events of April 1834 (government troops fired on the inhabitants of a building). This is also true of many of the references to committees. By mixing real quotations with documents of his own making, Hugo lends legitimacy to his historical claims as he further immerses us in the atmosphere of the time.

Part of that atmosphere was the constant fear of being caught by the authorities. The reference to “Babeuf” really being “Gisquet” is an allusion to the prefect of police; we can also see that fear in accusations of some being “spies,” and the implication that organizations kept an eye on their own members. Secrecy was necessary to operate, but it was stressful, too. Those organizing couldn’t be too lax in who they trusted with the real possibility of arrest being ever-present. This isn’t to say an atmosphere of total suspicion prevailed – Les Amis clearly all trust each other, as a “family,” and discontent was commonly spoken of in the street – but that was all combined with caution. It’s less “no one trusted each other” and more Valjean’s porter being suspicious of Marius; there was plenty of solidarity between workers especially and people disfavored by monarchy more broadly, but there was also an awareness of what could be unsafe and who looked suspicious.

We also get a better notion of the range of ideas! The man accused of being a spy is more economically radical than we’ve heard so far, and is suspicious of republicans. Of course, we don’t know if this specific man is trustworthy, but it does suggest that people were questioning the existence of private property and similar ideas, and that republicanism itself came under suspicion in some circles (probably because of the “compromise rule” of Louis Philippe). (There are also explicit references to communists later on). These groups are also very working class compared to Les Amis, who are mostly defined as students (with the notable exception of Feuilly). They could have origins in the working or middle classes (Bahorel was a student, but from a peasant background!), but these organizations are definitely of the working class. There are allusions to bourgeois joining in, but they’re not the main focus here.

Hugo’s use of the word “savage” at the end of the chapter is uncomfortable, but it’s an intentional discomfort. For being violent (and lower class), that is exactly the kind of language that would have been used to describe them in critical writings at the time. Many in Hugo’s audience, for instance, may have found their specific ideas (like greater democracy, less poverty, an end to the death penalty, etc) quite convincing, but may have disagreed with their means (rebellion). Hugo ends on a Combeferre-like note of gradual progress that is less violent, but we should keep in mind that both of them end up affiliated with republicans here on the grounds that their violence is the better option. The “civilized men of barbarism” look peaceful, but are ultimately more harmful, allowing injustices as long as they are out of sight. Hugo’s use of “savage,” then, was intended to push his audience to question who was really “barbaric”: a person rebelling because their rights were denied to them, or someone denying the rights of others?

[justinspoliticalcorner]

Judd Legum and Tesnim Zekeria at Popular Information:

In the 2024 presidential election, one of the central attacks that Trump and his political allies are levying against Biden is that Biden is responsible for a "migrant crime" wave. The argument was summarized by Trump in a March 22 video:

[[A] real bloodbath is occurring right now under crooked Joe. It’s Biden’s Border Bloodbath. There’s never been anything like that. Every day, Joe Biden is setting loose thousands of unvetted, unscreened, military-age men into the United States from parts unknown… We had the safest border in history. Now we have the worst border probably in the history of the world. Every day innocent citizens are being killed, stabbed, shot, raped, and murdered because of Biden migrant crime. It’s a new word, a new term. It’s migrant crime, but we call it Biden migrant crime cause he’s responsible for it 100%... When I’m your president, we’re going to end this disgrace, and we’re going to stop Biden’s Border Bloodbath. It is a bloodbath indeed, and we’re going to get it stopped.]

The Republican National Committee (RNC) has launched a website dedicated to the issue, BidenBloodbath.com. "History will remember Biden for his destruction, chaos, and failure. Lives of everyday Americans have been shattered as a direct result of Biden’s open border policies — and he doesn’t care," the RNC claims on the homepage. "We have to stand up and stop Biden before he destroys our nation. The cost of doing nothing is measured in the lives lost to the… crime wave washing across America."

This message has been amplified by the right-wing media. Fox News' Jesse Watters, who hosts the network's top-rated primetime show, offered this commentary on April 12:

[Migrant crime is quickly becoming one of the largest issues affecting the American people. Communities all across the United States are being terrorized by violent illegals, while Biden rolls out the red carpet for them with his open border policies, but Donald Trump is pledging to take care of the problem and keep our citizens safe when Republicans get back in power]

There are violent crimes committed by undocumented migrants, which are traumatic for the victims, their families, and their communities. That is why the accusation that Biden is responsible for a surge in violent crime by undocumented migrants is so politically potent. There are disturbing anecdotes of crimes that make powerful fodder for attacks during a political campaign. People, understandably, want to feel safe.  But is there evidence that, since Biden took office, there has been a surge in violent crime by undocumented migrants? 

[...]

The national crime decline

If there is no migrant crime wave at the border, perhaps it will show up in other areas of the country. The data does not support that claim either.  Nationwide, homicide and violent crime dramatically declined in 2023. According to the latest FBI’s Quarterly Uniform Crime report, which was released in March, homicides were down 13% in 2023 compared to 2022. Meanwhile, violent crime and property crime dipped 6% and 4% respectively. This data is preliminary and based on reports submitted by 15,199 of 19,152 law enforcement agencies across the country, reflecting “about 82% of the U.S. population.” (The FBI will release a more complete analysis for 2023 in the fall.) 

[...] The fact that we are not seeing evidence of a migrant crime surge is consistent with historical data that shows migrants, even undocumented migrants, are less likely to commit crimes than native-born Americans. A peer-reviewed 2020 study, which used data from the Texas Department of Public Safety from 2012 to 2018, "found a lower felony arrest rate for immigrants in the U.S. illegally compared to legal immigrants and native-born U.S. citizens and no evidence of increasing criminality among immigrants." An upcoming study by a researcher at the libertarian Cato Institute similarly found that "undocumented migrants in Texas were about 26% less likely to be convicted of homicide than native-born Americans over the decade of 2013-22." It appears, however, that Republican messaging around the issue is having an impact. Despite the data, most people believe crime is up. A Gallup poll in November 2023 found that 77% of Americans “believe there is more crime in the U.S. than a year ago.” 

Popular Information debunks the right-wing myth of a "migrant crime" wave. Such fact-free propaganda has been spewed out by the likes of Donald Trump and other conservative media outlets.

[resolutedoubt]

While monied industry groups merely affect the posture of grassroots action and woke language while advancing high level political and legal crusades, small landlords like Lincoln Eccles, uniquely affected both by the pandemic’s economic precarity and its emergency regulations, have taken to the streets and Twitter, where they trumpet slogans like “landlords are people too,” “justice for mom’n’pop housing providers,” and “small landlord lives matter.” Some have even rebranded themselves as “indentured landlords,” “carelords,” and “community-based landlords.” When the New York City Council mulled a bill to target discrimination against formerly incarcerated tenants, a state committee member and shareholder of a Bronx gated community, spun it as “The End of Black Landlords.”

This narrative—and the cash machine behind it—has proven effective in swaying politicians, blunting tenant progress. It was reportedly influential in stopping Good Cause Eviction for the fifth straight year. Discussing the bill, a central Brooklyn assembly member representing a district of nearly three quarters Black renters argued that regulating rent increases would actually lead to “Black grandmas out on the street.” New York Mayor Eric Adams, himself a landlord, said in February that it’s important to “remember that small property owner—who came from the Caribbean [and] was able to buy a ten-unit house—how their increases are going up, what they’re going through.” When pressed by a Holocaust survivor tenant about city-wide rent increases on stabilized units approved by the Rent Guidelines Board, the members of which he appoints, Adams accused her talking to him like a “plantation owner.”

This pernicious rhetoric has succeeded not only at moving liberals but at arming conservatives, offering them the guise of populism while muddying the waters of debate. It has allowed the real estate establishment to cannily exploit the contradictory commitment of Democrats to both wealth-building through private property and, nominally, social justice.

For landlords, the language of victimization, which both identity politics and right-wing grievance draw upon, proves a potent force, tying together a relatively economically and politically diverse movement. It is the central engine of real estate’s outrage machine. No matter how absurd some manifestations of the social justice-minded mom-and-pop trope are, they’re the face of a deadly serious campaign—one close to snuffing out rent control entirely.

The narrative of the “woke” mom-and-pop landlord has since been taken up across the country. During public hearings about a new rent control program in St. Paul, an opponent—on Zoom from a beach vacation, naturally—characterized the policy as a form of redlining. Small landlords seeking to roll back rent control in Portland, Maine, adopted progressive language to do so, with ​​some arguing that their willingness to rent to asylum seekers, those on federal housing vouchers, and other marginalized communities demonstrates notable liberal bonafides. In Seattle, opposition to a local measure was led by a mom-and-pop group called Seattle Grassroots Landpeople. A Democratic city councilwoman in Minneapolis who led the charge to scrap consideration of a rent control program derided tenant advocates as “wealthy beer drinking pants rolled up white men” who need to “get out of mommy’s basement.” In a landlord forum, she described her role as “getting ready, putting my lipstick on, curling my hair and selling our message. [Landlords] are the experts at giving me what I’m selling.”

…

Outside of New York, this dynamic has played out most notably in California. The successful fight against Los Angeles’s pandemic eviction moratorium was led in part by the ​​Coalition of Small Rental Property Owners, “a California-based advocacy group that mostly represents black and Latinx landlords.” This past February, one small landlord launched a hunger strike to push for the end of Alameda County’s eviction moratorium, calling himself and other immigrant landlords “victims of government abuse.” The moratorium was ended by April.

Across the country, small landlords wielding social justice language are on the march, but their efforts could prove unnecessary. At the time of writing, the Supreme Court is mulling whether or not to hear any combination of five separate challenges to New York’s rent control law. Rent control has previously been upheld by the court, but with a ultra-conservative majority unbothered by established precedent, there’s ample reason to think they may take the case on—and undermine, if not outright abolish, rent control. Amid a national housing crisis in which rent prices are up just over 30 percent from 2019, the average American tenant is rent-burdened, eviction filings are 50 percent higher than the pre-pandemic average in some cities, and homelessness has reached record highs, the few restrictions on rent hikes that exist could be made unconstitutional overnight. The effects would be catastrophic, especially on renters of color.

[dreaminginthedeepsouth]

LETTERS FROM AN AMERICAN

April 6, 2023

Heather Cox Richardson

The Supreme Court was in the news this morning, as Joshua Kaplan, Justin Elliott, and Alex Mierjeski of ProPublica explained that for more than twenty years Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas has enjoyed the hospitality and funding of Dallas real estate magnate and major Republican donor Harlan Crow. Thomas and his wife Ginni, who was closely involved in challenging the 2020 presidential election, have taken trips in private jets and gone on vacations with Crow worth as much as $500,000.

Thomas did not disclose any of these valuable gifts. Indeed, in a documentary funded in part by Crow, Thomas presented himself as a regular guy. “I prefer the RV parks. I prefer the Walmart parking lots to the beaches and things like that. There’s something normal to me about it,” he said. “I come from regular stock, and I prefer that—I prefer being around that.”

After the story dropped, David G. Savage of the Los Angeles Times recalled that his newspaper had disclosed the close connections between Thomas and Crow in 2004, noting, for example, that Crow had given Thomas a $19,000 Bible that had belonged to the famous formerly enslaved abolitionist and writer Frederick Douglass and a $15,000 bust of Abraham Lincoln. After their story appeared, it seems that Thomas did not stop accepting expensive gifts and travel from the wealthy mogul, but instead stopped disclosing them.

In Crow’s company, Thomas rubbed elbows with his host’s other guests, including senior business executives, major Republican donors, and leaders of right-wing think tanks. Crow has worked hard to move the judiciary and the legal system to the right, and at one of the properties where Thomas vacations, there is a painting of him in conversation with a number of figures, including Leonard Leo, the leader of the Federalist Society who has orchestrated the court’s hard-right turn. Leo is now overseeing Marble Freedom Trust, established to disburse funds from a $1.6 billion bequest to manipulate elections in favor of Republicans.

Senator Chris Murphy (D-CT) tweeted: “Important for news media to not simply label this guy as a ‘[Republican] mega donor’. It’s so much worse. Crow has many interests before the Supreme Court. His groups file petitions before the court. It’s the clearest, most brazen violation of judicial ethics you can imagine.”

In Congress today, House Judiciary Committee chair Jim Jordan (R-OH) issued a subpoena in its investigation of the Manhattan district attorney Alvin Bragg’s office after that office indicted former president Donald Trump on 34 counts of falsifying business records on Tuesday. Bragg explained: “The trail of money & lies exposes a pattern that, the People allege, violates one of New York’s basic & fundamental business laws.”

Although Jordan himself refused to respond to a subpoena issued by the House Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the U.S. Capitol, he is demanding that Mark Pomerantz, a former county special assistant district attorney who investigated Trump’s finances, show up to testify.

Pomerantz resigned from his role in the investigation out of frustration that Manhattan district attorney Alvin Bragg was not then moving forward with an indictment. The wording of Jordan’s letter indicates he is hoping to use Pomerantz’s words critical of Trump to argue that the district attorney’s office was biased against the former president.

General counsel for the Manhattan district attorney’s office Leslie Dubeck previously rejected the demands of Jordan, House Committee on House Administration chair Bryan Steil (R-WI), and  House Committee on Oversight and Accountability chair James Comer (R-KY) for testimony and documents from Bragg, warning them that their attacks on Bragg and his office were “unlawful political interference.”

Dubeck pointed out: “our Office is legally constrained in how it publicly discusses pending criminal proceedings,… as you well know.” She called their interference “unnecessary and unjustified” and reminded the men that Congress has no jurisdiction over individual criminal investigations. Nor does it have jurisdiction over state investigations. “The Committees’ attempted interference with an ongoing state criminal investigation—and now prosecution—is an unprecedented and illegitimate incursion on New York’s sovereign interests,” she wrote.

Now Jordan is trying a different approach. Bragg responded: “The House [Republicans continue] to attempt to undermine an active investigation and ongoing New York criminal case with an unprecedented campaign of harassment and intimidation. Repeated efforts to weaken state and local law enforcement actions are an abuse of power and will not deter us from our duty to uphold the law.”

In the Tennessee statehouse this afternoon, Republican legislators led by House of Representatives speaker Cameron Sexton voted to expel Justin Jones and Justin Pearson, two young Black lawmakers who had led young protesters in chants from the floor of the house chamber in favor of gun safety legislation after house Republicans refused to allow debate on such a measure.

The Republicans charged that the three representatives had broken house rules and had engaged in “disorderly behavior” and “knowingly and intentionally” brought “dishonor to the House of Representatives.” The body avoided expelling Gloria Johnson, the white woman who chanted with Jones and Pearson, by one vote. Although the debate showed that a Republican had also broken house rules by recording a video that was then misleadingly edited and shown, that representative was not charged.

The three Democratic representatives joined protesters to call for gun safety legislation after six people, including three 9-year-olds, were killed in yet another school shooting. The Republicans have focused on cultural issues and have opposed taking up gun safety legislation. Indeed, they have worked to loosen gun laws; on the same day as the recent school shooting, a federal judge cleared the way for the Tennessee legislature to lower the age for permitless carry in the state from 21 to 18. Republican governor Bill Lee signed the permitless carry bill for 21 and up in 2021 at a Beretta gun manufacturing plant.

Today, young protesters in the statehouse defended the Tennessee Three, as they have become known, saying: “You ban books, you ban drag—kids are still in body bags!” After the votes to expel, the chants changed to “F*ck you, fascists!”

Republicans in the Tennessee legislature could act as they did because they have a supermajority thanks to their redistricting of the state after the 2020 census. In that redistricting they cracked Democratic-leaning Nashville, dividing it among three districts in which they overwhelmed Democratic voters with Republicans from the suburbs. A new state law has now required Nashville to cut its city council in half. Meanwhile, laws prohibiting people with a past felony conviction from voting cut more than 470,000 people from the voter rolls.

This lock on power has given Tennessee Republicans the ability to do as they please. Today it pleased them to expel two young Black legislators who were trying to force the Republicans to do something about the epidemic of gun violence that is killing their constituents.

The Supreme Court, Congress, and the Tennessee statehouse. What would you say if you saw today’s news coming from another country?

Before he left the chamber, Representative Justin Pearson told his suddenly former colleagues how he saw it.

“You are seeking to expel District 86’s representation from this house, in a country that was built on a protest. IN A COUNTRY THAT WAS BUILT ON A PROTEST. You who celebrate July 4, 1776, pop fireworks and eat hotdogs. You say to protest is wrong because you spoke out of turn, because you spoke up for people who are marginalized. You spoke up for children who won’t ever be able to speak again; you spoke up for parents who don’t want to live in fear; you spoke up for Larry Thorn, who was murdered by gun violence; you spoke up for people that we don’t want to care about. In a country built on people who speak out of turn, who spoke out of turn, who fought out of turn to build a nation.

“I come from a long line of people who have resisted.”

—

LETTERS FROM AN AMERICAN

HEATHER COX RICHARDSON

[quicksilverblue]

So as promised, a little fun thoughts of the trip.

If I believed in signs, I'd be...

well, confused.

After what felt like a good day, where I had great conversations and (hopefully) at least made it a "difficult choice" if they are leaning toward someone else, I had dinner with a couple of the committee.

But the good restaurant in the town had burned down and would be a while before it was back. So we had a catered meal in the President's Dining Room.

Now, I had told them that I'm a pescatarian/vegetarian. And there is a common assumption, in my experience, that all vegetarians like mushrooms.

I don't. I hate them. I detest them. (It's a texture thing. They're slimy, and I only have a total of one data point out of gabazilions that suggests they don't have to be.)

So the gentleman serving us informs us that the main dish will be a bit because it is best served warm, so he will give us some time to talk before telling the chef to cook it. The mushroom main dish.

And my stomach bottoms out.

Then I look at the formally set table and see what desert is.

Carrot cake.

I also hate carrots. And while carrot cake doesn't usually taste like carrots, it often has shreds in it, causing yet another texture problem.

At this point, I want to cry.

Here, I believe I have made a good impression all day and had good conversations, and now it may all be ruined.

I know I have to be gracious and show hospitality on my side as the guest. Expressing that I literally detest the nice--perhaps even gourmet--meal that they are providing for me, would make me look like an ungrateful brat.

But that's fine. I can control my expressions, and work on doing so immediately.

My worry is that the texture will trigger a gag reflex.

So I say a silent prayer along the lines of "God please make this palatable."

Fortunately, the mushroom was breaded so the slime didn't have to touch my tongue. And I managed to do ok with the carrot cake.

But honestly, if I believed in signs, this would be a sign of:

Outlook not so good.

Well... fudge.

But the conversation goes well and everything's fine, but still... the meal was in many ways my most detested foods. (Charred carrots were one of the sides, and turned out to be the real danger, though I managed that too.)

The next day, as I'm getting off the airplane, there's a conversation right near me, and I decide that it's actually a socially acceptable one for me to join--since it involved my seat mate and we had already talked some and it was kind of generic about how much they like the two cities they flew between.

And they both tell me how much they like the area and that yeah it gets hot but really it's great. And if I get the job I should 100% take it and good luck we're rooting for you complete stranger we just met... which was nice. And here's my card, no it's ok if you can't buy property, just hit me up--I can help you figure out what's to do in the area.

Once off the plane, someone catches up with me with, "I couldn't help but overhear you interviewed for a job at [college]. My wife went there. She loved it." Here's some information about the town. "You'll love it there. I hope you get it."

So, if I believed in signs this would be:

Yes, Definitely.

So basically, when I got home, I was like... "well, I don't know what to do with any of this... the signs seem to point to: Reply hazy."

Thanks magic 8 ball of life.

[vietnamlawyers]

Real estate dispute lawyers in Vietnam discuss land disputes

Real estate dispute lawyers in Vietnam discuss land disputes

In Vietnam, land disputes, real estate disputes, and property disputes are among the most complicated disputes that frequently arise in everyday life. Settling these sorts of debates could take time and the land question legal counselor in Vietnam could assist with distinguishing the underlying drivers and propose reasonable methodology for mollification and settlement.

Real estate dispute law firms in Vietnam discuss land disputes

What types of land disputes in Vietnam?

Land, real estate, and property disputes typically involve high stakes and a wide range of topics, including disputes over land use rights, ownership of property tied to land use rights, rights to land use rights derived from inheritance, property division disputes during divorce, disputes over transfer and transformation transactions, leasing, subleasing, and mortgages tied to property or land use rights.

What are land disputes in Vietnam?

A land use right dispute is a disagreement between two or more parties in a land use right relationship regarding the rights and responsibilities of land users.

What should the parties do to resolve a dispute over land? There are two ways in which a land dispute can be resolved: in court or through settlement procedures at state administrative agencies.

Firstly, for some sort of land questions, placation strategy at commune-level People’s Committee of the locality a where the contested land is found is obligatory condition and method.

Specifically, on the off chance that placation by parties can't be accomplished, the gatherings might send a request for pacification to he commune-level People’s Committee of the locality where the contested land is found.

When a petition for resolving a land dispute is received by the commune-level People's Committees, the conciliation process must be completed within 45 days. Only when all of the disputing parties are present can the conciliation take place. On the off chance that any of the questioning gatherings is missing for the subsequent time, the appeasement will be viewed as ineffective.

The following two cases will be used to settle the land dispute in the event that conciliation at a commune-level People's Committee fails:

-The land, first and foremost, debate in which the party has an endorsement or any of the papers recommended in Article 100 of Land regulation and the disagreement regarding resources connected to land will be settled by People’s Court.

Second, in the case of a land dispute in which neither party possesses the aforementioned documents, the parties have a choice between the following two approaches to settlement: recording a composed solicitation for question settlement with a competent People’s Committee or documenting a claim with a competent People’s Court in accordance with the law on civil procedures.

In the second case, the chairperson of the competent People’s Committee is in charge of resolving disputes between households, individuals, and communities when the party chooses to settle at a competent People's Committee. In accordance with the law governing administrative procedures, the parties can either file a claim with the chairperson of the provincial-level People's Committee or sue in a People's Court if they are dissatisfied with the settlement decision.

In the event that one party is an association, a strict establishment, an abroad Vietnamese or an unfamiliar contributed undertaking, the executive of the common level People’s Committee is liable for the settlement. In accordance with the law governing administrative procedures, the parties have the right to file a claim with the Minister of Natural Resources and Environment or a lawsuit with a People's Court if they are dissatisfied with the settlement decision.

It ought to be noticed that the lawfully compelling choice on question settlement should be completely maintained the gatherings. Assuming the gatherings neglect to go along, the choice will be authorized.

The following grounds shall be the basis for the settlement of land disputes in which the disputing parties do not possess a certificate or any of the documents required by the Land Law or the Decree detailing a number of articles of the Land Law:

-The disputing parties' evidence regarding the land's origin and use process;

-Actual land areas that are currently occupied by the parties in addition to the land area that is in dispute and the average land area that is shared by each household in the area;

-Conformity of the disputed land's current use status with land use plans that have been approved by competent state agencies;

-Particular treatment arrangements toward people with worthy administrations to the State; Land use rights recognition, lease, and allocation regulations.

How real estate dispute lawyers in Vietnam could help?

The people of Vietnam do not own  land. Land use rights can only be purchased and sold. As previously stated, the complexity of Vietnam's land law and related regulations, as well as the country's long-standing culture of land use, could complicate disputes involving real estate, land, and property.

A mandatory condition and procedure for some kinds of land disputes is that they must be resolved at the commune-level People's Committee of the locality where the disputed land is located. The parties to other kinds of property and real estate disputes could immediately file a claim with the court. It might be difficult to differentiate between dispute resolution methods. In order to avoid or resolve a dispute, it is recommended to consult a real estate dispute lawyer in Vietnam for early guidance and representation.

[disputeattorneysinhanoi]

Real estate dispute lawyers in Vietnam discuss land disputes

Real estate dispute lawyers in Vietnam discuss land disputes

In Vietnam, land disputes, real estate disputes, and property disputes are among the most complicated disputes that frequently arise in everyday life. Settling these sorts of debates could take time and the land question legal counselor in Vietnam could assist with distinguishing the underlying drivers and propose reasonable methodology for mollification and settlement.

Real estate dispute law firms in Vietnam discuss land disputes

What types of land disputes in Vietnam?

Land, real estate, and property disputes typically involve high stakes and a wide range of topics, including disputes over land use rights, ownership of property tied to land use rights, rights to land use rights derived from inheritance, property division disputes during divorce, disputes over transfer and transformation transactions, leasing, subleasing, and mortgages tied to property or land use rights.

What are land disputes in Vietnam?

A land use right dispute is a disagreement between two or more parties in a land use right relationship regarding the rights and responsibilities of land users.

What should the parties do to resolve a dispute over land? There are two ways in which a land dispute can be resolved: in court or through settlement procedures at state administrative agencies.

Firstly, for some sort of land questions, placation strategy at commune-level People’s Committee of the locality a where the contested land is found is obligatory condition and method.

Specifically, on the off chance that placation by parties can't be accomplished, the gatherings might send a request for pacification to he commune-level People’s Committee of the locality where the contested land is found.

When a petition for resolving a land dispute is received by the commune-level People's Committees, the conciliation process must be completed within 45 days. Only when all of the disputing parties are present can the conciliation take place. On the off chance that any of the questioning gatherings is missing for the subsequent time, the appeasement will be viewed as ineffective.

The following two cases will be used to settle the land dispute in the event that conciliation at a commune-level People's Committee fails:

-The land, first and foremost, debate in which the party has an endorsement or any of the papers recommended in Article 100 of Land regulation and the disagreement regarding resources connected to land will be settled by People’s Court.

Second, in the case of a land dispute in which neither party possesses the aforementioned documents, the parties have a choice between the following two approaches to settlement: recording a composed solicitation for question settlement with a competent People’s Committee or documenting a claim with a competent People’s Court in accordance with the law on civil procedures.

In the second case, the chairperson of the competent People’s Committee is in charge of resolving disputes between households, individuals, and communities when the party chooses to settle at a competent People's Committee. In accordance with the law governing administrative procedures, the parties can either file a claim with the chairperson of the provincial-level People's Committee or sue in a People's Court if they are dissatisfied with the settlement decision.

In the event that one party is an association, a strict establishment, an abroad Vietnamese or an unfamiliar contributed undertaking, the executive of the common level People’s Committee is liable for the settlement. In accordance with the law governing administrative procedures, the parties have the right to file a claim with the Minister of Natural Resources and Environment or a lawsuit with a People's Court if they are dissatisfied with the settlement decision.

It ought to be noticed that the lawfully compelling choice on question settlement should be completely maintained the gatherings. Assuming the gatherings neglect to go along, the choice will be authorized.

The following grounds shall be the basis for the settlement of land disputes in which the disputing parties do not possess a certificate or any of the documents required by the Land Law or the Decree detailing a number of articles of the Land Law:

-The disputing parties' evidence regarding the land's origin and use process;

-Actual land areas that are currently occupied by the parties in addition to the land area that is in dispute and the average land area that is shared by each household in the area;

-Conformity of the disputed land's current use status with land use plans that have been approved by competent state agencies;

-Particular treatment arrangements toward people with worthy administrations to the State; Land use rights recognition, lease, and allocation regulations.

How real estate dispute lawyers in Vietnam could help?

The people of Vietnam do not own  land. Land use rights can only be purchased and sold. As previously stated, the complexity of Vietnam's land law and related regulations, as well as the country's long-standing culture of land use, could complicate disputes involving real estate, land, and property.

A mandatory condition and procedure for some kinds of land disputes is that they must be resolved at the commune-level People's Committee of the locality where the disputed land is located. The parties to other kinds of property and real estate disputes could immediately file a claim with the court. It might be difficult to differentiate between dispute resolution methods. In order to avoid or resolve a dispute, it is recommended to consult a real estate dispute lawyer in Vietnam for early guidance and representation.

[technologylawyersinvietnam]

Real estate dispute lawyers in Vietnam discuss land disputes

Real estate dispute lawyers in Vietnam discuss land disputes

In Vietnam, land disputes, real estate disputes, and property disputes are among the most complicated disputes that frequently arise in everyday life. Settling these sorts of debates could take time and the land question legal counselor in Vietnam could assist with distinguishing the underlying drivers and propose reasonable methodology for mollification and settlement.

Real estate dispute lawyer in Vietnam discuss land disputes

What types of land disputes in Vietnam?

Land, real estate, and property disputes typically involve high stakes and a wide range of topics, including disputes over land use rights, ownership of property tied to land use rights, rights to land use rights derived from inheritance, property division disputes during divorce, disputes over transfer and transformation transactions, leasing, subleasing, and mortgages tied to property or land use rights.

What are land disputes in Vietnam?

A land use right dispute is a disagreement between two or more parties in a land use right relationship regarding the rights and responsibilities of land users.

What should the parties do to resolve a dispute over land? There are two ways in which a land dispute can be resolved: in court or through settlement procedures at state administrative agencies.

Firstly, for some sort of land questions, placation strategy at commune-level People’s Committee of the locality a where the contested land is found is obligatory condition and method.

Specifically, on the off chance that placation by parties can't be accomplished, the gatherings might send a request for pacification to he commune-level People’s Committee of the locality where the contested land is found.

When a petition for resolving a land dispute is received by the commune-level People's Committees, the conciliation process must be completed within 45 days. Only when all of the disputing parties are present can the conciliation take place. On the off chance that any of the questioning gatherings is missing for the subsequent time, the appeasement will be viewed as ineffective.

The following two cases will be used to settle the land dispute in the event that conciliation at a commune-level People's Committee fails:

-The land, first and foremost, debate in which the party has an endorsement or any of the papers recommended in Article 100 of Land regulation and the disagreement regarding resources connected to land will be settled by People’s Court.

Second, in the case of a land dispute in which neither party possesses the aforementioned documents, the parties have a choice between the following two approaches to settlement: recording a composed solicitation for question settlement with a competent People’s Committee or documenting a claim with a competent People’s Court in accordance with the law on civil procedures.

In the second case, the chairperson of the competent People’s Committee is in charge of resolving disputes between households, individuals, and communities when the party chooses to settle at a competent People's Committee. In accordance with the law governing administrative procedures, the parties can either file a claim with the chairperson of the provincial-level People's Committee or sue in a People's Court if they are dissatisfied with the settlement decision.

In the event that one party is an association, a strict establishment, an abroad Vietnamese or an unfamiliar contributed undertaking, the executive of the common level People’s Committee is liable for the settlement. In accordance with the law governing administrative procedures, the parties have the right to file a claim with the Minister of Natural Resources and Environment or a lawsuit with a People's Court if they are dissatisfied with the settlement decision.

It ought to be noticed that the lawfully compelling choice on question settlement should be completely maintained the gatherings. Assuming the gatherings neglect to go along, the choice will be authorized.

The following grounds shall be the basis for the settlement of land disputes in which the disputing parties do not possess a certificate or any of the documents required by the Land Law or the Decree detailing a number of articles of the Land Law:

-The disputing parties' evidence regarding the land's origin and use process;

-Actual land areas that are currently occupied by the parties in addition to the land area that is in dispute and the average land area that is shared by each household in the area;

-Conformity of the disputed land's current use status with land use plans that have been approved by competent state agencies;

-Particular treatment arrangements toward people with worthy administrations to the State; Land use rights recognition, lease, and allocation regulations.

How real estate dispute lawyers in Vietnam could help?

The people of Vietnam do not own  land. Land use rights can only be purchased and sold. As previously stated, the complexity of Vietnam's land law and related regulations, as well as the country's long-standing culture of land use, could complicate disputes involving real estate, land, and property.

A mandatory condition and procedure for some kinds of land disputes is that they must be resolved at the commune-level People's Committee of the locality where the disputed land is located. The parties to other kinds of property and real estate disputes could immediately file a claim with the court. It might be difficult to differentiate between dispute resolution methods. In order to avoid or resolve a dispute, it is recommended to consult a real estate dispute lawyer in Vietnam for early guidance and representation.

[argyrocratie]

"Controllers and Controlled"

We could write the history of our movement from July to the present on the basis of these two vogueish Gallicisms. Although we can feel it slipping from our grasp with every minute we cannot give up on the revolution. The people won it in the bloody days of July, and all the confusing slogans designed to distract the attention of the workers will not make them forget it, just as we cannot, as the women’s sector of the struggle, forget the fundamental objectives of the war. Because we all know that giving up on the revolution means accepting the unlimited continuation of the principle of enslavement as the basis of society. As workers and as women, we are convinced that only the revolution can bring us the moral and economic liberation that has been longed for over so many centuries. It is precisely because of this conviction that we sound the alarm at the turn that events are taking. It wouldn’t have occurred to anyone in July to doubt that the workers had begun their revolution. Property, production, the whole life of the country was in their hands. The government, which during the revolt had lost its real organs of expression and power – the armed forces – was at the mercy of the workers and was only maintained by and through them. With the state apparatus demolished, the government survived by the grace of the people that used it to create a temporary nexus of convergence and unity of the popular sectors assaulted by fascism. The government stopped being the representation of a non-existent state whose prerogatives of organising national life had passed entirely into the hands of the workers. In a nutshell, the people controlled in one day all the actions of the government, displacing it from power and leaving it in place as a merely nominal skeletal representation. This was the first revolutionary error. By maintaining the government, its old bourgeois structure was respected and around it the whole weight of the bureaucratic apparatus that it had sustained up to that point. The workers did not realise that they had left the most vicious enemy of the revolution standing. The revolutionary work began. The committees, in which the people expressed and perfected their administrative organisations, grew and multiplied. It was not fast work, but slow and hard. It was necessary to step forwards and then step back, to stitch and to undo stitches, before finding the exact expression of popular aspirations. And it was against this process that the impatient, pressured by bureaucrats who saw the ebbing of their privileges and administrative hegemony, began a low-intensity war against the Popular Committees. Immediately the revolution began to stagnate. The need to win the war was manipulated by certain sectors against the social movement, calling for maximum power to the government. Day by day the prerogatives of the committees passed to the old and failed bureaucracies. The organisation of housing, transport and food supply were snatched from the hands of the Popular Committees on the pretext of their not contributing effective solutions and thus, from being controlled, the government gradually became the controller. To the extent that it was able to wrest power from the workers, it was converted from a mere organ of anti-fascist representation into an organ of power. The creation of economic privileges facilitated the rapid construction of an armed force at its service, and with the resurrection of the new state the strangulation of the revolution began. Nevertheless, all is not lost if the unions know how to act decisively; if they do not allow the plunder to be finalised and they defend their right to the management of the economy, we might yet save ourselves. And to those who say that the war comes before everything, we will respond: For the war everything, except freedom. Long live the revolution!

An article by Lucia Sanchez Saornil one of the founders of the Mujeres Libres grouping, which appeared in its review in April 1937, on the eve of the Barcelona May days.

[maranofamilylawyers]

Sydney Family Lawyers

A Sydney Family Lawyer can help with various legal matters. Some of these include divorce and separation, children’s matters, property settlement, and domestic violence. It is important to choose a family lawyer with good communication skills and empathy.

If you are experiencing separation issues, it is best to hire a Sydney Family Law Specialist who has the knowledge and expertise to handle your matter. They can help you navigate the process and get your life back on track after separation.

Doolan Wagner Family Lawyers

Doolan Wagner Sydney Family Lawyers is a based law firm that specializes in family law. They handle cases involving divorce, property settlement, child custody, and domestic violence. They also offer legal services for restraining orders and appeals. Their lawyers have extensive experience in the industry and are well-versed in the local laws.

The firm’s criminal law practice handles matters related to bail applications, Section 2 application (mental health), and District Court appeals. They have an in-house counsel, a notary public, and solicitors agent. They are available to assist clients 24/7.

Family law is a complex area of the law that involves numerous facets of a relationship. A good family lawyer in Lower Northern Sydney can help you navigate this challenging process with sensitivity and empathy.

Shore Lawyers

Attorney Shore has been practicing law in New Haven County for nearly a decade. She is a member of the Connecticut Bar Association and has been on several committees, including the Family Law and Estates & Probate sections and the Young Lawyers Executive Committee. She also serves on the Board of Directors for the New Haven County Bar Foundation.

She is a partner and co-owner of Wolf & Shore Law Group and practices in family law, estate planning and juvenile law. She has completed GAL and assigned counsel training and is accredited in veterans benefits.

She is a passionate client advocate and zealously advocates for clients’ rights in courtroom trials. She also coaches a high school mock trial team. She is a proud member of the Electric City BNI group.

Maatouks Law Group

Maatouks Law Group offers legal services in Sydney CBD, Liverpool, and Narellan. Its lawyers specialize in family, property, and immigration law. They also offer mediation and arbitration services. They are available around the clock to assist you with your legal needs.

Peter Maatouks began his legal career in 1993 when he commenced employment with a medium sized firm in Parramatta. Since then, he has become one of the most sought after Sydney lawyers. His success is due to his willingness to be accessible to the Australian public. He puts his face and contact details out in the public domain and takes calls 24/7.

The firm’s criminal lawyers handle bail applications, Section 2 applications, and District Court appeals. Their family lawyers help clients with divorce, property settlement, and same-sex marriages.

Goldman & Co. Lawyers & Attorneys

Goldman & Co is an international legal firm specializing in dispute resolution and litigation, private investments, international tax, wealth and assets. Its discreet commercial private client expertise attracts high net worth individuals and wealthy families both locally and internationally.

Janet Goldman has developed extensive relationships with financial and insurance companies, fellow attorneys, and the Rhode Island courts. She uses these connections to guide clients through the complexities of bankruptcy and other debtrelated issues, divorces, and family law matters.

She also has experience in complex real estate and commercial litigation, including mortgage foreclosures and landlord/tenant matters. She has counseled and litigated numerous issues pertaining to condominiums and cooperatives and has experience in arbitration and mediation. She has also lectured extensively on the subjects of employment and insurance coverage law.

O’Sullivan Legal

Alison O’Sullivan delivers multifaceted and compassionate legal Legal advisor Sydney to private clients in complex family law, guardianship, and contested estate matters. Her extensive experience in these sensitive cases, combined with her empathy, allows her to guide clients through every step of their legal journey with compassion and expertise.

In addition to family law, she has significant commercial litigation and creditor’s rights experience. She also has an active international practice, advising public and private companies on a variety of corporate transactions and disputes.

After graduating from Cornell Law School summa cum laude, she clerked for Chief

Judge Levin Campbell of the United States Court of Appeals for the First Circuit and Justice Sandra Day O’Connor of the Supreme Court of the United States. She also has substantial experience in complex financial litigation, including mergers and acquisitions and white-collar criminal defense work.

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The Ultimate Guide to Property Management in Abu Dhabi

Property management in Abu Dhabi is a multifaceted task that requires a deep understanding of the local market, legal frameworks, and best practices to ensure the success of your real estate investment. Whether you’re a first-time landlord or a seasoned property owner, navigating the complexities of property management can be challenging. This ultimate guide will walk you through the essential aspects of property management in Abu Dhabi, providing you with the tools and knowledge needed to manage your property effectively and profitably.

1. Understanding the Abu Dhabi Property Market

The real estate market in Abu Dhabi is unique, influenced by various factors such as economic conditions, population growth, and government policies. As a landlord or property owner, it's crucial to stay informed about these factors to make informed decisions.

1.1 Market Trends

Current Demand: The demand for residential and commercial properties in Abu Dhabi is influenced by the city’s status as a business hub and its appeal as a destination for expatriates. Understanding which types of properties are in demand—whether luxury villas, high-rise apartments, or office spaces—can help you position your property effectively.

Rental Yields: Rental yields in Abu Dhabi can vary significantly based on location, property type, and market conditions. Keeping abreast of rental trends ensures you set competitive rates that maximize your return on investment.

Future Projections: Analyzing future market projections, such as infrastructure developments and government initiatives, can help you anticipate changes in property values and rental demand.

1.2 Key Areas in Abu Dhabi

Popular Residential Areas: Neighborhoods like Al Reem Island, Saadiyat Island, and Yas Island are known for their high demand among expatriates and locals alike. Understanding the dynamics of these areas, including amenities, accessibility, and community appeal, is essential for targeting the right tenant base.

Commercial Hotspots: Abu Dhabi’s central business district, including areas like Al Maryah Island and the Corniche, is prime for commercial real estate. Knowing the business landscape and demand for office spaces can guide your investment decisions.

2. Legal Requirements for Property Management in Abu Dhabi

Navigating the legal landscape of property management in Abu Dhabi is critical to ensuring compliance and protecting your interests as a landlord.

2.1 Tenancy Law

Overview: Abu Dhabi's tenancy laws govern the relationship between landlords and tenants, outlining rights and obligations. Key provisions include rent caps, lease terms, and the process for eviction.

Lease Agreements: A legally binding lease agreement is essential for defining the terms of tenancy. This document should clearly outline rent, payment schedules, maintenance responsibilities, and the conditions for lease termination.

Security Deposits: The handling of security deposits is regulated, with clear guidelines on how much can be collected and under what circumstances it can be withheld at the end of the tenancy.

2.2 Landlord Obligations

Maintenance and Repairs: Landlords are responsible for maintaining the property in a habitable condition, including ensuring the proper functioning of essential utilities like water, electricity, and air conditioning.

Health and Safety Compliance: Properties must comply with health and safety standards, including fire safety regulations and the provision of adequate living conditions.

Privacy and Access: Landlords must respect the tenant’s right to privacy, providing notice before entering the property for inspections or repairs.

2.3 Dispute Resolution

Tenancy Disputes: In the event of a dispute, landlords and tenants can seek resolution through Abu Dhabi’s Rent Disputes Settlement Committee. Understanding the process and grounds for disputes can help prevent legal challenges.

3. Best Practices for Property Management

Effective property management is about more than just collecting rent. It involves a proactive approach to maintaining the property, managing tenants, and ensuring long-term profitability.

3.1 Tenant Screening and Selection

Importance of Screening: Choosing the right tenants is crucial to minimizing risks such as late payments, property damage, or legal issues. A comprehensive screening process should include background checks, credit assessments, and rental history verification.

Setting Expectations: Clear communication with prospective tenants about the rules and expectations of tenancy helps prevent misunderstandings and fosters a positive landlord-tenant relationship.

3.2 Regular Property Inspections

Frequency and Scope: Regular inspections are essential for monitoring the condition of the property and identifying maintenance needs early. Inspections should cover all aspects of the property, from structural elements to appliances.

Documentation: Keeping detailed records of inspections, including photos and notes, helps track the property's condition over time and provides evidence in case of disputes.

3.3 Maintenance and Repairs

Preventative Maintenance: Proactively addressing potential issues before they become major problems can save significant costs in the long run. Regular servicing of HVAC systems, plumbing, and electrical components is critical.

Handling Repairs: Establishing a reliable network of contractors ensures that repairs are handled quickly and efficiently. Prioritizing tenant requests for repairs also helps maintain satisfaction and retention.

3.4 Financial Management

Rent Collection: Implementing an efficient system for rent collection, whether through online portals or direct deposits, helps ensure timely payments and reduces the likelihood of arrears.

Expense Tracking: Keeping accurate records of expenses, including maintenance, taxes, and property management fees, is essential for managing your budget and maximizing profitability.

Financial Reporting: Regular financial reports provide a clear picture of your property’s performance, helping you make informed decisions about future investments.

4. Financial Management and Reporting

Financial management is a cornerstone of successful property management. It involves more than just tracking income and expenses; it requires strategic planning to optimize returns and manage risks.

4.1 Setting Rental Rates

Market Analysis: Conducting a thorough market analysis helps determine the optimal rental rate for your property. This involves comparing similar properties in your area and considering factors such as location, amenities, and condition.

Adjusting for Inflation: Periodically reviewing and adjusting rental rates to keep pace with inflation and market changes ensures that your property remains competitive while generating adequate income.

4.2 Budgeting and Forecasting

Expense Planning: Creating a detailed budget that accounts for all anticipated expenses, including maintenance, taxes, and management fees, helps you plan for the year ahead.

Revenue Forecasting: Predicting future rental income based on market trends and occupancy rates allows you to set realistic financial goals and make informed investment decisions.

4.3 Tax Considerations

Understanding Tax Obligations: Property owners in Abu Dhabi must be aware of their tax obligations, including any applicable property taxes or VAT on rental income.

Tax Efficiency: Exploring tax-efficient strategies, such as deductions for maintenance costs and property management fees, can help reduce your overall tax liability.

4.4 Financial Reporting

Monthly Reports: Regular financial reports, including income statements and balance sheets, provide a snapshot of your property’s financial health. These reports should detail all income, expenses, and net profit.

Annual Reviews: Conducting an annual financial review helps assess the overall performance of your investment and identify areas for improvement.

5. Working with a Property Management Company

For many property owners, partnering with a professional property management company like Arabesco can streamline operations and enhance profitability.

5.1 Benefits of Professional Management

Expertise and Experience: Property management companies bring a wealth of knowledge and experience, ensuring that your property is managed according to best practices and legal requirements.

Time and Stress Savings: By handling day-to-day operations, tenant management, and maintenance, a property management company frees up your time and reduces the stress associated with property ownership.

Maximizing Returns: Professional management often leads to higher rental income and occupancy rates, as property managers have the tools and expertise to market your property effectively and select reliable tenants.

5.2 Arabesco Property Management Services

Comprehensive Management: Arabesco offers a full range of services, including tenant placement, lease management, maintenance, and financial reporting. Our all-inclusive approach ensures that every aspect of your property is expertly handled.

Personalized Service: At Arabesco, we tailor our services to meet the unique needs of each property owner. Whether you have a single rental unit or a portfolio of properties, we develop customized management plans that align with your goals.

Proven Success: Our track record of success in the Abu Dhabi market speaks for itself. With a focus on maximizing property value and delivering exceptional service, Arabesco is the trusted choice for property management in Abu Dhabi.

5.3 Case Studies

Success Stories: Highlighting real-world examples of property management success in Abu Dhabi, including increased rental income, improved tenant satisfaction, and enhanced property value, demonstrates the tangible benefits of professional management.

Conclusion

Managing a property in Abu Dhabi requires a strategic approach that encompasses market knowledge, legal compliance, and best practices in tenant and financial management. Whether you choose to manage your property independently or partner with a professional company like Arabesco, this guide provides a solid foundation for success. By staying informed and proactive, you can ensure that your property remains a profitable and valuable investment in Abu Dhabi’s thriving real estate market.