#raül romeva | Explore Tumblr Posts and Blogs

crimethinc · 5 years

Text

The Catalan Independence Movement: A New Chapter of Unrest—Chronicling a Week of Escalation

Starting Monday, in response to draconian sentences imposed on politicians who promote Catalan independence, tens of thousands of people across Catalunya have engaged in sustained rioting and disruption. Although the majority of the movement remains pacifistic, a few thousand participants have rejected the leadership of political parties and organizations, opting for open confrontation with police. The various mobilizations are still taking place in confluence, however, making it very difficult for the police to control. Protesters have reportedly used caltrops, Molotov cocktails, and paint balloons to disable police riot vans, while keeping individual officers at a distance with lasers and slingshots and driving away helicopters with fireworks. In the following report, we review the events of the past week and explore what is at stake in this struggle.

As anarchists, we have a more robust conception of self-determination than mere national sovereignty. All governments are based on the asymmetry of power between ruler and ruled; nationalism is just one of several means by which rulers seek to turn us against each other so we don’t unite against them. We consider it instructive that the Catalan police have worked closely with Spanish national police throughout the last several years of repression; even if Catalunya gains independence, we are certain that independent Catalan police and courts will continue to repress those who fight against capitalism and seek true self-determination. At the same time, there is a longstanding tradition of anarchist and anti-state activity in Catalunya, and we are inspired to see some of this coming to the fore in resistance to the violence of the Spanish state. It is possible that the latest escalation of conflict in the streets of Catalunya will be a step towards the radicalization of the entire movement and the delegitimizing of state solutions.

Let’s look closer to see.

Members of Committees for the Defense of the Republic gather outside the Civil Guard barracks during a protest after nine activists associated with the Catalan independence movement were detained by police in Barcelona, Spain September 23, 2019.

Monday, October 14

In retribution for the 2017 referendum and subsequent declaration of independence, Spain’s Supreme Court sentenced former Catalan vice president Oriol Junqueras to 13 years in prison; former ministers Jordi Turull, Raül Romeva, Dolors Bassa, Joaquim Forn, and Josep Rull were sentenced to between 10 and 12 years apiece. Former parliament speaker, Carme Forcadell, received 11 and a half years for sedition. Activists Jordi Sànchez and Jordi Cuixart were sentenced to 9 years each, also for sedition.

Several independence groups called for demonstrations and blockaded major roads in Barcelona. Early Monday afternoon, the Tsunami Democràtic group called for demonstrators to blockade the Barcelona airport. There were also blockades on train lines and many highways.

Showing the integrated functioning of all the different subsections of the state, the Catalan and Spanish police—the Mossos d’Esquadra and Policia Nacional—worked together to repress the demonstrators. They brutally attacked a large number of people. Still, as in 2017, the vast majority of demonstrators remained “nonviolent” in response. Some young people start to throw trash and light objects at police.

Tuesday, October 15

On Tuesday, the blockades organized by “Tsunami Democràtic” continued on a largely “nonviolent” basis, slowing and in some cases paralyzing rail, car, and air transit. More protests broke out that night. Goaded by police violence, people began to fight back, throwing heavier objects and setting fires in the streets.

The Assemblea Nacional Catalana (“Catalan National Assembly,” ANC) and various political parties had convened columns to march from across Catalunya starting Wednesday, taking the highways and thus blocking them, in order to arrive in Barcelona on Friday for a general strike and protest. The plan was for this action to be totally pacifist. This was basically a repetition of their 2017 strategy, in which they organized demonstrations on October 3, two days after the massive police beatings that occurred during the referendum on October 1, waiting an extra day before holding the protest in response to government repression so that people wouldn’t be reacting immediately to the violence without a chance to calm down.

Yet they also gave their approval to Tsunami Democràtic, which had planned all along to organize flash-mob-style protests immediately following the verdict. These protests, too, were intended to be completely nonviolent, but to take a more effective approach—targeting infrastructure rather than merely symbolic points. Either the organizers underestimated how many people would show up and stay into the night, or they overestimated their ability to impose pacifism after the 2017 experience.

Starting Tuesday night, events were clearly out of their hands. In Catalunya, the extent to which people employ combative and destructive tactics is generally a useful indicator of the autonomy of a particular demonstration, even though in and of itself utilizing more confrontational tactics doesn’t necessary imply a radical agenda. The parties have always insisted that everything must be peaceful, just as they have watered down the meaning of “independence,” using nationalistic discourse to and suppressing the anti-capitalist objectives that used to characterize the movement.

Thousands of people protest the sentencing in front of Generalitat local office in Gerona, Catalunya on October 14, 2019.

It’s not easy to summarize the political ideas of people fighting in the streets on the basis of their conduct, but it seems that the pacifists remain under the ideological dominance of the parties and “civil society” organizations like ANC and Omnium, whereas those putting up barricades appear to be open to a much wider vision of what the enemy is and the objectives of the actions could be. The former tend to be middle-class (or aspiring middle-class) and exclusively Catalan speakers; the latter group is much more diverse, including Spanish speakers (though still mostly Catalan speakers), immigrants, and others. When the more confrontational demonstrators express themselves, they tend to express opposition to the police, “the fascist Spanish state,” and to mention more economic issues.

We should always challenge the assumption that a movement is about one thing. A movement is only about one thing where there is an effective leadership controlling it. Left to themselves, people don’t tend to reduce their concerns to single issues. Reality is intersectional.

Hats off to the anarchists and other anti-authoritarian activists who have spent the last two years spreading non-statist, non-nationalist perspectives and analysis relating to this issue and creating the autonomous, horizontal spaces that have cropped up in this movement since 2017, outside the dominance of the political parties and the Marxist-Lenininsts who dominated the indepe movement before 2013. The emergence of this autonomous space is the key difference that distinguishes what is happening today from what happened in 2017—and we’re seeing its fruits in what is taking place in the streets.

Another major factor in the way that people in Catalunya have behaved ungovernably this week is that the Spanish state was stupid enough to imprison the pacifist politicians and CC activists who had effectively pacified the movement in 2017. The ones who had already effectively killed this movement, it seemed, until now.

Never underestimate states. Also, never underestimate statist stupidity.

The Mossos charge [???] against protesters in the center of Barcelona on the night following Tuesday, October 15, 2019.

Wednesday, October 16

On Wednesday, high school and university students declared a strike, which continued through Friday. ANC marches and highway blockades set out from many major cities. In the evening, people engaged in very serious rioting in Barcelona; substantial rioting took place in all three other provincial capitals, not to mention smaller cities like Manresa. Many of the clashes occurred outside the Delegations of the (Spanish) government or Guardia Civil barracks. There had already been significant rioting in Lleida and Tarragona on Tuesday night.

Catalan president Quim Torra and ex-president Carles Puigdemont declared that the rioters were “infiltrators,” but only the immediate followers of those politicians were stupid enough to believe this. The usual absurd conspiracy theories spread across social networks about masked protesters getting paid in envelopes of cash.

In Madrid, a fairly large anti-fascist, pro-Catalan demonstration took place at the same time as a fascist march against independence. The two demonstrations clashed and police separated them.

Police charged through the crowd several times with batons and fired foam projectiles at people.

Thursday, October 17

ANC marches continued. Rioting took place again that night in Barcelona and other three provincial capitals. Fascists marched in favor of Spanish unity in Barcelona, attacking some protesters in favor of independence.

Friday, October 18

Today, the general strike is taking place in Catalunya. A Spanish judge has ordered that webpages linked to Tsunami Democratíc must be shut down—something similar to China forcing Apple to shut down an app used by demonstrators in Hong Kong.

The conservative People’s Party (PP) is calling for the application of the National Security Law—essentially, martial law. Meanwhile, it appears that a new political consensus may be forming. For a couple years Spain hasn’t been able to form an effective majority government; elections took place earlier in the year, but will have to take place again in November, because disagreements prevented the Socialists from forming a coalition government with Podemos. The fighting in Catalunya is driving a wedge between Podemos (which takes a soft approach based in dialogue, potentially open to a “legitimate” referendum) and Socialists (who take a hard approach rejecting any possibility of dialogue or self-determination). This creates the possibility of a coalition government involving the Socialists and the PP—assuming the PP, Citizens, and Vox parties don’t get enough votes to comprise the majority on their own, which they very well might not, as Spain remains majority left.

The riot cops are exhausted, probably only running on cocaine at this point. There are videos circulating of riot vans carousing down the streets with the cops using their sound cannons to shout “Som gent de pau.” This means “we are people of peace”—it is the slogan of the independence parties, but the cops mean it in a mocking, provocative tone. There are cases of the Mossos discipline breaking, of individual officers being isolated and beaten up, which never happened during the strikes of 2010 to 2012 or even the week of the eviction of the anarchist social center Can Vies. Several times, police were forced to retreat by combatants hurling rocks and even some Molotov cocktails. Even at the high point of the resistance defending Can Vies, it was rare to see police retreat; they just had to work really hard to advance, at which point rioters simply went elsewhere.

A mainstream newspaper reported today that fully half of the police riot vans have been decommissioned by damages, primarily to tires. It’s unclear how quickly they can repair them. If they lose their vans, they will be powerless; there are too many people in the street, using too much force. The state would have to send in the Guardia Civil or the military proper to maintain what they call “order.”

The real question is what will happen tomorrow, on Saturday. Today could serve as a catharsis, ending the unrest; it could be effectively repressed, if police bring in new resources and tactics; or it could be the day that the state recognizes that it has lost control and has to esclate repression. During the riots defending Can Vies, it was after the fourth day that the state recognized it had lost; on the fifth day, everyone was exhausted so the march was just a victory lap. But now, with perhaps double the number of police but several times as many participants, spread throughout Catalunya, the movement won’t tire as quickly. Though the pacifists condemn the rioting, they’re still marching and blocking highways, thereby adding to the difficulty for the state.

The Mossos cross a burning barricade in Barcelona to charge protesters.

The Backstory, the Future

The Iberian peninsula has seen conflict between monarchists, capitalists, fascists, and proponents of state democracy, on one side, and anarchists and other proponents of liberation since long before the Spanish Civil War. It’s important to remember that the independence movement only took center stage in Catalunya after countrywide anti-capitalist struggle reached an impasse, undermined by many participants’ erroneous belief that democracy—direct or otherwise—could bring about the changes they desired.

In 2011, the 15M movement, a forerunner of Occupy, broke out in Spain, occupying plazas and clashing with police. That was just one chapter in a phase of struggle arguably peaked on March 29, 2012 with massive riots during a nationwide general strike. All around the world, this was a high point of grassroots struggle against the inequalities of capitalism and the violence of the state.

Yet rather than continuing to invest energy in grassroots direct action as a means of enacting change, many who had promoted direct democracy in the plaza occupations shifted to trying to rehabilitate state democracy via new parties like Podemos. Ultimately, as we chronicled here, the results were disappointing, serving to pacify the social movements without achieving their original goals.

In the ensuing vacuum, the independentista movement gained momentum, proposing a referendum as a way to make Catalunya independent—promising a state solution to the problems that had originally inspired people to mobilize against capitalism and government oppression. When Spain cracked down violently on the referendum, this left anarchists in an awkward position, wanting to oppose police violence but not to endorse national independence as the solution to the problems engendered by capitalism and the state. Of course, it wasn’t just Spanish police participating in the crackdown—it was also Catalan police. All the institutions that would supposedly serve the people after independence were already being used against them, as they surely will continue to be if Catalunya does at some point become an independent state.

All this shows the problems with nationalism and democracy. We support people in Catalunya defending themselves from police, courts, and other institutions of power; this is why the events of this week have been inspiring. But ultimately self-determination means abolishing these institutions, not reforming or reinventing them. The question remains whether the current struggle in Catalunya will radicalize more of the participants towards anarchist solutions or simply towards more violent means of pursuing national sovereignty. But those at the forefront of events will surely have disproportionate influence on the answer to that question.

37 notes · View notes

thebackwardsoapbox · 5 years

Text

And I Am.

On 27 October 2017, a resolution based on the "Declaration of the representatives of Catalonia" declaring the independence of Catalonia was voted in Parliament and was approved with 70 votes in favor, 10 against, and 2 blank votes

This is a product of that day and the preceeding months when the Catalan citizens took to the streets in an attempt to settle their own destiny in an open democratic election. This was written at the time, Given the combined sentence of 100 years imprisonment of the Catalan leaders Raül Romeva, Joaquim Forn, Jordi Turull, Oriol Junqueras, Josep Rull, Jordi Cuixart, Carme Forcadell, Dolors Bassa and Jordi Sànchez.

I dedicate this piece in solidarity with the Catalan people and the struggle for independence.

I am Jordi and I am a Catalan I am Marta and I too am a Catalan I am Alexi and I am also a Catalan I am Estel, Alba, Neus & Lucia and we are all Catalan

I am a shop worker and I am a Catalan

I am a waiter and I am a Catalan

I am a bus driver and I am a Catalan

I am a single father with two children in Tarragona and I am a Catalan

I am a recently married mother who works for a bank in Barcelona and I am a Catalan

I am a daughter who works for a telemarking corporation in Madrid to a Mother from Reus, today I tell them that I am a Catalan

I am a farmer who’s crop was marked for export to Europe, today I tell them like me that it is Catalan

I am the market stall owner who has not worked in a week as I am one of the millions on the street and I am a Catalan

I am a Footballer who cried because I know my place was with my people that was the same day I would tell the world that I am a Catalan

I am a government worker currently under arrest by the Guarda Civil for giving my people the right to choose their future and I am a Catalan

I am a pensioner in hospital from blunt force trauma because I blocked the door so my people could say that they and I are Catalans

I am a university student who stayed with his little brother and built a barricade outside the high school he attended which was used as polling station unable to vote his voice is of a Catalan

I am the high school teacher who taught them both to believe what is right and brought the supplies to defend mine and their futures as we are all Catalans

I am a woman’s rights lawyer from Seville who now works in Girona who is European and also Spanish but with the actions of my government today I too have become Catalan

I am a firefighter who joined with his fellow firefighters and protected civilians from the batons of the police who could not understand a single word we said as I only can speak Catalan

I am a local journalist who took photos as people were shot with bullets made of plastic by the Spanish police manufactured in Europe to suppress the actions of a people who are all Catalan

I am the doctor on the thirty first of September who saw to the beaten and abused, none expressing even a single regret in the knowledge that theirs is the blood that drains away in the fall rain, the blood that coats the cobbled pathways, the blood given of the Catalan

I am the Singer and poet who can remember back when our words were banned and I am afraid admit may happen again as the songs I sing are Catalan

I am the grandfather who was born the day Franco and his army marched into my capital and today I may die under similar conditions as me and my history are entwined, that history is Catalan

I am a grandmother who’s village has been fined ten times for flying the Estelada the flag of our country as it is a crime to display our flag in our country and all ten times we refused to take it down and paid any cost as money has no importance to show we are Catalan

We are the youth activists who handed out leaflets and created media shared our story’s and showed the world the brutality of Spain and it’s monarchy, a raised fist a four fingered salute we believe we are building the future in front of us as we are the daughters and sons of Catalans

We are striking factory workers who in solidarity with the people’s right to a free and open democracy a refusal to be cogs of the Madrid parliament we have spoken and we have said we are Catalan

And we are the Two million people under suppression and violence left our homes our works our schools to stand in line for hours to decide within just a few minutes, each of us changing the course history in a second. We are the millions who said we and the nation are all one of the same and that nation is Catalan

I am the Son

The daughter

The mother

The father

The worker

The Songs

The Stories

The Poems

The Blood

The Soil

The people

The Pride

The Defiance

The Catalan

And I am Catalonia

Si Catalonia!

Viva Catalonia!

#Catalonia #Catalan independence

8 notes · View notes

unpensadoranonimo · 6 years

Link

Entrada con varios contenidos multimedia de Miquel Giménez

#oriol junqueras #raül romeva #quim torra #joaquim forn #cárcel de estremera #opinion #nazinalismo #cataluña #españa

0 notes

estodaynet · 6 years

Link

El ex conseller de Exteriores de la Generalitat, Raül Romeva —actualmente en prisión—, presupuestó más de 17 millones de euros en 2017 para cooperación al desarrollo, una partida que se consideró prioritaria para conseguir sus objetivos de independencia y construir “un nuevo país”. La Operación Estela iniciada este jueves —y que se ha saldado por el momento con 29 detenidos— vincula los fondos de cooperación y ayuda al desarrollo con el presunto desvío de dinero público para financiar el procés.

En la memoria de programas de los últimos presupuestos del gobierno independentista, el departamento de Romeva explicaba que “la actual legislatura tiene como objetivo establecer las bases que hagan posible la declaración de la independencia de Cataluña, a partir de la creación de unas estructuras de Estado y de impulso de un proceso de desconexión nacional y popular del Estado español”.

“Para que este objetivo de país sea posible es necesario reforzar la proyección exterior de Cataluña y lograr su reconocimiento”, añadía. Y en este sentido, se veía necesaria la puesta en marcha de un departamento de Exteriores suficientemente dotado de recursos para “impulsar una política catalana en relación con el mundo y, en especial, con la Unión Europea, que desarrolle políticas catalanas de cooperación al desarrollo, potenciar la cultura de memoria histórica, paz y derechos humanos (…)”. Todo orientado a la construcción del “país” catalán. El presupuesto destinado a cooperación ascendió a 17.400.000 euros.

La Operación Estela vincula los fondos de cooperación y ayuda al desarrollo con el desvío de dinero público para financiar el procés

La investigación cree que el importe defraudado asciende a dos millones de euros, que fueron destinados a fines distintos a los programas de cooperación, entre ellos, sistemas de canalización de aguas o recogida de basuras en países en vías de desarrollo. A los arrestados se les atribuyen delitos de prevaricación, tráfico de influencias, malversación de caudales públicos, falsedad documental y fraude de subvenciones.

Los investigadores se centran por ahora en el destino de las ayudas concedidas a través de la Diputación de Barcelona y que nunca llegaron a su destino. Entre los presuntos implicados se encuentra Francesc Dalmases, diputado de Junts per Catalunya muy vinculado a Carles Puigdemont y director de la Fundación CATmón, ligada a la extinta CatDem, durante años, la principal fundación de Convergència. CATmón ejercía como ‘think tank’ convergente para el “reconocimiento” internacional de la “nación catalana”.

Una consellería investigada

La operación cerca la financiación del proceso secesionista y busca esclarecer el presunto desvío de dinero público para el referéndum ilegal del pasado 1 de octubre.

La Guardia Civil cuantificaba recientemente en sus informes en 1,9 millones el posible desvío para ese referéndum y, precisamente, una de las partidas acreditadas —con facturas correspondientes— correspondía al Consejo de la Diplomacia Pública de Cataluña —Diplocat— en manos de Raül Romeva.

Los investigadores acreditaron a observadores internacionales para el referéndum por un importe de 192.368,86 euros, mediante transferencias a The Hague Center for Strategic Studies, el centro encargado de gestionar las misiones de observación de procesos electorales internacionales.

Entre otras facturas, se recogían 25.303,86 euros en vuelos, hoteles y actos. la investigación situaba a Romeva como responsable de los gastos.

Precisamente, la del departamento de Romeva es la única alusión a la independencia en el programa presupuestario, después de que el Tribunal Constitucional anulase tres partidas —por importe total de 6,2 millones de euros— destinadas a “procesos electorales y consultas populares” y a “procesos electorales y de participación ciudadana”. El tribunal declaró además inconstitucional la disposición adicional 40, que instaba a la Generalitat a habilitar las partidas necesarias “para el proceso refrendario sobre el futuro político de Cataluña”.

Okdiario España

The post Romeva destinó 17 millones a la cooperación “con el objetivo de hacer posible la independencia” appeared first on Noticias de España - Últimas noticias de España.

#España #Carles Puigdemont #Cataluña #Generalitat #Raül Romeva

0 notes

newsgur · 7 years

Video

youtube

Junqueras será el encargado de comprar las urnas para el referéndum

El presidente de la Generalitat, Carles Puigdemont, ratificó este miércoles en la sesión de control al Parlamento catalán que será su vicepresidente, Oriol Junqueras, quien se encargará de la compra de las urnas para la consulta del 1 de octubre. Junto con Raül Romeva, encargado del departamento de Exteriores catalán, llevará a cabo esta labor a la que se suma su pretensión de alcanzar un acuerdo donde todos los consejeros se comprometan, política y judicialmente, con el referéndum unilateral. Será el próximo martes cuando plantee su idea para que las consecuencias de la consulta lleguen por igual a todos los altos cargos implicados en el proceso.

http://es.newsgur.com/2017/07/junqueras-sera-el-encargado-de-comprar.html

#Oriol Junqueras #Puigdemont #Generalitat #Raül Romeva #urnas #referéndum #independencia #Cataluña

0 notes

adriacosta · 7 years

Photo

Raül Romeva

#Raül Romeva #política #junts pel sí #procés català #entrevista #NacióDigital #retrat #portrait #press portrait

0 notes

lescroniques · 5 years

Text

Els presos reivindiquen al Parlament el diàleg i deploren les baralles entre JxCat i Esquerra

Els sis exconsellers declaren a la comissió del 155 en una jornada emotiva i balsàmica per a un independentisme en crisi.[…][…] (regio7.cat)

View On WordPress

#Article 155 de la Constitució #ERC #Joaquim Forn #Jordi Turull #Josep Rull #JxCat #Oriol Junqueras #Raül Romeva

0 notes

grizlda-blog · 5 years

Text

Com votar a Roger Español al Senat (i que el vot tingui pes)

Com ja és ben conegut, Roger Español és un músic barceloní que va transcendir a l'esfera pública i mediàtica quan l'1 d'octubre de 2017 va perdre un ull com a conseqüència d'un tret amb bala de goma disparada per l'agent 110843 de la Policía Nacional, durant la forta repressió practicada per impedir el referèndum d’independència de Catalunya.

Español ja va presentar-se a les darreres eleccions generals espanyoles com a candidat al Congrés per Barcelona amb el Front Republicà, que no va obtenir cap representació. El cap de llista del Front Republicà el 28-A, Albano-Dante Fachín -que no es presenta sota cap candidatura en aquestes eleccions- va explicar que havia tingut converses amb Junts per Catalunya (JxCat) per tal de conformar un "front unitari", però que no van fructificar. Tampoc hi ha un "front unitari" per a les eleccions del 10-N, en les quals Roger Español es presenta com a independent en la primera posició de les 4 que presenta JxCat al Senat per Barcelona.

Que algú sense antecedents en l’esfera pública política i amb una càrrega simbòlica i física tant gran del què va significar l’1-O vagi de número 1 a una llista, i tingui opcions d’entrar en aquest cas al Senat de Madrid, és un fet que val la pena no passar per alt en aquestes eleccions. Es podrà argumentar que el Senat no té pràcticament rellevància, però això com veurem no és tant així, o també que el fet d’anar de candidat de JxCat voldrà dir que el seu discurs se’n veurà ressentit o condicionat, però això ha quedat desmentit si més no fins ara amb les declaracions d’Español demanant la dimissió del conseller Buch (JxCat) després de les brutals càrregues del dispositiu policial organitzat arran de les protestes per la sentència del judici del “procés”, que entre d’altres estadístiques, ja ha sumat 4 ferits més a Catalunya en aquesta llista de la infàmia d’ulls buidats per bales de goma.

Sí que és cert que el Senat, en campanyes electorals -i de fet tot al llarg del curs polític- és l’etern oblidat, i per mèrits propis ja que el Congrés finalment sempre pot tirar enrere les seves decisions sobre les tramitacions de lleis. Però aquesta “altra cambra” segueix tenint el seu pes en determinades votacions. És el cas de la famosa “reforma de la Constitució”, quan farien falta dos terços de vots favorables tant al Congrés com al Senat. El Senat també participa en igualtat de condicions amb el Congrés dels Diputats en l’elecció dels membres del Consell General del Poder Judicial, òrgan de màxim poder de la judicatura a l’Estat Espanyol i del qual pengen tota la resta de posicions rellevants de les cambres i estaments judicials.

Llistes obertes al Senat

Al contrari de com succeeix al Congrés, el Senat funciona amb llistes obertes. Això vol dir que, a l'hora de votar al Senat, es pot votar a un 1, 2 o 3 candidats, d'entre tots els de totes les llistes, siguin o no de la mateixa candidatura. Després es comptabilitzen els vots directament per candidats (no per candidatures) i no s'aplica la llei d'Hont ni res similar. Cada candidatura haurà decidit a quines províncies es presenta amb els seus candidats únics. Cada província de Catalunya ofereix als seus votants una fulla per votar al Senat amb els noms individuals de tots els candidats. Apareixen endreçats segons ha decidit la candidatura per cada una d'elles, donant per fet que, en cas de que la persona votant no conegui les candidates que es presenten, votarà almenys la primera candidata de la seva formació política preferida.

Per cada una de les províncies de Catalunya finalment només seran escollits 4 representants, i aquests seran els que hagin estat directament els més votats. El primer més votat obtindrà un escó al Senat, el segon més votat un altre, el tercer més votat un altre i el quart més votat un altre. Aquests escons al Senat funcionen de forma independent, és a dir, no per ser el més votat té més importància que cap dels altres.

Per fer-nos-en una idea, aquests van ser els resultats en número de vots de les darreres eleccions al Senat per Barcelona l'abril de 2019:

Amb escons:

Raül Romeva i Rueda ERC-SOBIRANISTES 928.722

Manuel Cruz Rodríguez PSC 731.308

Elia Tortolero Orejuela PSC 687.649

Ana Surra Spadea ERC-SOBIRANISTES 676.858

Sense escons, a la cua en número de vots:

Carles Martí Jufresa PSC 654.796

Robert Masih Nahar ERC-SOBIRANISTES 577.003

Noelia Bail García ECP-Guanyem el canvi 502.472

Lluís Puig Gordi JxCAT-JUNTS 444.077

Què s'acostuma a fer?

Les persones fidels a un partit polític acostumen a fer servir els seus 3 vots al Senat per donar suport als representants del mateix partit polític (o de la mateixa llista). Quan es fa així, en una província acostumen a sortir els tres primers escons de la candidatura més votada, i el quart escó va a parar a la segona candidatura. Però no tothom ho fa així, ja sigui perquè opten per repartir els escons entre els primers candidats de diverses llistes, o perquè potser hi ha qui no entén ben bé com es vota i fa servir només una creu, o bé perquè hi ha figures destacables per virtuts polítiques concretes o per haver estat represaliades, com va ser el cas de Raül Romeva a les darreres eleccions, i ho pot ser en les properes en Roger Español.

Votar a un candidat no vol dir votar a la candidatura sencera

En el cas del Senat, al haver-hi llistes obertes -i, òbviament, ser una papereta diferent a la del Congrés-, votar per un candidat no significa ni que hagis de votar pels altres dos noms proposats per la candidatura ni, per descomptat, que hagis de votar a la mateixa candidatura per al Congrés, ni tan sols que hagis de votar al Congrés. A més, algunes candidatures que sí que es presenten al Congrés no es presenten al Senat, i el motiu pot ser el d’assumir que no obtindran representació donat que no es troben entre les candidatures més votades. Per tant, hi ha votants de candidatures minoritàries que sí que presenten llista al Congrés que es poden trobar sense saber què votar al Senat. Tal és el cas de la Candidatura d'Unitat Popular.

I votar a un candidat no vol dir votar a la seva candidatura?

No, perquè cal tenir en compte que es voten candidats, no candidatures. A més en el cas de Roger Español és un candidat independent i així surt reflectit a la papereta. En el món de la política quan es fa referència a un polític independent vol dir que és una persona no afiliada a cap partit polític. És una figura habitual en les democràcies ja que les ciutadanes tenen el dret inherent de postular-se als càrrecs.

Com fer que Roger Español surti escollit?

Malauradament no hi ha enquestes publicades (o no n'hem trobat) d'intenció de vot al Senat a la província de Barcelona, però si prenem com a referència que la gent acostuma a votar a candidatures i no candidats, podem preveure que els dos partits més votats pel Senat a Barcelona tornaran a ser ERC i PSC, repetint els resultats del 28-A d'enguany, encara que amb candidats diferents. Però sí que és possible que el candidat independent Roger Español sigui el quart candidat més votat. Per tal que això passi, la consigna és molt senzilla: cal votar al Roger Español. Pot semblar evident, però potser no és tant senzilla la resposta si alhora ens preguntem com hem de fer servir sense perjudicar aquesta elecció els altres dos vots, que tenim a disposició per fer-los servir o no.

Per qui escull fer servir els altres dos vots, anem per eliminació: cal tenir en compte que el segon (o següents) candidat de qualsevol altra candidatura que no sigui ERC o PSC no sortirà endavant. Per tant, no li farà competència. D’altra banda, és altament improbable que en el cas de de la província de Barcelona surti escollit el tercer candidat ni d'ERC ni del PSC atès que si prenem com a referència les enquestes per al Congrés a la província de Barcelona aquestes candidatures estan molt igualades en número de vots.

I si del que es tracta és que un d'ells no tregui el segon candidat per tal de que tingui espai en Roger Español, votar al segon candidat d'ERC o PSC podria estar tirant endarrere la candidatura de Roger Español.

Resumint: No votar a ningú més és una opció. Votar a candidats que sabem que no tindran representació faria el mateix efecte. Votar al segon candidat d'ERC o PSC podria excloure que Roger Español sortís escollit.

Referències:

https://magnet.xataka.com/politica/por-que-el-voto-al-senado-es-tan-importante-este-ano-y-como-hacerlo-estrategicamente

https://iridia.cat/iridia-identifica-al-agente-que-disparo-a-roger-espanol-el-1-o/

http://resultados-elecciones.rtve.es/generales/2019/senado/barcelona/

https://ca.wikipedia.org/wiki/Candidat_independent

https://www.elmon.cat/opinio/pagueta-roger-espanol-tsunami_2074392102.html

youtube

1 note · View note