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zykamiliah · 1 year ago

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i have so so many ideas about these two specially mbj because

he hates humans, right? he's very distrustful of them. and he's a demon pureblood through and through, double traumatized by how messed up his culture is, by his own family dynamics and by how human cultivators hurt him when he was a little boy.

and later on original sqh gets himself killed, i'm gonna guess because his relationship with mbj wasn't good (“After you’re exposed as a spy, Mobei-Jun kills you outright to silence you." Ch5: Bai Lu), since in the pidw timeline he doesn't kill sqh when the latter is exposed. the fact is that mbj doesn't like humans and with o!sqh he's proven right.

and then. you have bingge, who is half-human and half-demon. who is stronger than him. who is very very beautiful, despite being able to wipe the floor with mbj.

in the svsss timeline, lbh holds a grudge against mbj for what he did at the iac. but that's not the case with pidw!mbj and bingge.

mbj was minding his business, being indifferent to everything and everyone around him, when suddenly this teenager in the cusp of adulthood comes at him, beats him thoroughly, and- it's not clear if lbh coerced him to be his subordinate or not, but since demons respect strength and sqq's wording here ("he would mysteriously capitulate to the protagonist, to the point of letting himself be ordered about") it seems mbj is willingly following bingge for reasons that are never specified.

let's take a look at more pidw mbj related quotes

Why would Luo Binghe’s future subordinate, his magnificent right hand—and best buddy for committing evil deeds, murder, and mayhem—show up right here and now?!

"magnificent right hand", cough, "best buddy"- THE THING IS. LUO BINGHE DOESN'T HAVE FRIENDS. HE ONLY HAS SUBORDINATES. HE DOESN'T LIKE MEN. IN BOTH PIDW AND SVSSS MBJ IS ONE OF TWO PEOPLE LBH WILLINGLY LETS STAND BY HIS SIDE.

okay i'll calm down.

In three years, Luo Binghe will be able to single-handedly beat you until you can’t get up—and won’t you still become his diligent henchman? You’d really be slapping your own face.

i can't with the innuendo lmao

Luo Binghe’s gaze frosted over, his aura changing in an instant. Sensing this shocking change, a cold flash of interest shot through Mobei-Jun’s pale blue eyes. He abruptly summoned a pure-black sword of ice out of thin air.

yes yes yes, this is from the IAC and they aren't 100% the same characters, but listen- their fight still happens in pidw, and probably had some of the same beats: mbj sensing how powerful lbh was, his interested being picked by this, him pulling out all the stops to try to win against a heavenly demon. in pidw the fight was probably longer, but it still ended with mbj unable to get up. now, knowing who the writer is, and since bingge is airplane's self-insert, while mbj is his favorite character, you can imagine that the fight was probably brimming with homoerotic subtext. (and this is why airplane wants to fuck mbj ehem) then, for whatever reason, mbj capitulates to bingge. was it because bingge was a heavenly demon? because he was too strong? because other mysterious reasons he'll never tell anyone about because the only emotion he feels safe enough to express is anger?

now, remember how demons' -and mbj's- love language is beating up your crush (sighs) and i'm not saying he had a crush on lbh in this scene

“Not bad.” Ignoring whether Luo Binghe was in a state to understand him, he continued. “The Human Realm isn’t where you belong. Why not return to your origins?”

he's basically inviting him to the demon realm. now let's not take this scene literally, since there are other factors at play. for once, mbj's relationship with sqh in this timeline is better. but what's undeniable is mbj's interest in lbh from the start. be it just because lbh is a heavenly demon or not, because of his strength and the way he fights- we won't know. but imagine a bingge practically fresh from the abyss knocking- crashing mbj's palace to fight him.

mbj was "idling his life away, completely indifferent to everyone else", until bingge showed up to literally rock his world. and then mbj proceeds to follow him for the rest of his life. from then own, a great part of his life will revolve around bingge's.

and as every pidw character, i assume mbj takes his loyalty to lbh very seriously, and vice versa.

This NPC really was so straight to the point, not a moment spared—completely in line with his modus operandi in the original work. He’d show up wherever Luo Binghe needed him without rhyme or reason. His actions were just that forced, a total maverick, needing not a shred of logic! Chapter 4: Conference

now we know that when pidw became real, everything that happened would need to have a reason. so there's nothing forced about his behavior- rather, it just makes you curious as to why was mbj so diligent and obedient with bingge. "mysterious" reasons indeed.

the other important mobing crumb we have comes from airplane extra, during mbj's succession ceremony.

In the original work, Bing-ge was by Mobei-Jun’s side during this, acting the part of the wolf in sheep’s clothing and lending him a hand along the way—then undercutting the Mobei clan after Mobei-Jun ascended to the throne, as was only to be expected (...) So the person Mobei-Jun had brought to help him was Shang Qinghua’s useless-ass self!

the fact that in the original timeline bingge played the role of protector during the moment mbj would be most vulnerable goes to show how much mbj trusted bingge, as that's the reason svsss!mbj brought sqh.

For this sort of life-and-death situation, you should obviously find a trusted confidant—your most impressive ally!

(i know this is a mobing post but come on-- mbj is soooo gone for sqh. like it's ridiculous ♥)

because of what happened with his uncle mbj has trust issues, but in pidw he trusts bingge with his life...

Mobei-Jun had lost his mother very young, and the person to whom he had most closely stuck in his youth was precisely this youngest uncle

so remember how mbj would just go hang out at sqh's leisure house? how he'd allow sqh to stick by his side in the demon realm and dangerous situations? well i think mbj's second love language is that-- sticking by his closest person side.

conclusion: pidw!mbj's feelings for bingge encompass loyalty and deep trust, and also a willingness to spend time with bingge and do whatever bingge requires him. he has also expressed interest in bingge for being as strong/stronger than him. taking into account how awful mbj's life is and how lonely he is, bingge is the only person in pidw!mbj's life he's actually close too. there's also a unknown factor to his loyalty to bingge that is regarded as "mysterious" that could be anything from profound respect to admiration to a crush to an actual unrequited love.

as for bingge reciprocating- everyone knows that bingge's is sqh's self-insert and as such they share many traits. that mbj and sy parallel each other in many ways. that cumplane in the metaship of the whole svsss since every character somehow reflects sqh. then it goes without saying that sqh's self-insert and sqh's ideal man could end up together in the right circumstances.

PIDW!MOBEI-JUN HAS A CRUSH ON BINGGE

exhibit 1

Demons were compelled to viciously bully the person they liked. Only if the object of their affections failed to die would the demon accept them. If their target died, that meant they were useless and not worth nursing any lingering affections for. (Chapter 3: Favor Points)

exhibit 2

Mobei-Jun thought about it. With the paths his mind was given to take, there was no telling how he had interpreted “unique” feelings. “Beat them up three times a day?” (Chapter 26: Airplane's Fortuitous Encounter)

exhibit 3

Mobei-Jun was a pure-blooded demon, a supremely orthodox demonic second-gen. In the future, he would inherit his family’s territory on the demonic border in the north, and after that, he would spend all his time appearing and disappearing at will, idling his life away, completely indifferent to everyone else. However, this maverick was destined to get beaten up by a Luo Binghe who had suddenly activated his overpowered abilities. Thereafter, he would mysteriously capitulate to the protagonist, to the point of letting himself be ordered about. From then on, Luo Binghe would have an exceptionally badass-looking errand boy and loyal sidekick. (Chapter 4: Conference)

MOBING IS REAL (at least from mbj's side)

(i doubt he knows he has a crush but you can't tell me that "mysteriously capitulating to the protagonist" isn't code for gay feelings)

#svsss #mobing #zykamiliah-svsss #damn boy this is practically a #mobing manifesto

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haggishlyhagging · 1 year ago

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The quotes below the cut are about the tension between consciousness raising and political action. All are from Alice Echols’ Daring to Be Bad: Radical Feminism in America: 1967-75.

Quote 1: p. 61

With Koedt's article, Firestone's summary of the Jeannette Rankin Brigade protest, and Sarachild's D.C. speech, "Funeral Oration for Traditional Womanhood," NYRW's Notes from the First Year was an implicit, and sometimes explicit, rejection of the politico analysis. Within two months of its publication, Evelyn Goldfield of Chicago's Westside group issued a rebuttal of sorts in the The Voice of the Women's Liberation Movement. Goldfield took women's groups to task for concentrating on consciousness-raising rather than action. And in contrast to those New York women who argued that women needed to organize separately to build a power base from which to attack male supremacy, Goldfield advised that if men were to be excluded initially from women's meetings, it be for the "tactical" reason that women had difficulty expressing themselves around men, and not as a "matter of principle." In fact, Goldfield argued that the very notion of a separate women's movement was divisive. She admitted that the bromide "there can be no liberation for women outside a general movement for liberation, and no such movement can exist without a movement for women's liberation" had failed to silence those who asked which movement came first. But Goldfield proposed shelving any further debate by declaring that radical women should henceforth "not think of the women's movement as separate but as a united force within the radical movement." She chastised the women of Notes for envisioning "the women's movement as very separate from other movement struggles," and declared that a "women's movement which confines itself to issues which only affect women can't be radical."

Quote 2: pp. 113-114

Some women at the conference also discussed the upcoming Counter-Inaugural demonstration to protest Nixon' inauguration. The action was being organized by the National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam (Mobe). Webb and Baxandall, in particular, had ties with people in the Mobe. In fact, Webb's husband, Lee Webb, had informed her that there was a slot available on the program for a women's liberation speaker. Barbara Mehrhof reports that during the car ride back from Lake Villa, Firestone, Atkinson, Koedt, Margaret Polatnik, and she discussed the proposed action. According to Mehrhof, all the women agreed that consciousness-raising, as it was practiced in NYRW, was leading to more consciousness-raising rather than to action. They discussed reorganizing the group, making it "more action and theory-based." Margaret Polatnik suggested that they "give back the vote" at the Counter-Inaugural protest, and the others agreed. According to Ellen Willis, the action was intended to demonstrate that "suffragism"—which they contended had eviscerated the first wave of feminism—was dead and that "a new fight for real emancipation was beginning." They announced the action at the next meeting of NYRW and welcomed others to join them in planning the protest. Firestone, Willis, Peslikis, Mehrhof, Kearon, Forer, Baxandall, Linda Feldman, Barbara Kaminsky, and Sheila Cronan were among those involved in planning the protest.

Quote 3: pp.142-143

In early April, Sheila Cronan proposed that for their next action the group hang a banner which would read "Liberty for Women: Repeal All Abortion Laws" from the Statue of Liberty. However, Cronan and her allies encountered technical problems in constructing the banner, and opposition to the action when Sarachild returned to the group. Sarachild argued that the action was poorly conceived and that the group's energy would be better spent writing a manifesto. When the group voted in mid-June to scuttle the action, the discussion reportedly "broke down into great recriminations."

The Statue of Liberty action became a point of contention because members disagreed about the importance of consciousness-raising. Not everyone in the group was as committed to consciousness-raising as Sarachild, Peslikis, and Mainardi. Certainly, Mehrhof, Kearon, Cronan, and Linda Feldman—who eventually left Redstockings to join The Feminists—felt that consciousness-raising should be de-emphasized. Even Firestone reportedly wanted the group to be more action-oriented. There were also disagreements about the pro-woman line. Mehrhot, Kearon, Cronan, and Feldman were its most vocal detractors. But Willis contends that both she and Firestone were far more psychologically oriented than Sarachild, Peslikis, and Mainardi of the pro-woman faction.

The tensions over consciousness-raising and the pro-woman line seem to have been exacerbated by Sarachild's re-entry to the group. She reportedly let the group know that she was returning to Redstockings despite her differences with the group. She then reportedly tried to recruit to the group women who she thought shared her political vision. Baxandall, who was at that time in a study group with Anne Forer, Judy Thibeau, and Helen Kritzler, was among those Sarachild succeeded in recruiting. Baxandall asserts that Sarachild told her that she was shifting the group's focus from action to consciousness-raising and that the meetings were, as a result, much improved. Indeed, the group became less action-oriented following the March 1969 abortion speak-out. The group did disrupt another all-male abortion panel at Cooper Union and helped to organize a number of joint actions. But from the spring of 1969 until its demise in the fall of 1970, the group devoted most of its time to consciousness-raising, organized c-r groups for new women, drafted its manifesto, and distributed movement literature.

#alice echols #consciousness raising #political action #radical feminist theory

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renerabril · 4 years ago

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THE REAL STORY OCT. 16, 2020

Who’s Who in The Trial of the Chicago 7: A Character Guide

By Nick Allen

Aaron Sorkin’s hippies, yippies, prosecutors, protesters, undercover cops, and more, explained. Photo-Illustration: Niko Tavernise/Netflix

The whole world was watching when a group of Vietnam War protesters was put on trial by the U.S. government, accused of crossing state lines to incite a riot during the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago. It didn’t matter that the police were documented committing violent acts during what began as peaceful protests; this group was to be made an example. The trial that ensued became a famous circus of the American court system, in which hippies, yippies, and more squared off against the immense biases of a judge who wanted them to lose, all the while racking up numerous contempt charges for a wide range of disruptive behaviors. Whether it was the spectacle created by media-savvy jokester Abbie Hoffman or the firm outrage expressed by pacifist David Dellinger, each reactionary played a particular part in this all-American farce, which has recently been made into a courtroom epic by writer-director Aaron Sorkin.

In an introduction to The Trial of the Chicago 7: The Official Transcript, Sorkin says that his screenplay is “very different” from the words of the trial, which is an accurate summation of his approach to a story that took place from September 1969 to February 1970. For all of the poetry inherent in the revolutionaries’ battle with a system that seeks to silence them, Sorkin manages to add his own flourishes, including a rousing ending that’s far more symbolic than accurate. To help keep track of all these different players, here’s a guide to the major figures in Sorkin’s film:

Abbie Hoffman

Photo-Illustration: Vulture, Netflix and Getty Images

Of the many rabble-rousers in the trial, none was more famous than Abbie Hoffman (played by Sacha Baron Cohen), who brought theatricality and personality to the proceedings given his knowledge of media and psychology. Hailing from Boston, Hoffman worked as a psychologist before becoming involved with the revolution of the ’60s, when he and other members of the Youth International Party (known as the Yippies) protested the Vietnam War and capitalism, sometimes using more outrageous, attention-grabbing stunts like trying to levitate the Pentagon or raining money down onto the New York Stock Exchange floor. Hoffman spoke at colleges and made public appearances throughout the trial (as shown in Sorkin’s film). After the trial (which he famously referred to as taking place inside a “neon oven”), Hoffman continued his activism and wrote the famous political text Steal This Book. Later, to avoid a cocaine charge in the early ’70s, he underwent cosmetic surgery and changed his name to Barry Freed. (He would eventually surrender and serve the charge in 1980 before getting an early release.)

Jerry Rubin

Photo-Illustration: Vulture, Netflix and Getty Images

Before the trial, Rubin (played by Jeremy Strong) had a long history of activism that included joining the Free Speech Movement in Berkeley, California, where he ran for mayor. He was the founder of one of the era’s earliest protest groups, the Vietnam Day Committee. Rubin achieved notoriety by being subpoenaed by the House Un-American Activities Committee, before which he appeared dressed as an American Revolutionary soldier; in another HUAC hearing, Rubin showed up dressed as Santa Claus. With Yippie co-founder Hoffman, they planned a “Festival of Life” to juxtapose the Democratic National Convention, which included outdoor concerts, guerrilla theater, and a “nude-in” on a Chicago beach. During the trial, Rubin famously stomped around Judge Julius Hoffman’s court, giving a Nazi salute and shouting “Heil Hitler!” Rubin left activism in the ’70s and worked on Wall Street; he and Hoffman did a campus tour in the 1980s that was dubbed the “Yippie Versus Yuppie” debates.

Tom Hayden

Photo-Illustration: Vulture, Netflix and Getty Images

As co-founder of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), Hayden (played by Eddie Redmayne) wrote the Port Huron Statement in 1962, a manifesto to guide the protests and their values. During the southern civil-rights campaign, he was arrested in Mississippi. From the onset of the protest planning, Hayden and Rennie Davis wanted to make the demonstrations peaceful, laying out their goals in a document that Judge Hoffman barred from being submitted in court. During the trial, Hayden was a self-proclaimed “strategist” and later shared that he “spent every night ’til three, four in the morning going over testimony, transcripts, preparing witnesses.” After the Chicago trial, he married and later divorced activist and actress Jane Fonda. Before entering politics in the 1970s and later serving in the California Senate, Hayden co-founded the Campaign for Economic Democracy, which lobbied for environmental protection and solar power.

Rennie Davis

Photo-Illustration: Vulture, Netflix and Getty Images

One of two defendants to testify during the trial (the other being Hoffman), Rennie Davis (played by Alex Sharp) was considered the “negotiator” by frequent SDS partner Hayden, liaising between the city and the protesters, trying (and failing) to get the permits to protest. Davis came from wealth in Virginia, his father having worked as chairman of President Truman’s Council of Economic Advisers. At the end of the trial, Davis told Judge Hoffman he was “all that is old, ugly, and bigoted in this country, and I tell you that the spirit you see at this defense table will devour you.” After the trial, Davis traveled to North Vietnam to escort prisoners of war, whose release had been negotiated by none other than Dellinger. Davis later became a venture capitalist and follower of Guru Maharaj Ji and founded the Foundation for a New Humanity.

David Dellinger

Photo-Illustration: Vulture, Netflix and Getty Images

The oldest member of the Chicago Seven (played by John Carroll Lynch) was the 54-year-old chairman of the Mobe (the National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam), a well-known pacifist who was ironically considered by the prosecutors to be the “chief architect of the conspiracy.” Educated at Oxford and Yale, Dellinger had been previously jailed for three years for not registering for military service in World War II and protested the Bay of Pigs and Korean War. On the night Hubert Humphrey won the Democratic presidential nomination, Dellinger was a leader of a peaceful protest that did not have permits and became violent at the hands of police. Dellinger was also known for going to Paris to negotiate the release of American war prisoners and went to North Vietnam to guide them back to the United States.

Lee Weiner

Photo-Illustration: Gerald R. Brimacombe/The LIFE Images Collection via Getty Images/Getty Images

Lee Weiner (played by Noah Robbins) only had loose connections to the other people in the group, though he and John Froines were accused of using and teaching people to make Molotov cocktails and other incendiary devices. Like Froines, Weiner served as a marshal at the Chicago demonstrations with the Mobe. According to Hayden, the Northwestern University grad student spent much of his time in court quietly reading I Ching. After the trial, Weiner worked for the Anti-Defamation League and raised funding for AIDS research.

John Froines

Photo-Illustration: Gerald R. Brimacombe/The LIFE Images Collection via Getty Images/Getty Images

John Froines (played by Danny Flaherty) demonstrated the same general sense of detachment from the protests as Weiner, though he himself became an activist in 1964; he founded the Radical Science Information Service and later became a member of the SDS. A chemist with a Ph.D. specializing in toxicology from Yale, after the trial he served under the Carter administration as OSHA’s director of toxic substances and taught at UCLA from 1981 to 2011.

Bobby Seale

Photo: Netflix and Getty Images

Perhaps the most arbitrary person charged among the Chicago defendants (known as the Chicago Eight until Seale had his trial severed) was Black Panther Party co-founder Bobby Seale (played by Yahya Abdul-Mateen II), who had only met Rubin before the indictment and was only in Chicago during the time of the protests to give two speeches in place of Panther leader Eldridge Cleaver, who couldn’t make it. Seale later denounced violence and ran for mayor of Oakland in 1973, losing in the runoff. He also taught political science at Temple University in Philadelphia.

Richard Schultz

Photo-Illustration: Vulture, Netflix and Shutterstock

As the younger assistant to chief prosecutor Thomas Foran, Richard Schultz (played by Joseph Gordon-Levitt) was known to be the more aggressive of the duo. Sorkin writes the character as having a clear reluctance in taking on the case, but real accounts indicate a kind of enthusiasm in his attacks of the defense. J. Anthony Lukas, who wrote extensively about the trial, said that “Schultz could have made the first robin of spring sound like a plot by the Audubon Society.”

Thomas Foran

The chief prosecutor (played by J.C. MacKenzie) was originally brought on by the Johnson administration as the U.S. Attorney for northern Illinois, intending to leave after Nixon’s election. Days after his work on the trial, Foran infamously used anti-gay slurs in public to describe the defendants (except Seale). When the convictions were reversed against the five charged defendants, Foran was criticized for making a “considerable number” of derogatory statements during the trial.

William Kunstler

Photo-Illustration: Vulture, Netflix and Shutterstock

The lead attorney for the defendants, William Kunstler (Mark Rylance) helped guide the charge, emphasizing that the trial spectacle was more about politics and less about criminal behavior. He came to the proceedings with previous experience representing civil-rights leaders such as Martin Luther King Jr., Stokely Carmichael, H. Rap Brown, and Malcolm X. Kunstler later headed the ACLU and was a co-founder for the Center for Constitutional Rights.

Leonard Weinglass

Considered the workhorse of the defense, Leonard Weinglass (played by Ben Shenkman) was the less theatrical assistant to Kunstler. After the trial, he represented the likes of Pentagon Papers defendants Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony Russo and later represented Angela Davis and Jane Fonda.

Judge Julius Hoffman

Photo-Illustration: Vulture, Netflix and Getty Images

By the end of the trial, Judge Julius Hoffman (played by Frank Langella) gave over 150 convictions of contempt during the course of proceedings, a part of his polarizing legacy as a figure of law. When his convictions were reversed, Judge Thomas Fairchild wrote that “the district judge’s deprecatory and often antagonistic attitude toward the defense is evident in the record from the very beginning.” In 1982, Hoffman reflected on the trial by saying, “I did nothing in that trial I am not proud of. I presided with dignity. When I felt I had to be firm, I was firm.”

The Informants

Sorkin takes some artistic liberty when it comes to the undercover cops in the story, whom he condenses into three fictional characters named Sergeant Scott Scibelli, Daphne O’Connor, and Frank DeLuca. Together, they’re a hodgepodge representation of real officers like Robert Pierson, who offered to be a bodyguard for Rubin and Hoffman, and Mary Ellen Dahl, who says she witnessed Hoffman say “We’re gonna storm the Hilton.”

Fred Hampton

Photo-Illustration: Vulture, Netflix and Getty Images

Contrary to Sorkin’s version of Fred Hampton’s involvement in the Trial of the Chicago 7 narrative, the Black Panther leader (played by Kelvin Harrison Jr.) was not sitting behind Seale during the proceedings, nor was he whispering secret things to him; he wasn’t even in the courtroom. Hampton was in the city of Chicago, however, having joined the Black Panthers in November 1968. Until his murder by the FBI and Chicago police in December 1969, Hampton did historic work for the Black Panther Party that included building a multicultural movement called the Rainbow Coalition, which sought to end gang violence.

Ramsey Clark

Photo-Illustration: Vulture, Netflix and Getty Images

The former attorney general (played by Michael Keaton) has a brief but significant appearance in Sorkin’s saga. In real life, he would have been an excellent witness for the defendants had Judge Hoffman allowed Clark to be heard in court; he was the man who originally refused to prosecute the case, before being replaced by Attorney General John Mitchell, having been more interested in prosecuting the police brutality than the acts of the protesters. Throughout his career, Clark supervised the Civil Rights Act of 1968 and the court order that protected the Selma marches. He was also a strong opponent to America’s occupation of the Middle East and advocated for the impeachment of George W. Bush. Clark received the Gandhi Peace Award in 1992.

John Mitchell

As the new attorney general under the Nixon administration, John Mitchell (played by John Doman) did not share Clark’s reluctance in prosecuting the demonstrators in 1969 and is shown in the film taking Clark’s slow-acting resignation from the position extremely personally. Mitchell later became known for being a central figure in Nixon’s Watergate scandal and was found guilty of conspiracy, obstruction of justice, and perjury.

David Stahl

A type of liaison to the protest organizers, David Stahl (played by Steve Routman) was the one who spoke to organizers and tried to secure permits for the demonstrations parallel to the convention. “We had meetings at 4 a.m. in strange and wonderful places,” Stahl recalled to the Baltimore Sun about negotiating with Hoffman and others in the summer of ’68. Though Stahl would testify against the group, he agreed with them on the issue of Vietnam. “Where we disagreed was [that] I believe in government and they were fundamentally anarchist,” he said.

Bernardine Dohrn

The American revolutionary only has somewhat of a cameo appearance in Sorkin’s film, shown as a woman answering the phones at the SDS headquarters, where the defendants commiserate. Dohrn (played by Alice Kremelberg) was elected to be one of three leaders at the SDS until she became a pivotal member of the radical-left extremist group the Weather Underground. Though she was never arrested or prosecuted, for years her alleged advocacy for terrorism against police put her on the FBI’s top-ten list of “Most Wanted” fugitives. Dohrn is just one of many American revolutionaries who factor into this saga, many of them worthy of their own film.

A previous version of this piece misidentified Bobby Seale. It has been corrected.

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